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The Glorious Thirties period in France is characterized by a progressive change in public policies. But this period is as well marked by a double process held by protester discourses : on the one hand, a politicisation of the urban question, and on the other hand, an urbanization of left-wing political positions. This thesis deal with the instrumentality of urban space in political ideology. What is the position of urban space in political ideology ? Which real part does it strategically take ? The simultaneous emergence of ideas such as "life surroundings", "everyday life", "participation", urban "auto-gestion", and considerations on "Urban Revolution" and "Class-struggle's urbanization" take part in the theoretical background of this double process. These ideas lead the city to become a stake for discourses and practices. Moreover, in Marxist and revolutionary ideology, the city is the key means for changing society. Among the leftists, some of the avant-gardes and the French "New Left", the dialectic between criticized space and saving space allows us to analyze the city status of an instrumental space. ; La période dite des trente glorieuses se marque, en France, par un changement progressif de paradigme dans les politiques urbaines. Mais celle-ci se caractérise aussi par un double glissement porté par les discours contestataires : d'une part, une " politisation ", voire une radicalisation des réflexions sur la ville, et, d'autre part, une " urbanisation " des positions politiques, notamment à gauche. Cette thèse aborde l'instrumentalisation de l'espace au sein de l'idéologie politique : quelle place y occupe celui-ci et comment la pensée s'en empare ? Quel est son statut véritable en termes stratégiques ? L'émergence concomitante des notions de " cadre de vie ", de " vie quotidienne ", de " participation " et d'autogestion " urbaines ", les réflexions autour de la " révolution urbaine " et de " l'urbanisation la lutte des classes ", servent en quelque sorte de cadre théorique d'arrière plan à ces ...

The overlapping of the basis of institutional political economics and ecological institutionalism as a new direction of institutional theory, used to prove the norms and rules of economic advancement of a state, a region for the existing system of the state strategic management, needs careful consideration of theoretical and practical basis for a new model of the state strategic management of Russian regions which takes into account both the existing correlation and interdependence of political economics and institutionalism and the approaches, based on the paradigm of the sustainable economy, to forecasting, target indicators, resources provision of the territory evolution. The interdisciplinary approach to the study is based on the active use of system analyses, on a combined approach to the analysis of every function of strategic management and the methods and forms of realization corresponding with them, on creating theoretical and methodological basis for political economics and ecological institutionalism in their correlation and potential of usage in a modern model of the state management of the territories.

Transformacja w Rumunii umożliwiła m.in. udział reprezentantów mniejszości narodowych w systemie politycznym państwa. Przykładem ilustrującym to zjawisko są Węgrzy, licząc wg spisu z 2011 r. ponad 1,237 mln osób, oraz Niemcy, liczący ok. 37 tys. osób. Obie grupy biorą regularny, aktywny udział w wyborach na szczeblu ogólnopaństwowym jak i lokalnym. Węgrzy są reprezentowani przez UDMR, ugrupowanie osiągające poparcie wyższe niż 5% głosów, co umożliwia regularne posiadanie w Izbie Deputowanych ponad 20, a w Senacie około 10 miejsc. Niemcy są z kolei reprezentowani przez FDGR. Dużo niższe poparcie przekłada się na zaledwie 1 miejsce w parlamencie. Mniejszości te odgrywają istotną rolę w wyborach lokalnych, także Niemcy, przykładem wyborczych sukcesów jest miasto Sibiu. W przyszłości nie należy oczekiwać zasadniczej zmiany w znaczeniu odgrywanym przez obie grupy. W odróżnieniu od Węgrów, poparcie dla Niemców jest wyższe niż liczebność grupy. Jest to pochodną faktu, iż kwestia mniejszości niemieckiej w Rumunii nigdy nie wywoływała takich napięć jak Węgrzy, zarówno w stosunkach wewnętrznych, jak i międzypaństwowych. Z tego powodu oddanie głosu na FDGR nie musi się łączyć z przynależnością do mniejszości niemieckiej, co pozwala na pozyskanie wyborców. ; Among other things, the transformation in Romania has allowed for the participation of the representatives of national minorities in the political system of state. This is illustrated by the case of Hungarians, who according to the 2011 census account for over 1,237,000 of the population, and that of approximately 37,000 Germans. Both groups take a regular and active part in both national and local elections. Hungarians are represented by the UDMR, a group that wins support in excess of 5% of the votes, thus regularly getting over 20 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and approximately ten seats in the Senate. The Germans are represented by the FDGR, with considerably weaker support, which translates into only a single seat in the parliament. Both minorities play a significant role in regional elections, even though the German population is considerably smaller than that of the Hungarians. The town of Sibiu is one example of their electoral success. The significance of both groups should not be expected to change significantly in the future. Unlike in the case of the Hungarians, support for the Germans is higher than might be expected from their number. This follows from the fact that the issue of the German minority in Romania has never stirred such tensions as that of the Hungarians, both in domestic and international relations. Therefore, casting a vote for the FDGR does not have to follow from being a member of the German minority, allowing the party to win potential voters.

