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ABSTRACT:The Cold War era created a gap between two opposing ideologies manifested on all social, economic and spatial levels. However, cities and their material expression maintained their significance, acting as valuable ideological resources.The specific position of Yugoslavia during the Cold War shaped the political background in which Belgrade and its planning and architectural scene developed intensive professional activities and international interactions thus overcoming global tensions. Covering the period from 1948 until 1980, this article identifies the main channels of professional exchange and dissemination beyond the constraints of the Iron Curtain, as well as their influence on the production of urban space in Belgrade.

"A valuable study, one that combines riveting narration, shrewd analysis, and a sharp understanding of the existing literature with fresh research, both archival and oral."--American Historical Review "A portrait of astute Indian politicking, conflict, and personal struggles, greatly adding to our understanding of American history in this crucial era."--Western Historical Quarterly "A common perception of the American Indian activist movement is that it began with the occupation of Alcatraz in 1969. This study by historian Cobb makes the case that the period from the start of the Cold War to 1968 was critical for generating ideas and training a new generation of leaders who brought issues of Indian sovereignty and rights to public attention. . . . Cobb adds to the literature on this period by presenting vignettes of some two dozen activists whom he personally interviewed."--Choice "This very readable text is suitable for American Indian studies and related courses at all levels."--Montana The Magazine of Western History "An outstanding and important achievement."--Journal of American Ethnic History "This book brings to light the efforts of a broad variety of Native leaders who shaped the future of Indian intellectualism, Indian policy, and tribal development in the latter twentieth century. . . . Essential reading for anyone attempting to understand the forces of change and the precursors to AIM in the years between the end of the Second World War and 1970."--Wicazo SA Review "This is an exceptional book that requires a close read. It is well researched and brings to the reader an understanding of Indian political activism that has long been neglected or relegated to the dustbins of history. Organizations and people that fought in obscurity for Indian rights are presented in great detail, including their strong and weak points. . . . I highly

The Ustashe movement from its origins to 1941 -- Origins -- The kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes and Italy -- Under the Duce's wing -- The regicide -- From Turin to Zagreb -- The Ustashe in power, 1941-45 -- The independent state of Croatia -- The massacres of Serbs, Jews, and rRomani -- Survival problems for the independent state -- Crisis and the end of the Croatian state -- The Ustashe and the Cold War, 1945-59 -- War criminals on the run -- Camps and monasteries: the Ustashe return to italy -- The anticommunist crusade -- Toward the New World -- The Ustashe in Argentina -- Epilogue: The question of the Ustashe between Yugoslavia and the Vatican, 1952-72

In 1949, as Cold War tensions in Europe mounted, French intellectual and former Buchenwald inmate David Rousset called upon fellow concentration camp survivors to denounce the Soviet Gulag as a "hallucinatory repetition" of Nazi Germany's most terrible crime. In Political Survivors, Emma Kuby tells the riveting story of what followed his appeal, as prominent members of the wartime Resistance from throughout Western Europe united to campaign against the continued existence of inhumane internment systems around the world. The International Commission against the Concentration Camp Regime brought together those originally deported for acts of anti-Nazi political activity who believed that their unlikely survival incurred a duty to bear witness for other victims. Over the course of the next decade, these pioneering activists crusaded to expose political imprisonment, forced labor, and other crimes against humanity in Franco's Spain, Maoist China, French Algeria, and beyond. Until now, the CIA's secret funding of Rousset's movement has remained in the shadows. Kuby reveals this clandestine arrangement between European camp survivors and American intelligence agents. She also brings to light how Jewish Holocaust victims were systematically excluded from Commission membership – a choice that fueled the group's rise, but also helped lead to its premature downfall. The history that she unearths provides a striking new vision of how wartime memory shaped European intellectual life and ideological struggle after 1945, showing that the key lessons Western Europeans drew from the war centered on "the camp," imagined first and foremost as a site of political repression rather than ethnic genocide. Political Survivors argues that Cold War dogma and acrimony, tied to a distorted understanding of WWII's chief atrocities, overshadowed the humanitarian possibilities of the nascent anti-concentration camp movement as Europe confronted the violent decolonizing struggles of the 1950s

This paper examines the regarding veterans' affairs in many aspects: administration, commemoration, health, and the pensions offered to veterans in and South Korea. It is interesting to note that the differences between these two countries with very different histories, cultures, and values affect their policies and the programs provided for veterans and their family members. The war history of Australia involved engagement outside Australia. Therefore those who are eligible for veterans ' benefits are those who were engaged in war service overseas. Korea's history of conflict took place mostly inside Korea. Korea experienced many internal problems, such as colonial rule by Japan, the Korean War, and revolutions against autocracy and dictatorship. In Australia, the Department of Veterans' Affairs (DVA) administers the welfare of their veterans. The budget is about 5.4-5.5 % of total government expenditure. In Korea, the Ministry of Patriots' and Veterans' Affairs (MPVA) takes care of veterans, but the status of this ministry is a little bit lower than the other Ministries. The budget allotted this Ministry is 1.7% of government spending. In Australia, the days for commemorating those who sacrificed their lives for national security are ANZAC Day and Remembrance Day. The deeds of all veterans, regardless of whether or when they served, are all celebrated together on these days. In Korea, there are more commemorative days, and in some cases, different days have been set aside to remember different conflicts in. Broadly, the month of June is the Patriots and Veterans' Month. In terms of Health Treatment, all disabilities resulting from armed conflict are treated free of charge in both countries, although the systems are different. Australia offers health treatment cards to veterans. With these cards, veterans can get medical treatment free of charge or at a reduced rate at public hospitals or government selected hospitals. In Korea, however, there are special Patriots' and Veterans' Hospitals provided. At these hospitals, veterans get treatment free of charge or at a reduced rate. In regards to Pensions, veterans and their partners are eligible for Service Pensions. However, in Korea, the partner does not receive a pension unless she is widowed. However, the payment may extend to the parents of veterans, and even to their daughters-in-law. Many programs, and especially the Pension systems of both countries, tend to be complicated; this is because they have been set up to satisfy the needs of many different veterans. However, making such a comparison is meaningful, as it provides a chance to take a look at the programs and policies from a different point of view, recognizing their respective strengths and weaknesses. Although there are many differences between the programs and policies of the two countries, both national Governments have been trying, and will continue to try to improve their veterans' policies, as they are aware of the importance of the roles that these returned soldiers play in the society. They are the very symbol of national security and pride.

