Free enterprise is the indispensable prerequisite for personal freedom, which I dare believe is still highly valued by most people. Hence, it is also the only economic system which is compatible with the democratic governments of Europe and America. However, the vitality of free enterprise is being threatened by government interventionism on both sides of the Atlantic. In Europe, this manifests itself in taxation, nationalization, restrictive policies, subsidization, labor laws, and the growth of the public sector. In America, we find much of the same, excepting nationalization. In order to restore vigor to the weakened private sector, we must return to traditional economic liberalism, while fostering free trade between the United States and Europe.
The paper approaches the question whether a distinctive European answer to the challenges of globalization, neo-liberalism, and social disintegration is both available and feasible. After describing the influence the American model of capital accumulation exerted on Europe's economic, social, and cultural development, the paper argues that, in spite of the hegemonic project the United States pursued after WW II, viable national variants of capitalism developed in Western Europe and Japan. With the exhaustion of the Fordist model of accumulation in the 70s and 80s a new constellation arises that threatens the social compromise the European welfare state is based upon. The globalization of production and the politics and ideology of neo-liberalism work hand in hand, producing a shift in the balance of social forces, decreasing national capacities of economic regulation, growing inequality, and the marginalisation of a growing number of social groups. Although there is a convergence of fundamental trends in regard of the modes of accumulation, we are stuck in a highly ambiguous and indeterminate situation. The erosion of national particularities does not lead to total homogeneity, neither inside the triad of USA, Japan and Europe nor inside the European Union. The crises of the traditional welfare state in Europe can only be overcome if a new, independent model of »Social Europe« will be constructed. In doing so Europe faces a dilemma: Only if it manages to overcome neo-liberal policies and develop a common vision of the future it will gain the freedom of action that is needed for such an endeavor and that is lacking at the national level. [author's abstract]
In Making Minnesota Liberal, Jennifer A. Delton delves into the roots of Minnesota politics and traces the change from the regional, third-party, class-oriented politics of the Farmer-Labor party to the national, two-party, pluralistic liberalism of the Democratic-Farmer-Labor party (DFL). While others have examined how anticommunism and the Cold War shaped this transformation, Delton takes a new approach, showing the key roles played by antiracism and the civil rights movement. In telling this story, Delton contributes to our understanding not only of Minnesotas political history but also of
In 1855, taking advantage of the reforms of the progressive government, the carlists organized a revolt in which they expected to attract the most conservative sectors of the Moderantism. But this didn´t happen and the popular support was much lesser than expected. Besides that, in Aragon the plot was discovered by the authorities, which accelerated its beginning and made its failure easier. In the end, after 19 days of marches and pursuits, the Aragonese carlists were totally defeated. The failure of the revolt showed that the Carlism had lost the support of much of the Aragonese population, in part because the improvement of the economy, but also because the bad memory they had of the last war and the preference of the conservative for moderate Liberalism. ; En 1855, aprovechando la llegada al poder de los progresistas, los carlistas organizaron una revuelta, a la que esperaban atraerse a los sectores más conservadores del moderantismo. Pero esto no sólo no se produjo, sino que el respaldo popular de la rebelión fue mucho menor del esperado. Además, en Aragón la conjura fue descubierta por las autoridades, lo que precipitó su inicio y facilitó su rápido final. Al final, tras 19 días de correrías y de persecuciones, los carlistas aragoneses fueron totalmente derrotados. El fracaso de la revuelta mostró que el carlismo había perdido el apoyo de gran parte de la población aragonesa, en parte por la mejora de la economía, pero también por el mal recuerdo que tenían de la última guerra y por la preferencia de los sectores conservadores por el liberalismo moderado.