Transformacja w Rumunii umożliwiła m.in. udział reprezentantów mniejszości narodowych w systemie politycznym państwa. Przykładem ilustrującym to zjawisko są Węgrzy, licząc wg spisu z 2011 r. ponad 1,237 mln osób, oraz Niemcy, liczący ok. 37 tys. osób. Obie grupy biorą regularny, aktywny udział w wyborach na szczeblu ogólnopaństwowym jak i lokalnym. Węgrzy są reprezentowani przez UDMR, ugrupowanie osiągające poparcie wyższe niż 5% głosów, co umożliwia regularne posiadanie w Izbie Deputowanych ponad 20, a w Senacie około 10 miejsc. Niemcy są z kolei reprezentowani przez FDGR. Dużo niższe poparcie przekłada się na zaledwie 1 miejsce w parlamencie. Mniejszości te odgrywają istotną rolę w wyborach lokalnych, także Niemcy, przykładem wyborczych sukcesów jest miasto Sibiu. W przyszłości nie należy oczekiwać zasadniczej zmiany w znaczeniu odgrywanym przez obie grupy. W odróżnieniu od Węgrów, poparcie dla Niemców jest wyższe niż liczebność grupy. Jest to pochodnąfaktu, iż kwestia mniejszości niemieckiej w Rumunii nigdy nie wywoływała takich napięć jak Węgrzy, zarówno w stosunkach wewnętrznych, jak i międzypaństwowych. Z tego powodu oddanie głosu na FDGR nie musi się łączyć z przynależnością do mniejszości niemieckiej, co pozwala na pozyskanie wyborców. ; Among other things, the transformation in Romania has allowed for the participation o f the representatives of national minorities in the political system o f state. This is illustrated by the case of Hungarians, who according to the 2011 census account for over 1,237,000 of the population, and that of approximately 37,000 Germans. Both groups take a regular and active part in both national and local elections. Hungarians are represented by the UDMR, a group that wins support in excess o f 5% o f the votes, thus regularly getting over 20 seats in the Chamber of Deputies and approximately ten seats in the Senate. The Germans are represented by the FDGR, with considerably weaker support, which translates into only a single seat in the parliament. Both minorities play a significant role in regional elections, even though the German population is considerably smaller than that o f the Hungarians. The town o f Sibiuis one example o f their electoral success. The significance o f both groups should not be expected to change significantly in the future. Unlike in the case o f the Hungarians, support for the Germans is higher than might be expected from their number. This follows from the fact that the issue of the German minority in Romania has never stirred such tensions as that o f the Hungarians, both in domestic and international relations. Therefore, casting a vote for the FDGR does not have to follow from being a member o f the German minority, allowing the party to win potential voters.

