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AbstractNorth Korea's anti‐American state power has operated in individuals' everyday practices by focusing on its post‐war militant nationalism. Existing studies have neglected an aspect of North Korea's nationalist power that has been neither necessarily top‐down nor violent, but rather productive and diffusive in people's everyday lives. While the regime's anti‐American mobilization has come from above, people's politics of hatred, patriotism, and emotion have been reproduced from below. Along this line, I examine the historical and social changes in North Korea's militant nationalism and people's ways of life through a comparison between two periods: from the 1950s through the 1980s and from the 1990s through the present. I focus on how the state's anti‐American power was legitimated by people's solid micro‐fascism from the 1950s through the 1980s, and how it has been contested and recreated through both change and persistence in people's micro‐fascism from the 1990s through the present.

Jacques Bertrand offers a comparative-historical analysis of five nationalist conflicts over several decades in Southeast Asia. Using a theoretical framework to explain variance over time and across cases, he challenges and refines existing debates on democracy's impact and shows that, while democratization significantly reduces violent insurgency over time, it often introduces pernicious effects that fail to resolve conflict and contribute to maintaining deep nationalist grievances. Drawing on years of detailed fieldwork, Bertrand analyses the paths that led from secessionist mobilization to a range of outcomes. These include persistent state repression for Malay Muslims in Thailand, low level violence under a top-down 'special autonomy' for Papuans, reframing of mobilizing from nationalist to indigenous peoples in the Cordillera, a long and broken path to an untested broad autonomy for the Moros and relatively successful broad autonomy for Acehnese

International audience ; This chapter seeks to understand how the mobilization in Pakistan's Sindh province against One Unit (1955-1970) and Ayub Khan's military rule (1958-1969) eventually led to the reorganization of political alignments. I contend that the birth of Sindhi student organizations in the late 1960s planted the seeds for the future development of the Sindhi nationalist movement, or Jiye Sindh movement. Ethnic politics in Sindh is often reduced to the Sindhi-Mohajir conflict. While the progressive solidification of the Mohajir identity is rather well described in academic literature, this is not the case on the Sindhi side. Few have sought to document in depth either the political groups and parties that have put forward ethnic demands or the content of the Sindhi nationalist discourse. This chapter thus examines the mobilization of the Sindhi middle class to provide an account of the shift from oppositional left-wing politics towards ethnic parties, which eventually led to separatist demands. Part of a broader nationalist process that entails the reinvention of cultural and political identity, this mobilization involved the creation of identity markers in which writers and students played a leading role.

One of the few areas of consensus in the research on Israeli politics is that of the political weakness of the Israeli business sector during the first two decades of statehood. The author claims that this consensus does not, however, justify the avoidance by scholars of the Israeli polity of conducting a systematic research into the factors that shaped the weakness of such an important sector, and therefore aims to suggest an explanation of the power of the Israeli businesses through an examination of the role and the behaviour of one of the leading interest groups in Israeli society—The Manufacturers' Association of Israel (MAI). The passive role played by the MAI in shaping the industrial-development policy during the period 1956–65 is analysed through: (a) analysis of the organisational resources of the MAI; and (b) examination of the MAI's role in two cases of public-policy making, namely the Textile Industry Development Plan and the Trade Liberalisation Program. The current political science literature regarding the factors that are often mentioned as shaping the power of business only partially explains the weakness of Israeli businesses. The author's main arguments are that nationalism can explain the weakness of the MAI better than can any other factor, and that the literature concerning the power of business should therefore pay more attention to the relationship between nationalism and the power of business. In the concluding part of the paper the findings are used as a basis for a discussion of the weakness of the Israeli civil society, and of the role played by nationalism in shaping this weakness.

Maktab Quran (MQ), or School of Quran, is the oldest Sunni Islamic political ideology in Iranian Kurdistan. Throughout the forty years of its existence it has gone through many semantic changes. These changes ranged from its cooperation with the Iranian Islamic movements in the 1960s, which represented a departure from Kurdish nationalism, to a divergent approach in more recent years as a result of the compromise with Kurdish nationalism on the part of the Iranian central government.This paper analyzes the discourse formation of the MQ under development within the broader domain of the Kurdish nationalist movement. Moreover, these discursive changes were mostly in response to certain developments in regard to mainstream Iranian Islamist ideology, and also the Iranian central government's changing approach to Kurdistan. The paper provides a conceptual explanation of the MQ's discourse. It discusses the way the discourse has changed over the years and relates the changes to various external factors, specifically, the social and political macro-changes in Kurdistan and in Iran.Studying the social acts of the MQ's discourse from the perspective of the dominant discourse of Kurdish nationalism reveals the dialectic relationship between these two phenomena. In fact, as a result of the presence and expansion of Kurdish nationalism, which diverged from the approach of the central government, a broader social action emerged which has provided a ground for the discourse analysis of the MQ's practices.

The relationship between nation-building, Islam, and Islamism in Turkey / Rasim Özgür Dönmez -- Religion in the dialectic of Turkish nation-building and the case of justice and development party / Büke Koyuncu -- Nation-building and the religion-state relations in Turkey : the presidency of religious affairs / Ali Yaman -- Laiklik and nation-building : how state-religion-society relations changed in Turkey under the justice and the development party / Edgar Şar -- Nation-building and gender regime in Turkey / Senem Kurt Topuz -- Why Afet Inan had to measure skulls / Béatrice Hendrich -- Towards an Islamic patriarchal society in Turkey : changing gender roles in the secondary school social studies textbooks / Gül Arkan Akdağ -- (Re)construction of Turkish national identity in urban space : transformation of Istanbul's panorama under JDP rule / Seren Selvi Korkmaz.