Suchergebnisse

Nowadays, cities function as global centres of political and economic decision-making, as spaces for the process of accumulation, and as scenarios of and for social conflicts, among other issues. The recent events in cities such as New York, Istanbul and Madrid have contributed to a renewed interest in the study of social sciences. Anthropology has theoretical frameworks and tools that allow for a different vision on some of its aspects. Taking into consideration the theoretical approaches to the study of ritual symbols, and in the case of the Barcelona neighborhood of Poblenou, this article aims to provide a novel perspective for the study of the concept of "neighborhood" and its relation to contemporary urban conflict. ; Actualmente, las ciudades funcionan como centros globales de decisión política y económica; espacios protagónicos para el proceso de acumulación, y como escenarios de y para el conflicto social, entre otras cuestiones. Los recientes hechos acaecidos en ciudades como Nueva York, Estambul o Madrid han contribuido a renovar el interés de las ciencias sociales por su estudio. La antropología cuenta con marcos teóricos y herramientas que permiten aportar una visión diferente sobre algunos de sus aspectos. Tomando en consideración las aproximaciones teóricas al estudio de los símbolos rituales, y mediante el caso del barrio barcelonés del Poblenou, el presente artículo pretende aportar una perspectiva novedosa al estudio del concepto de "barrio" y su relación con la conflictividad urbana contemporánea. ; Gaur egun, hiriek erabateko erabaki politiko eta ekonomikoko zentro global gisa funtzionatzen dute; metatze prozesuaren espazio nagusiak, eta gatazka sozialen eta gatazkaren eszenatoki gisa, besteak beste. New York, Istanbul edo Madril bezalako hirietan gertatutako azken gertaerek gizarte-zientzien horren inguruko interesa berritzen lagundu dute. Antropologiak horren alderdi batzuei ikuspegi desberdina ematen dieten marko teorikoak eta tresnak ditu. Sinbolo erritualak aztertzeko planteamendu teorikoak kontuan hartuta eta Bartzelonako Poblenou auzoaren azterketaren bitartez, artikulu honen helburua da "auzo" kontzeptuaren azterketari eta egungo hiri gatazkarekin duen harremanari ikuspegi berri bat ematea.

The article, based on the author's empirical study, gives the feature of the development of professional mobility as the most effective for the development of the Kazakhstan economy. The emerging post-industrial economy places high demands on the quality of education, on vocational training and on the development of professional skills. This means that their training level shall meet the requirements of modern information and service technology. The article gives special attention to youth in shaping the political, social and economic shape of the future country. The research topic is at the intersection of a number of topical problems of modern society, such as the education of workers, the all-round development of an individual, the scientific management of society. The paper is aimed at identifying the reasons for increasing the number of graduated young people among the unemployed, working out the proposals to eliminate the social consequences of unemployment. This paper is also aimed at considering the theoretical and methodological aspects of studying the problem of unemployment among graduated youth. All this speaks about the importance of determining the employment step of a young specialist to assess the impact of this process on society and people. The unemployment of young specialists, as we see, is a complex social and economic phenomenon, and its impact on the society's life is quite contradictory. In this regard, it becomes more important to determine the optimality of employment of young professionals. In this article, the author also characterizes the development stages of the economy and tries to find a more efficient model for the development of the Kazakhstan economy. The emerging post-industrial economy requires quality education in the training of professionals, that is, qualified staff, this means that the level of trained professionals shall meet the requirements of modern information technology. This article especially highlights the issues of forming the image of young professionals, as they are the political and social face of our country.