RESEARCH OBJECTIVE: The aim of the article is to analyze the de-oligarchization phenomenon in Ukraine, taking into account the presidencies of Petro Poroshenko and Volodymyr Zelensky. THE RESEARCH PROBLEM AND METHODS: The main research problem is to indicate whether a systemic transformation aimed at minimizing the influence of the oligarchs on political and economic life in Ukraine is possible after the Revolution of Dignity? For this purpose, the author uses a comparative method that includes the study of specific events and phenomena. THE PROCESS OF ARGUMENTATION: The process of argumentation consists in analyzing the conditions in which the Ukrainian model of oligarchic democracy was shaped after 1991. The second stage of the analysis is to compare the methods of fighting against the oligarchic system in Ukraine undertaken by Petro Poroshenko and Volodymyr Zelensky after the revolution of dignity. RESEARCH RESULTS: The article concludes that after the Revolution of Dignity, Ukrainian society demanded that the oligarchic influence on political and economic life in the state be minimized. According to the author, Petro Poroshenko, who is an "old" player on the Ukrainian political scene, maintained the existing system of mutual benefits between the government and the oligarchs. In turn, the coming to power of Volodymyr Zelensky, who is considered a "new", anti-system candidate, initiated a change in this model and the repair of the democratic system in the state. CONCLUSIONS, INNOVATIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS: The author concludes that the implementation of the de-oligarchization plan in Ukraine during the presidency of Petro Poroshenko was primarily a manifestation of this politician's hidden war with specific oligarchs. In turn, Volodymyr Zelensky, despite numerous accusations of cooperation with the oligarchs, has started a comprehensive fight against the destructive oligarchic system, which is a precedent in this respect in Ukraine. As a result of the implementation of the de-oligarchization policy in the Ukrainian state, a new model of relations between the government and the oligarchs is beginning to take shape. This is anovelty that can be used as a reference point for further research on the issue of systemic transformation in Ukraine. ; CEL NAUKOWY: Celem artykułu jest analiza zjawiska deoligarchizacji na Ukrainie uwzględniająca okres prezydentury Petra Poroszenki oraz Wołodymyra Zełenskiego. PROBLEM IMETODY BADAWCZE: Zasadniczym problemem badawczym jest wskazanie, czy po rewolucji godności jest możliwa transformacja systemowa zmierzająca do zminimalizowania wpływów oligarchów na życie polityczne igospodarcze na Ukrainie? Wtym celu autor wykorzystuje metodę porównawczą, uwzględniającą badanie konkretnych zdarzeń izjawisk. Ponadto wykorzystano również metodę otwartych wywiadów zukraińskimi ekspertami, aby zwiększyć wten sposób obiektywizm prezentowanych wyników analizy. PROCES WYWODU: Proces wywodu polega na analizie warunków, wjakich kształtował się ukraiński model demokracji oligarchicznej po 1991 roku. Drugim stopniem analizy jest porównanie sposobów walki zsystemem oligarchicznym na Ukrainie podejmowanych po rewolucji godności przez Petra Poroszenkę oraz Wołodymyra Zełenskiego. WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Konkluzją artykułu jest twierdzenie, iż społeczeństwo ukraińskie po rewolucji godności domagało się zminimalizowania oligarchicznych wpływów na życie polityczne igospodarcze wpaństwie. Zdaniem autora Petro Poroszenko, będący "starym" graczem na ukraińskiej scenie politycznej, utrzymał istniejący układ wzajemnych korzyści na linii władza–oligarchowie. Zkolei przyjście do władzy Wołodymyra Zełenskiego, uważanego za "nowego", antysystemowego kandydata, zapoczątkowało zmianę tego modelu inaprawę systemu demokratycznego wpaństwie. WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Autor dochodzi do wniosku, że realizacja planu deoligarchizacji na Ukrainie wokresie prezydentury Petra Poroszenki była przede wszystkim przejawem ukrytej wojny tego polityka zkonkretnymi oligarchami. Celem tego było zbudowanie silnej własnej pozycji wpaństwie. Zkolei Wołodymyr Zełenski, mimo wielu zarzutów kooperacji woligarchami, rozpoczął realizację kompleksowej walki zdestrukcyjnym oligarchicznym systemem, co stanowi precedens wtym zakresie na Ukrainie. Wskutek realizacji polityki deoligarchizacyjnej wpaństwie ukraińskim zaczyna kształtować się nowy model relacji na linii władza–oligarchowie. Stanowi to novum, które może być wykorzystane jako punkt odniesienia dla kolejnych badań nad kwestią systemowej transformacji Ukrainy, realizowanych zarówno wPolsce, jak iinnych krajach.