This volume recounts the history of the goals and activities of the Polish American Congress under the presidencies of Charles Rozmarek (1944-1968) and Aloysius Mazewski (1968-1988) who shaped its image in the Cold War era. It deals with the activities of the PAC in representing Polish American interests, as a coordinator of various Polish American endeavors, as a lobbying organization, and as an institution providing cultural and social unity for Poles in America. it discusses internal and external factors that influenced the Congress, portrays the personalities of its activists and examines the PAC's achievements and shortcomings. despite its significance in both the Polish American community and the political clout that it wields, the PAC has not attracted much scholarly attention. This comprehensive and well-researched history of the largest European ethnic group of Slavic origin in North America will be valuable to scholar and layman alike. The material in this volume is based on research conducted at the Immigration History Research Center in Minneapolis, Minnesota, where the archival materials of the national headquarters of the POlish American Congress are deposited and in other American and Polish archives where supplementary materials and holdings of local PAC branches can be found

The transformation of the international system in the 1970s had remarkable consequences for East-West relations in the field of international radio communications. The two opposing blocs were compelled to join forces in an international system that was in a state of flux. Third World countries had started putting forward their demands for a "New International Information Order" and increasingly exerted pressure to achieve a reallocation of the spectrum for their own benefit. However, they were not able to reach their objectives at the World Administrative Radio Conference convened in 1979 by the International Telecommunication Union in order to reallocate the entire radio frequency spectrum. Expert groups from East and West cooperated closely on this issue, developing a coordinated strategy that enabled them to defend their shared interests.

"Combining the tools of political, social, cultural, and intellectual history, Consumption and Violence : Radical Protest in Cold-War West Germany explores strategies of legitimization developed by advocates of militant resistance to certain manifestations of consumer capitalism. The book contributes to a more sober evaluation of West German protest movements, not just terrorism, as it refrains from emotional and moral judgments, but takes the protesters' approaches seriously, which, regarding consumer society, had a rational core. Political violence is not presented as the result of individual shortcomings, but emerges in relation to major societal changes, i.e., the unprecedented growth of consumption. This new perspective sheds important light on violence and radical protest in post-war Germany, as previous books have failed to examine to what extent these forms of resistance should be regarded as reactions to changing regimes of provision. Continuing the recently growing interest in the interdependence of countercultures and consumer society, the focus on violence gives the argument a unique twist, making the book thought-provoking and engaging"--

"This book presents a committed quest to unravel and document the postwar adoption networks that placed more than 3,000 Greek children in the United States, in a movement accelerated by the aftermath of the Greek Civil War and by the new conditions of the global Cold War. Greek-to-American adoptions and, regrettably, also their transactions and transgressions, provided the blueprint for the first large-scale international adoptions, well before these became a mass phenomenon typically associated with Asian children. The story of these Greek postwar and Cold War adoptions, whose procedures ranged from legal to highly irregular, has never been told or analyzed before. Adoption, Memory, and Cold War Greece answers the important questions: How did these adoptions from Greece happen? Was there any money involved? Humanitarian rescue or kid pro quo? Or both? With sympathy and perseverance, Gonda Van Steen has filled a decades-long gap in our understanding, also for the hundreds of adoptees and their descendants, whose lives are still affected today"--

Environmental justice scholars and activists coined the terms "environmental racism" to describe the disproportionate concentration of environmental hazards in neighborhoods populated by racial and ethnic minorities. Having exhausted domestic legal remedies (or having concluded that these remedies are unavailable), communities of color in the United States are increasingly turning to international human rights law and institutions to challenge environmental racism. However, the United States has ratified only a handful of human rights treaties, and has limited the domestic application of these treaties through reservations and declarations that preclude judicial enforcement in the absence of implementing legislation. Indeed, the U.S. has generally resisted scrutiny of its human rights record by domestic or international institutions on the basis of "American exceptionalism" -- the belief that the U.S. is unique in its commitment to freedom and equality and provides more robust protection of human rights than international law. What historical events triggered this resistance to international human rights law? What are the implications for human rights-based approaches to environmental protection? This article explains how the struggle for racial justice in the United States at the height of the Cold War shaped U.S. attitudes to international human rights law. Using Mossville Environmental Action Now v. United States as a case study (currently pending before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights), the article argues that international human rights law is far superior to U.S. domestic law as a means of addressing environmental injustice. However, its utility is constrained by legal doctrines developed over time but reinforced during the Cold War that restrict the enforcement of international human rights law in U.S. courts. Nevertheless, a victory for the Mossville petitioners would be immensely useful as part of a larger strategy to name and shame the United States, to bridge the gap between international ...