The legal system and the system of legislation represent the reforming form of the regulatory array, so being the basis of the legal system, you can follow it up position of the third elements. With this, only norms are included for the additional procedures imposed by law, just as much as the regulatory framework, but also the norms of the norm of the whole system. Such a procedure is the purchase of singing stages, the formalization of which is included in the system of connoisseur rules of conduct. According to the law of the link of all the elements of the legal system, they mutually inject one-on-one, in such a way, in mutual agreement, of the law-making power and lawfulness of the dynamic aspects of the legal system in the social transformation period, in a social transformation form. Only the law-making ability of the law of rights, however, the step of adequacy of the new social norms is required for the right of hindrance. The features of prognostication the system of right are investigational in Ukraine in the process of his reformation and efficiency of realization of norms of right. To create a rightis considered from point of its practical application in created legal system which maximally exactly will decide a task of adjusting of the most meaningful public relations that folded in the state by bringing in minimum of possible forces and facilities. Executive power to a greater extent implements other forms of realization of law, rather than just law enforcement, therefore, it can assess the effectiveness of the implementation of not single standards, but already formed social non-conflicts. For the effectiveness and quality of the reform of the law, it is necessary to take into account when adopting new normative acts the subjects proposed by the lawmaking activity proposed in this article model as it will strengthen instrumentalism in the legal system, will allow with the help of schematization to enhance the quality of law-making activity.

Historically, black girls and women has been subjected to high public scrutiny that represents their bodies and hair styles as deviant from a European standard of beauty and respectability. Black women have endured many social pressures that have shaped their hair choices in various ways. I will explore assimilation theories of culture and the construction of dominant ideals of worth and respectability within K-12 settings, to document the ways in which black girls' hairstyles have been stigmatized. For this this study, I conducted a media and discourse analysis to document the language that is used to stigmatize black women's hair, focusing on K-12 school settings in the United States. As of 2016, several schools have attempted to ban natural and other African American hairstyles in the states of Kentucky and North Carolina. I used Lexis-Nexis, Google News and Ethnic News Watch databases to search and compile the occurrences of school regulation of Black hairstyles over the last 10 years in the United States. Despite the cultural, social and political advancements of African Americans in 21st century, discrimination against African American boys and girls in K-12 settings is a key site of inequality. Furthermore, this time frame will give us insight on the ways that K-12 educational settings continue to be a main site of transmission of dominant social standards and the reproduction of social inequality. Additionally, I will explore the ways in which African American feminists have created a space of self-celebration and self-love to resist the negative representations of black femininity. This intersectional approach will help in understanding how a longer history of the stigmatization of Black women's hair continues in the contemporary moment. At the same time, looking for the ways that Black women have resisted and continue to shape positive images for themselves is an important aspect of this research. This study will contribute to the national debate on K-12 school's power in regulating black students' hair choices and styles to illuminate a longer history of stigma and an even longer history of resistance.

AbstractClassical social theory in the Western tradition concerned itself with the history of the human condition and sought answers to big questions such as the meaning of change and progress. They were interested in the nature, origins and consequences for human life of modern society, with its new means of organizing production as well as legal and political arrangements. Contrary to the optimism of the Enlightenment with its unbounded faith in the ability of reason and scientific inquiry to liberate humans from domination by both religion and nature, classical social theorists saw the negative side of modern civilization. This can be summarized in terms of the loss of freedom or the enslavement of humans, which each theorist understood as taking different forms. For Marx it was alienation, for Weber confinement in the iron‐cage of rationality, and for Durkheim anomie. Although Ibn Khaldun lived centuries before the rise of classical social theory and was by no means a product of the modern world, it is possible to read his work as thematising the absence of freedom or enslavement as well. Bringing out this aspect of Ibn Khaldun shows, to some extent, the modern relevance of his thought. This article elaborates on Ibn Khaldun's theme of enslavement via his discussion on luxury and senility. It is the enslavement of sedentary people to luxury that explains the loss of group feeling or 'asabiyyah, setting in motion a chain of developments that results in the senility of the dynasty and its eventual demise. In the first section I discuss the Enlightenment promise of freedom. The section that follows discusses classical social theory's critique of modernity or what amounts to a loss of faith in the Enlightenment project. Here the thought of Marx, Weber and Durkheim are presented as examples of Western assessments of the problem of the human condition in modernity. I then turn in the next two sections to Ibn Khaldun, discussing his theory of the rise and decline of states in terms of the role played by luxury.