There has been a misconception that there was no political party in Hong Kong before the 1980s, and that the Hong Kong people cared less about political reforms before the 1990s. This misconception is reinforced by various discourses such as the "lifeboat" theory, the "administrative absorption" theory, and the national characteristic of the Chinese people. Through a historical study of the Reform Club of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong Civic Association in the early postwar period, we come to a clear picture of the history of political development in Hong Kong. First, Hong Kong people were not indifferent to politics, although constitutional reforms made little progress before the 1980s. Second, early form of political party did exist before the 1980s. ; The Reform Club of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong Civic Association were more than pressure groups but could be defined as political parties to pursue political, economic and social reforms in Hong Kong. Serving as the bridge between the Government and the people, they were particularly interested in such social issues as the urban development, housing, medicare, economy, education, crime, and hawking. Although the two parties often took a critical stance towards the Government, the Government used them to communicate with the people and to balance of interest of different political forces. The historical role of the Reform Club of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong Civic Association is largely forgotten and little-studied. This is the first academic treatment of these two earliest political parties in postwar Hong Kong. It aims to give a better understanding of the intricate relationship between the Colonial Government and the staff in London, the nature of colonial politics in early postwar Hong Kong, and the legacy of the Reform Club of Hong Kong and the Hong Kong Civic Association in today's Hong Kong. ...

Bu tez araştırmasının amacı; Türk Hava Yolları'nın kamu diplomasisinin bir parçası, bir diğer değişle yumuşak güç olarak, stratejik kararları ve faaliyetleri hakkında net bir anlayış ortaya koymaktır. 1980'lerden bu yana, Türk Hava Yolları Türk dış politikasına önemli katkılarda bulunmuştur. Şirket, genellikle bir kamu diplomasisi aracı olarak kullanılmış olup; bu durum, Afrika'ya Açılım Politikasının ilan edilmesinden sonra önemli ölçüde artmıştır. Bu çalışmanın amacı, Türk makamları ile özel sektörün aldığı ekonomik ve siyasi kararlar ile Türk Hava Yolları'nın stratejik kararları arasındaki ilişkiyi incelemektir. Böyle bir ilişkinin olup olmadığını ortaya koymak amacı ile; Kolombiya, Letonya, Sri Lanka, Tanzanya, Kamerun, Mali, Madagaskar, Çad ve Gana olmak üzere 9 ülkenin veri analizi gerçekleştirilmiştir. Bulgular, trafik verileri ile dış ticaret verileri arasında pozitif bir korelasyon olduğunu göstermektedir. Söz konusu analize, detaylı yolcu verileri, uçuşlardan elde edilen gelir ve ülke sayılarının artırılmasıyla daha kesin ve anlamlı bir sonuca ulaşılabilir. Seçilen ülkelerde büyükelçiliklerin açılmasından sonra hem trafik verilerinde hem de ihracat seviyesinde önemli ölçüde bir artış gerçekleşmiş olup, bu eylemler TIKA ve DEIK gibi diğer yumuşak güç unsurlarıyla desteklenmiştir. ; This thesis research aims to put a clear understanding on strategic decisions and activities of Turkish Airlines as a part of the public diplomacy, in other words, soft power. Since the 1980s, Turkish Airlines made an important contribution to Turkish foreign policy. The company has often been used as a tool of public diplomacy. This situation increased significantly after the declaration of the Africa Opening Policy. The objective of this study is to investigate the relationship between economic and political decisions made by Turkish authorities and the private sector and the strategic decisions of Turkish Airlines. For this purpose, an analysis of data considering 9 countries which are Colombia, Latvia, Sri Lanka, Tanzania, Cameroon, Mali, Madagascar, Chad and Ghana, is conducted to figure out whether there is such a relationship. The findings suggest that, there is a positive correlation between traffic numbers and foreign trade. However, a significant result can be obtained by adding revenue per flight, detailed passenger number and increase in the sample countries. Both values, traffic numbers and export level increased significantly after the opening of the embassy in the chosen countries, these actions were supported by other means of soft power such as TIKA and DEIK.

