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A partir de l'« interprétation de la non-violence » offerte ici par Judith Butler, non comme état pacifique mais comme combat social et politique, en révélant les présupposés normatifs de la violence légitime, notamment ceux de la violence d'État, je m'intéresse à la violence comme étant située au cœur de la (re)production du régime patriarcal en Algérie à travers l'enjeu politique du deuil. Quelles sont les grilles d'interprétation au travers desquelles se reconnaissent, de manière différenciée, la dignité et la vulnérabilité des vies humaines? Pour évoquer cette violence directement vécue ou racontée lors d'un terrain socio-anthropologique de huit mois en Algérie, il ne me suffit donc pas d'exposer les « faits », mais plutôt de mettre au jour les significations des vécus corporels des acteurs/trices sociaux/les, en les replaçant dans le champ d'intelligibilité dans lequel ils sont (re)produits.

I take it as axiomatic that any battle between armies, if it is going to be fought at all and thus won or lost, must be fought upon a common field of battle. And if this holds true for battles it holds equally true for debates upon fundamental spiritual absolutes: unless the theoretical grounds are common to both parties argument is futile. Precisely because of this, debate is often futile in our time because agreement upon fundamentals is rarely possible within a world as. badly fissioned spiritually as is our own. It is of ten,'better to retire from the game than merely go through the motions mechanically, scoring debater's points and winning empty victories due to a superiority in dialectical skills.

The black race has suffered indignation across the globe through the machinations of oppressive, discriminatory and racist tendencies of developed nations. In United States and Europe, the black man in history had been consistently dehumanized and faced by social injustice. In this article I intend to articulate and examine the possible ways of how the black race could resolve conflicts and attain peace in Africa and across the globe. This would be done through the paradigm of non-violence philosophy of Martin Luther King Jr. Cognizance is accorded to the fact that, the non-violence paradigm had been successfully utilized by Martin Luther King Jr. in the United States to conquer racial discrimination and social injustice. I conclude in this paper that the reliance and efficacy of non-violence in conflict resolution and peace in Africa is a possibility.

AbstractThe purpose of this article is to unearth the genealogy of M. K. Gandhi's "non-violence," the cardinal principle ofsatyāgraha. Previous works considered that Gandhi's concept of non-violence was essentially derived from the "ancient" Hindu–Jain precept ofahiṃsā(non-killing) common in the subcontinent. On the contrary, I will, by examining Gandhi's primary texts in Gujarati, Hindi, and English, demonstrate the following: (1) during Gandhi's sojourn in South Africa (1893–1914) where he led his firstsatyāgrahacampaign, he never associated the termahiṃsāwithsatyāgraha; (2) his satyāgraha campaign was initially explained with the trans-religious and cosmopolitan concepts of Tolstoy and thenirguṇ bhaktas; (3) Gandhi first began to use the termahiṃsāas a nationalist slogan linked withsatyāgrahaimmediately after his return to India in 1915; (4) the English translation ofahiṃsāas "non-violence" was eventually coined by Gandhi after 1919 during his all-Indiasatyāgrahacampaign.