This article offers an updated revision of the research field commonly known as Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). First, some sensitive aspects related to its multidisciplinary and dissident nature are clarified. Then a triangulated theoretical framework, which is based on the relationship among discourse, cognition, and society is presented. The ways in which hegemonic groups control text and context and, consequently, people's minds, and the macro and micro dimensions of social structures where such discursive control is embodied -being its most prominent forms of domination power abuse and social inequality- are addressed through this theoretical framework. Later, some researches of CDA on discourse and gender, discourse and racism, discourse and media, political, professional and institutional power are revised. The article concludes pointing to certain theoretical and methodological pending issues, which highlight the necessity to count on a manifest cognitive interface, and a suitable integration between linguistic and sociopolitical approaches, and a more explicit analysis of counter hegemonic or resistance discourses, among others. ; Este artículo proporciona una revisión actualizada de un campo de investigación conocido comúnmente como Análisis Crítico del Discurso (ACD). Primero se esclarecen algunos aspectos sensibles asociados con su carácter multidisciplinar y disidente. Luego se introduce un marco teórico triádico basado en la relación entre discurso, cognición y sociedad, con el cual se abordan los modos como los grupos hegemónicos controlan el texto y el contexto y, en consecuencia, la mente de las personas, las dimensiones macro y micro de las estructuras sociales donde dicho control discursivo se manifiesta, y sus formas de dominación más prominentes como son el abuso de poder y la desigualdad social. Después se repasan algunas investigaciones de ACD sobre discurso y género, discurso y racismo, y discurso y poder mediático, político, profesional e institucional. Se concluye apuntando ciertos pendientes teóricos y metodológicos, que enfatizan la necesidad de contar con una interfaz cognitiva manifiesta, una adecuada integración entre orientaciones lingüísticas y sociopolíticas, y una atención más decidida hacia discursos de contrapoder o resistencia, entre otros.

The aim of this article is to examine a series of recent contributions to the reading of Marx's Capital that stress its specific determination as a dialectical investigation of objectified or fetishised forms of social mediation in capitalist society: on the one hand, the so-called Neue Marx-Lektüre originated in Germany towards the end of the 1960s and, on the other, the more widely circulated work of authors associated with so-called Open Marxism. The interesting aspect of these works is that they draw the implications of Marx's critique of political economy not only for the comprehension of the fetishised forms of social objectivity in capitalism, but also for the comprehension of the forms of subjectivity of the modern individual. More specifically, all these contributions broadly share the insightful view that the content of the simplest determination of human individuality in the capitalist mode of production is its alienated existence as 'personification of economic categories'. However, this article argues that the limits of these perspectives become apparent when it comes to uncovering the grounds of the revolutionary form of subjectivity which carries the potentiality to transcend capitalist alienation. For these perspectives fail to ground the revolutionary form of subjectivity in the immanent unfolding of capitalist forms of social mediation. In the case of the Neue Marx-Lektüre, it quite simply leaves the problematique of the revolutionary subject outside the scope of the critique of political economy. In the case of Open Marxism, despite valiant attempts at overcoming all exteriority in their conceptualisation of the relationship between human subjectivity and capital, they end up grounding the revolutionary transformative powers of the working class outside the latter's alienated existence as personification of economic categories; more specifically, in an abstract humanity lacking in social determinations. In contrast to these perspectives, this paper develops an alternative approach to the Marxian critique of political economy which provides an account of the revolutionary potentialities of the working class as immanent in its full determination as an attribute of the alienated or fetishised movement of the capital-form.

Las resistencias indígenas del Cauca constituyen algunos de los principales caminos y alternativas a los ciclos de violencia vividos en Colombia. A través del método histórico comparativo, la acción participante y las entrevistas en profundidad; se recogieron datos que permitieron conocer las concepciones y significaciones propias de las comunidades indígenas frente al concepto de Noviolencia. La teoría y la historia de la sociedad civil por la paz y los movimientos pacifistas, ha influido de manera directa e indirecta en los procesos que se han desarrollado en Colombia en materia de movilización y construcción de paz. Sin embargo, la academia a la hora de abordar muchos de los aspectos sobre los temas de la paz en Colombia, no ha tenido en cuenta esta historia del pacifismo y sus bases argumentativas. El pacifismo como movimiento social y doctrina política que ha evolucionado y se ha transformado en diversas expresiones y experiencias debe seguir estando dentro de los debates sociales e investigativos, para que se continúe con la construcción de conocimiento y por ende la consiguiente toma de conciencia. ; Indigenous resistances in the Cauca department constitute some of the main alternatives to the violence cycles experienced in Colombia. Through historical comparison methodology, participatory action and in-depth interviews, data was collected, which allowed knowledge of the indigenous communities' own ideas and meanings around the concept of nonviolence. The theory and history of civil society organizations working towards peace and of pacifist movements has had both a direct and indirect influence on the processes for community mobilization and peace-building that have been developed in Columbia. Nevertheless, academia has failed to take into account this history of pacifism and its theoretical framework when attempting to address many of the aspects of peace issues in Colombia. Pacifism as a social movement and a political doctrine that has evolved and taken form in a variety of diverse expressions and experiences should continue to be included in social debates and research, in order to continue to expand knowledge on the subject and, in doing so, raise consciousness.