The 1964 campaign was a turning point in the nation's politics and one of the rare elections in American history marked by sharp ideological divisions. Differences over race relations, the Vietnam War, and federal power divided the parties, and racial issues dominated the campaign as candidates clashed over the landmark Civil Rights Act of 1964. Racial factions disrupted the Democratic Convention and George Wallace openly courted white supremacists. The election took place amid national turmoil and great historic events such as Freedom Summer, the murder of three civil rights activists in Mississippi, and the Gulf of Tonkin incident. Seldom had the nation faced a starker choice. The election proved to be a watershed moment in American political history—but not in the way most contemporaries viewed it. Democrat Lyndon Johnson trounced Republican Barry Goldwater in a huge landslide. To most observers at the time, liberalism rode triumphant and conservatism crumbled, with some even talking of the demise of the Republican Party. But it was not to be, as the liberal wave crashed almost immediately and conservatives came to dominate a resurgent Republican Party in the late twentieth century. Skyhorse Publishing, as well as our Arcade imprint, are proud to publish a broad range of books for readers interested in history--books about World War II, the Third Reich, Hitler and his henchmen, the JFK assassination, conspiracies, the American Civil War, the American Revolution, gladiators, Vikings, ancient Rome, medieval times, the old West, and much more. While not every title we publish becomes a New York Times bestseller or a national bestseller, we are committed to books on subjects that are sometimes overlooked and to authors whose work might not otherwise find a home
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Настоящая статья посвящена анализу источников идей российских либералов конца ХХ начала XXI в. Последние, как известно, оказывали до недавнего времени большое влияние на принятие значимых политических решений в стране, что, вне всяких сомнений, свидетельствует об актуальности нашей работы. Выявлены основные корни взглядов представителей российского либерализма рубежа ХХ-XXI вв. (в первую очередь таких видных его адептов, как Е. Т. Гайдар, А. Б. Чубайс, Г. А. Явлинский и некоторых других). Нами проанализировано влияние на современных российских либералов идей неолиберализма, либерального марксизма (здесь российские либералы во многом следует Й. Шумпетеру), а также теории постоянного экономического роста. Кроме того, нами были опровергнуты господствующие в российском обществе идеи об отсутствии у отечественных либералов патриотизма и наличии у них устойчивых русофобских убеждений. В контексте этой проблематики нами были выявлены основные особенности внешнеполитической доктрины российских либералов рубежа ХХ-XXI вв. (в первую очередь это касается отказа от традиционной имперской внешней политики и необходимости перехода к либерально-имперской политике, особенно в рамках постсоветского пространства). ; This article analyzes the sources of Russian liberals' ideas of the late XXth the early XXIst centuries. The latest, as we know, had great influence on the adoption of important political decisions in the country. The basic roots of the views of the Russian liberalism representa-tives of the XX-XXI centuries (especially such prominent adherents as Y. Gaidar, A. Chubays, G. Yavlinsky) are revealed. We analyzed the influence of neoliberalism, liberal, Marxist theory of continuous economic growth. In addition, we refuted prevailing in Russian society the idea of lack of patriotism and national liberals supposedly their professed Russo-Phobia. In the context of this problem we have identified the main features of the Russian foreign policy doctrine of the Liberals of the ХХ-XXI centuries.
"This book examines the nature of the conflict between right-wing populism and multiculturalism: the West's defining conflict in the modern age. Drawing on a plethora of evidence from politics and culture in the West, it argues that these two positions, while antagonistic on the surface, are in fact similar: nationalism and multiculturalism are two names for one idea, the difference between them being simply a matter of geography; both outlooks have their roots in romanticism, sentimentalism, arrogance and a racist outlook. Rather than defend either approach, this volume urges us to consider the importance of roots and argues for greater consideration of what classical liberalism, socialism and feminism can do to break this impasse in our political thinking, with a concern for equality and concern for solidarity, regardless of cultural practice. As such it will appeal to social and political theorists with interests in political sociology and culture"--
I advance an unusual view on the confrontation of the Western capitalism and Soviet–Russian socialism. I suggest to see this confrontation through the prism of revolutionary and counterrevolutionary ideologies. Today, almost one hundred years after the October Revolution 1917 in Russia, there are few reasons to celebrate the success of revolutionary ideology. Indeed, the Soviet Union, the socialist country built as a result of the Revolution, demised thirty years ago, while its economy was pillaged and devastated by the new Russian oligarchy. Simultaneously NATO advanced to the East and the EU approached the very Russian borders (e.g., Baltic countries). However, such achievement of revolutionary ideology as planned economy may be regarded as a useful instrument for developing eco-socialism and especially repairing Western capitalism and corporate liberalism that were seriously threatened by the incessant financial, economic and mental crises of the last decades. During these decades, the ruling political elites were able to keep status quo by means of injecting additional capital to the breeches using sovereign debt, inflation and corporate debt. The great financial crisis of 2007-2008 put an end to this. Retrospectively, what Marx named the transition from capitalism to socialism may seem to be repeatedly stifled by the Western capitalism. I name it permanent counterrevolution. The modern version of the Western counterrevolutionary ideology is economically based upon supply chains that combine the cheapest workforce in Asia with Western markets but dampen the overall demand in the global sense. The financial crisis led to narrowing the class compromise, as the income division of the global society strengthened. The Western counterrevolutionary strategy is focussed on protecting the global supply chains ("globalisation") and modern analogues of debt collection and it uses economic wars and real wars for regime change in different parts of the world. None the less, the increase in financing the US military ...