Alejo Carpentier became known as Art and Music critic: first from his early works in La Havana newspapers and magazines, being an active member of the "Minorista" group; and later, in Paris (1928), in his voluntary exile of Caracas (1945), or already incorporated to the Cuban revolution (1959), he starts to change the chronicle, the historical essay or the fiction stories into an authentic musical curtain of the life he portrays, as if it was a soundtrack, always with clear and didactic political premeditation. The shades and tools of his discourse will depend on the genre he manipulates: pure musicology for the deconstruction of the musical space (La Música en Cuba); the ethnic narration for the foundation of Afrocubanism (¡Écue-yam - bao!); the counterpoint of "revolutionary" musics (La consagración de la primavera); the chronicle of primitive worlds (Los pasos perdidos) or the pure humor to caricature a dictatorship (El recurso del método). Always through daily chronicles, he uses the example, the quote or the musical variation as a teacher, trying to transform Life, Society, Aesthetics and the people. ; Alejo Carpentier se dio a conocer como crítico de arte y de música: desde sus trabajos en periódicos y revistas habaneras, siendo miembro activo del grupo "Minorista"; posteriormente, desde París (1928), en su exilio voluntario de Caracas (1945), o ya incorporado a la revolución castrista (1959), va convirtiendo la crónica, el ensayo histórico o el relato de ficción en un auténtico telón musical de la vida que retrata, como si de una banda sonora se tratara, siempre con clara y didáctica intencionalidad política. Los matices y herramientas de su discurso dependerán del género que manipula: la pura musicología para la deconstrucción del espacio musical (La Música en Cuba); el relato étnico para la fundamentación del afrocubanismo (¡Écue-yamba-o!); el contrapunto de músicas "revolucionarias" (La consagración de la primavera); la crónica de mundos primitivos (Los pasos perdidos), o el puro humor para caricaturizar una dictadura (El recurso del método). Y, siempre, la crónica diaria, usando como maestro el ejemplo, la cita, o la variación musical, intentando transformar la vida, la sociedad, la estética y las personas.

9 Materion crefyddol ac addysgol, llythyrau Cobden, dychweliad Gladstone oherwydd helyntion Twrci, dirwest ac Eisteddfod Merthyr10 Mwy o ymgyrchu yn erbyn rhyfeloedd Imperialaidd; 11 Tua'r cyfandir, masnach gyda China, llywyddu'r Undeb Cynulleidfaol, ffeministiaeth a'r Mesur Diarfogi; 12 Ei her fawr olaf a thynnu at ddiwedd y daith; Nodiadau; Llyfryddiaeth; Mynegai.

The author analyzes the process of geospatial diversification of the traditional historical and cultural Balkan region in the national discourses of a number of Balkan countries. It is based on the search for a new identity in the context of a strengthening European political orientation and the desire to minimize the existing negative image of the Balkans, associated in the European political tradition with the phenomenon of «Balkanization». The formulation of the concept of a new broader political space of South-Eastern Europe, the definition of which appeared at the beginning of the 19th century, is accompanied by the discussions in both public and academic circles in the states of the region regarding the combination of traditional cultural and historical identity traits and strengthening the political component that determines the course towards a «return to Europe» as a way out of the so-called geo-historical Balkan impasse.
The search for a «geographical alternative» in the modern Balkans has acquired the character of a sharply expressed contrast between the so-called traditional historical Balkan realities and the new trend of Europeanization of this region. At the same time, the Balkan self-identification continues to be preserved in the public narrative in a number of countries, and it is adjacent to the definition of South-Eastern Europe that is increasingly gaining strength and has a wider geographical scope. It is this that allows to emphasize the historical ties of the Balkan peoples and their states with neighboring countries located in the «border zone» between the so-called classical Europe and its virtual periphery.