The surging investments in the extractive industries (EI) that began in the 1980s, as well as the commodity boom between 2002 and 2011, have increased the significance of the sector in national economic development. This paper takes the Philippines as a case study and provides a detailed analysis of two key aspects of mining governance: first, the political challenges in realizing a more positive role for EI in social development, particularly in promoting children´s rights and children´s welfare, and second, the political economy dynamics that might underpin the creation of a welfare regime able to sustain social investments for children. The findings of this paper suggest that in the Philippine context, where the expansion of the EI sector is contested in the public domain, the link between mining governance and the promotion and protection of children´s rights is not necessarily straightforward. Yet equally, the resurgence of high prices and the continuing interest of foreign investment in EI means that there is now a political opportunity for relevant stakeholders to make a compelling argument for the need to ring-fence mineral rents for social investments in children and young people. To do so would require a strong pro-welfare policy coalition committed to channelling mineral wealth towards social investment and willing to craft a political consensus through negotiations between local and national elites, donor agencies, civil society organizations and affected local communities. Importantly, the state must also wrestle with multinational capital, large Filipino-owned companies and small-scale miners in the process of negotiating reforms. Ultimately, the state must seize this opportunity to take a more active role in laying the foundations of a mining governance framework, bargain with key stakeholders to reach agreement on EI-funded welfare and set out rights-based approaches to development. This paper builds on a selective qualitative data collection from a variety of printed sources, including donor agency reports, government documents, NGO reports, newspaper archives, and interviews available online. It further builds on a short fieldwork period in Manila, in late August 2013, where key sources from civil society, academia, the extractive industry, the donor community and stakeholders were interviewed.

The development of a strong economic base in resource-based countries is not trivial. Relatively few such nations have succeeded in the transition to a "resource-based knowledge economy". The national knowledge base should be exploited to improve productivity in old resource-based industries and to develop new industries. These knowledge-based (or so called enabling) sectors themselves developed in interaction with resource-based industries and were often driven by the demand from these industries. This dynamic interaction between natural resource industries and enabling sectors should be regarded as the core aspect of the successful economic development of resource-rich countries. Today, such a historical framework provides a reason to regard these countries as "resource based knowledge economies" that succeeded in establishing the institutional support for social interaction between resource-based firms and actors with "useful knowledge". It is important that this type of linkages is created within a local or national economy. There are specific historical processes underlying the establishment of the "social technologies" of close interaction between resource-based industries and enabling sectors. The case studies indicate there are many forms of institutions that can foster collaboration between resource-based industries and knowledge organizations or enabling sectors. The article especially considers the role of social relations between actors in small local communities and national elites with a shared vision. The sustainable development was also defined by relationships in business chains and by larger companies' ability to incorporate the enabling sectors. The role of knowledge generating and disseminating institutional structure was extremely important. The author addresses to knowledge generating "enabling sectors" and the ability of these sectors to link with resource industries to achieve innovation into new products and industries. The question is why it became possible to establish this type of interaction in some sectors and countries, but proved to be more difficult to achieve in others. This calls for a deeper analysis of the social, political and cultural basis for economic behavior.