Este artículo emplea la aproximación biográfica para indagar en algunas claves culturales de la acción política. La vida de Tassara, un poeta cívico español de mediados del siglo xix, constituye la vía de entrada para proceder a un análisis de las relaciones entre la política liberal y dos distintas pero complementarias identidades de definición cultural. Romanticismo y masculinidad enmarcan de forma decisiva la forma de pensar y actuar en política de quien fue diputado y embajador, además de escritor público, en la época de instauración del nuevo régimen representativo en España. El enfoque biográfico contextual pretende, además, valorar aquello que su caso concreto presenta de particular y lo compartido con parte de la generación que protagonizó la construcción posrevolucionaria del liberalismo. En este último sentido, la doble condición de romántico y de varón dibuja un tejido de referencias identitarias que puede colaborar a abordar el estudio del liberalismo político desde perspectivas transnacionales. ; A biographical approach is used in this article to inquire into some cultural keys of political action. The life of Tassara, a Spanish «civic» poet of the mid Nineteenth Century, is turned into the starting point for the analysis of the relationship between liberal politics and two other different but complementary cultural identities: Romanticism and masculinity. Both identities conditioned the ways in which this deputy, diplomatic and public writer thought and acted in politics, during the instauration of the representative regime in Spain. Our contextual biographical approach also aims at assessing how far Tassara's was a singular case and how much he shared with the post-revolutionary liberal generation he belonged to. In the latter sense, his double condition of Romantic and male build up a set of identity references that might contribute to undertake the study of political liberalism from a transnational point of view.
What does "liberal" mean? This contribution to a sociology of "liberalism" is a study of the so-called "Liberal Union" under the Second French Empire. In a restricted sense, the term refers to a strategy of electoral alliance which brings together "republicans" and "monarchists" who where in opposition to the Empire. These relationships, still unthinkable a few years before, were carried out under the "liberal" flag and the demand of "liberties". What significance does this form of agreement have in the political and intellectual battles of the Second Empire ? What explains the mobilizations associated with the label "liberal" ? The analysis seeks to understand the conditions and limits -of this agreement. It also explains the political and intellectual stands in relation with the dynamics of the period. It shows that the "Liberal Union" corresponds to a characteristic ideological mood of the 1860s – which saw the birth of the formula "liberal democracy". It studies the way an opposition to the Empire is formed and returns on the rallying of the "liberals" to the new political order established at the beginning of the year 1870. The approach wish to reconsider the common political classifications established by academic literature by looking for affiliations or divisions which escape narratives based on the main political "forces" or "trends". ; Qu'est-ce qu'un « libéral » sous le Second Empire ? Cette thèse se présente comme une enquête historique sur la pensée et l'engagement des publicistes « libéraux » du XIXe siècle, à travers l'étude de la mobilisation intellectuelle et politique caractéristique de la décennie 1860, « l'Union libérale ». L'expression désigne en premier lieu une stratégie de rapprochements entre « monarchistes » et « républicains » opposés au régime autoritaire de Napoléon III, mais rassemblés sous le mot d'ordre de la défense des « libertés ». Quelles significations revêt cette forme d'entente dans les luttes idéologiques de la période ? Pourquoi un « parti libéral » n'a-t-il finalement ...
What does "liberal" mean? This contribution to a sociology of "liberalism" is a study of the so-called "Liberal Union" under the Second French Empire. In a restricted sense, the term refers to a strategy of electoral alliance which brings together "republicans" and "monarchists" who where in opposition to the Empire. These relationships, still unthinkable a few years before, were carried out under the "liberal" flag and the demand of "liberties". What significance does this form of agreement have in the political and intellectual battles of the Second Empire ? What explains the mobilizations associated with the label "liberal" ? The analysis seeks to understand the conditions and limits -of this agreement. It also explains the political and intellectual stands in relation with the dynamics of the period. It shows that the "Liberal Union" corresponds to a characteristic ideological mood of the 1860s – which saw the birth of the formula "liberal democracy". It studies the way an opposition to the Empire is formed and returns on the rallying of the "liberals" to the new political order established at the beginning of the year 1870. The approach wish to reconsider the common political classifications established by academic literature by looking for affiliations or divisions which escape narratives based on the main political "forces" or "trends". ; Qu'est-ce qu'un « libéral » sous le Second Empire ? Cette thèse se présente comme une enquête historique sur la pensée et l'engagement des publicistes « libéraux » du XIXe siècle, à travers l'étude de la mobilisation intellectuelle et politique caractéristique de la décennie 1860, « l'Union libérale ». L'expression désigne en premier lieu une stratégie de rapprochements entre « monarchistes » et « républicains » opposés au régime autoritaire de Napoléon III, mais rassemblés sous le mot d'ordre de la défense des « libertés ». Quelles significations revêt cette forme d'entente dans les luttes idéologiques de la période ? Pourquoi un « parti libéral » n'a-t-il finalement ...