<p><strong>Objective: </strong>To consider how manhood is a key social determinant of minority men's health.</p><p><strong>Design: </strong>This commentary explicates how manhood intersects with other determinants of health to shape minority men's stress responses, health behaviors and health outcomes across the life course.</p><p><strong>Results: </strong>Manhood, which perpetu­ally needs to be proven, is an aspirational identity that is defined by the intersection of age, race/ethnicity and other identities. Mi­nority men seek to and successfully embody US-cultural and ethnic-specific aspects of manhood in their daily lives by engaging in behaviors that constantly reaffirm their gen­der identity through a complex internal and social calculus that varies by intra-personal characteristics and context. Manhood and health are relational constructs that highlight how the salience of masculinities are shaped by perceived and actual social norms and expectations. A life course perspective adds a framework for considering how some gendered beliefs, goals and behaviors change over time while others remain static. Three life course frameworks highlight dif­ferent mechanisms through which minority men's life experiences and physiological and behavioral responses to gendered social norms, beliefs and expectations become embodied as premature mortality and other health outcomes over the life course.</p><p><strong>Conclusion: </strong>Manhood represents an impor­tant lens to understand how minority men's identities, goals and priorities affect their health, yet the role of manhood in minority men's health is understudied and under­developed. To achieve health equity, it is critical to consider how manhood shapes minority men's lives and health across the life course, and to address how man­hood affects gendered and non-gendered mechanisms and pathways that explain minority men's health over time. <em>Ethn Dis. </em>2015;25(3):287-293.</p>

El turismo argentino es un fenómeno que se destaca por su creciente desarrollo económico y social; y es de gran interés no solo para los estudiosos del tema sino para los gobiernos y sus economías, particularmente en materia de empleo, dado que agrupa a una gran diversidad de puestos de trabajo. Sin embargo, los límites de esta actividad son todavía difusos, y, para su abordaje, se requieren enfoques multidisciplinarios ya que ha sido estudiada predominantemente desde el punto de vista económico. Dentro del sector, las agencias de viajes cumplen una importante función de intermediación entre la oferta y la deman- da de servicios turísticos. Por ello, en este artículo, desde un enfoque social y tomando como base la palabras de los trabajadores y las trabajadoras de las agencias de viajes, se trata de captar todos los aspectos que tienen que ver con la organización del servicio, concretamente en la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires (CABA). Debido a la importancia en relación con la cantidad existente en esta ciudad, las agencias de viajes deben concentrar la mayoría de las formas de organización. ; The Argentine tourism is a phenomenon known for its growing economic and social development, and it is of great interest not only for scholars but also for governments and their economies, particularly on the subject of employment, since it includes a wide variety of jobs. However, the limits of this activity are still unclear, and in order to study it, multidisciplinary approaches are needed because it has been studied mainly from an economic point of view. Within the sector, travel agencies play an important role as intermediaries between the supply and demand for tourist services. Therefore, this article aims to include all the aspects referring to the organization of the service from a social approach, based on the words of the workers of travel agencies in Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires (CABA). Owing to its significance with reference to the number of travel agencies in CABA, such agencies have most forms of organization. ; Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

En el presente artículo se intentará dilucidar los aspectos más relevantes de los dos imaginarios geopolíticos presentes en el Estado de Bolivia, referentes a las regiones de Oriente y Occidente, que se mueven en parámetros históricos, sociales, económicos y políticos diferentes a lo largo del tiempo, que han motivado ciertos conflictos y enfrentamientos, los cuales fueron evidentes durante la llamada guerra del gas, entre el 2003 y 2005, durante la cual, los movimientos de ambas regiones – tanto el Occidente indigenista con fuerte presencia en movimientos sociales y sindicales con el Oriente marcado por el discurso regionalista del gas - demostraron sus diferencias, las que provocaron la caída de gobiernos sucesivos, primero de Gonzalo Sánchez de Lozada y luego de Carlos Mesa Gisbert, las cuales llevaron al ascenso al poder de Evo Morales, quien hasta el día de hoy ocupa la presidencia de Bolivia. Por ello, a través de las sucesivas páginas será necesario comprender los códigos geopolíticos que mueven a ambos sectores, como también a sus líderes y las situaciones que influyeron en la toma de decisión de los principales actores de esta crisis donde los factores internos y externos fueron determinantes. ; In this paper an attempt is made to elucidate the most relevant aspects of the two geopolitical imaginary present in the State of Bolivia, concerning Eastern and Western regions, which move in historical settings, social, economic, and political backgrounds over time that have led to some conflicts and confrontations, which were evident during the socalled Gas War, between 2003 and 2005, during which the movements of two regions - both indigenous West with a strong presence in social and union movements in East regionalist discourse marked by the gas - proved their differences, leading to the fall of successive governments, first of Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada and Carlos Mesa Gisbert after. Thus, through successive pages will need to understand the geopolitical codes that move both sectors, as well as their leaders and situations that influenced the decision making of the main actors of this crisis where internal and external factors were determinants.

El actual conflicto colombiano ha tenido en la región amazónica (zona de frontera con Brasil, Perú y Ecuador) una expresión particular poco estudiada y analizada. Las erróneas concepciones sobre el papel y las posibilidades de la región y sus fronteras, así como el diseño de políticas públicas del Estado colombiano (que han sido orientadas casi exclusivamente al ejercicio de la soberanía y al control territorial, con un énfasis excesivo en sus aspectos militares), arrojan muy pobres resultados, desde que empezaron a implementarse en los años treinta del siglo pasado, en términos de integración social, económica y política de la Amazonia al resto de la nación. La violencia y los conflictos sociales que han padecido la región y sus zonas de frontera en las últimas décadas tienen mucho que ver con esta situación. Un eventual acuerdo en el actual proceso de paz podría ayudar a resolverlos, siempre y cuando se cumplan otras condiciones y se implementen simultáneamente reformas que han venido aplazándose durante décadas. ; The current Colombian conflict has had a particular manifestation in the Amazon region in the frontier area between Brazil and the Andean countries. This has been little studied and analyzed. The role and the possibilities of the region and its borders, as well as the design and implementation of public policies of the Colombian state (almost exclusively aimed at the exercise of sovereignty and territorial control, with an excessive emphasis in its military aspects), have been wrongly conceptualized. This has led to very poor outcomes in terms of the social, economic and political integration of Amazonia with the rest of the nation. The violence and social conflicts that the region and its border zones have suffered during the last decades have a lot to do with this situation. An eventual agreement within the current peace process could help to solve these problems, inasmuch as other conditions are fulfilled and simultaneously long due reforms are implemented.

"Los océanos representan la mayor fuente de recursos naturales, y de acuerdo con la Organización de las Naciones Unidas, tres cuartas partes de la existencia mundial de peces del planeta están amenazados. En México, a través de las Áreas Naturales Protegidas (ANP) marinas se procura la conservación de estos organismos y de los procesos naturales en su estado original. No obstante la creación de estas áreas ha demostrado que su conformación no ha necesariamente contribuido al desarrollo social y económico de las comunidades humanas que en ellas habitan, e inclusive en algunos casos actúan en contra. Por su origen, inquietud esencialmente de biólogos, sin la participación de sociólogos, las ANP marinas mexicanas no tomaron en cuenta aspectos socio-económicos, además de que existe un vacío en la definición de las atribuciones entre las distintas instituciones de gobierno en materia de manejo de los recursos naturales en estas ANP. Por lo que se sugieren algunas propuestas iniciales que pueden coadyuvar a mejorar la calidad de vida de los pescadores que viven en el seno de las ANP, incentiven la sustentabilidad de la pesca y garanticen la conservación de las especies sobre bases biológicas, sociales y económicas de una manera integral e incluyente." ; "Oceans are the major source of natural resources and according to the United Nations, three quarters of the fishing stock is threatened. In Mexico, through the implementation of marine protected areas (MPA) fish conservation and their natural environment is provided. But the creation of these areas not necessarily contributes to the social and economic development of the communities inhabiting them. Mexican MPAs does not considered socio-economic aspects, besides that there is a gap in the definition of the responsibilities between the different government institutions on natural resource management in these MAPs. Some initial proposals are made to improve fishermen welfare, encourage fisheries sustainability and species conservation through a biological, social and economic integrated basis in a compressive and inclusive manner."