This work presents the problems that the ideal of impartiality reveals in present times, and it aims to discuss the need of its political overcoming too. Impartiality is the regulative ideal that classic political liberalism adopted, and consist in the attitude of avoid defending any particular conception of good life, ideology or religion; because it disowns an effective criterion to determine which would be better. So, the State became an objective guarantor of individual rights. Now then, in present times, the emergency of social groups with political, social, economic and/or symbolic vindications poses challenge to which impartial-state must confront: now it is not just about regulation of individualscommunity-state interaction. Hence the need of questioning this ideal emerges. The case of the twins indigenous community U'wa can be example that questions the application of the ideal of impartiality today. In such community, the births of twins are considered "abnormal". Therefore, the twins are abandoned in order to Mother Nature determines their destiny. Should a Stated considered impartial ensures the individual right to life of twins, or be indifferent about particular beliefs of community members? This example evidences that the impartial State is in its decadence because it is unable to confront a problem of a multicultural society ; El artículo presenta los problemas que puede exhibir en la actualidad el ideal de imparcialidad y apunta a poner sobre la mesa la necesidad de su superación política. El ideal de imparcialidad debe entendérselo como el ideal regulativo que el liberalismo político clásico adoptó y, tiene que ver con la actitud estatal de no reivindicar ninguna concepción particular de vida buena, ideología o religión; pues desconoce un criterio efectivo para saber cuál sería mejor. Así, el Estado se convirtió en garante objetivo de los derechos individuales. Ahora bien, en la actualidad, el surgimiento de los grupos sociales de identidad con reivindicaciones políticas, sociales, económicas y/o simbólicas, plantea un desafío al que el Estado-imparcial debe hacer frente: ya no sólo se trata de la regulación de interacción entre individuos-individualizados, sino también la interacción entre individuoscomunidades-Estado. De ahí surge la necesidad de problematizar este ideal.El caso de los gemelos de la comunidad indígena colombiana U'wa puede servir como un ejemplo que problematiza la aplicación del ideal de imparcialidad en la actualidad. En dicha comunidad, los nacimientos de gemelos son considerados 'anormales', razón por la cual los gemelos son abandonados para que la madre naturaleza determine su destino. ¿Un Estado que se supone imparcial debería velar por el derecho individual a la vida de los gemelos o debería ser indiferente frente a las creencias particulares de los miembros de la comunidad? Este ejemplo evidencia que el Estado imparcial está en decadencia pues es incapaz de enfrentar un problema de la sociedad multicultural. ; O artigo apresenta os problemas que podem mostrar agora o ideal de imparcialidade e visa colocar sobre a mesa a necessidade de superar a política. O ideal de imparcialidade deve entendérselo como o ideal regulador que o liberalismo político clássico adotado e tem a ver com a atitude do Estado não reivindicar qualquer concepção particular de vida boa, ideologia ou religião; É conhecido como um critério eficaz para determinar qual seria o melhor. Assim, o Estado tornou-se o alvo fiador dos direitos individuais. Mas hoje, o surgimento de grupos de identidade social com reivindicações políticas, sociais, econômicas e / ou simbólicos, representa um desafio para o Estado-feira deve enfrentar: não mais apenas sobre a regulação da interação entre os indivíduos-individualizada, mas também a interação entre indivíduos de comunidades do estado. Daí a necessidade de problematizar este caso ideal.El Twins colombiano comunidade indígena U'wa pode servir como um exemplo para problematizar a aplicação do ideal de imparcialidade decorre hoje. Nesta comunidade, nascimentos de gêmeos são considerados "anormais", por que os gêmeos são abandonados à Mãe Natureza determina seu destino. Um estado que é suposto imparcial deve assegurar o direito individual à vida dos gêmeos ou deveria ser indiferente às crenças específicas dos membros da comunidade? Este exemplo mostra que o estado imparcial está em declínio porque é incapaz de lidar com um problema de uma sociedade multicultural.
The author analyzes Rawls's concept of the overlapping consensus in the light of the recently published set of instructions of the Vatican's Congregation for the doctrine of the faith about the participation of Catholics in political life. Rawls introduces the idea of the overlapping consensus as an institutional mechanism aimed at avoiding imposing a comprehensive moral, philosophical, or religious doctrine on all citizens & thus preserving the pluralism of values of contemporary liberal-democratic societies. By comparing the basic outlines of Rawls's theory of political liberalism with the set of instructions of the Catholic Church about the participation of its flock in political life, signed by Cardinal Ratzinger, the author challenges the viability of this concept of Rawls's, as well as the possibility of reconciling the liberal notion of the citizen with the Catholic ideal of the participation of believers in the political life of their communities. 6 References. Adapted from the source document.
