This paper empirically investigates the volatility interactions between the international capital inflows to Turkey and Turkish economic growth using the post-financial-liberalization era data. With an Extended Constant Conditional Correlation GARCH model, it is shown that there are volatility spillovers from the capital inflows to growth in Turkey. Some earlier studies in literature have already established a positive relationship between the capital inflows and economic growth in Turkey. According to their results, as the mean value of capital inflows to Turkey increases, so does the conditional mean value of Turkish economic growth. This study is important for it shows that as the volatility of capital inflows to Turkey increases, so does the volatility of Turkish economic growth. ; peer-reviewed
Georgia and Turkey has become important partners in the Caucasus region after independence of Georgia in 1991. Two countries preferred to follow pro-West policies in their foreign policy against Russian factor. They have geopolitical importance and geostrategic location for Russia throughout history. This article analyzes foreign policies of Georgia and Turkey and examines Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan Crude Oil Pipeline as a common foreign policy between them. The paper found out that this kind of projects between Georgia and Turkey would make them important actors rising from regional level to global level in the future.
Academic Collective Action (ACA) stands as a small-scale collective action for social change toward liberation, independence and equity in academia. Academic collectives in Turkey, as an example of ACA, prefigure building academia outside the university by emphasizing the extent to which neoliberal academia has already prepared the groundwork for more recent waves of oppression. In this research, we aim to reveal the manifestations of neoliberalism in ACA as captured with prominent social/political psychological concepts of collective action. We conducted semi-structured interviews with 21 dismissed academics to understand the social and political psychological processes in academic collectives. The narrations of ACA were accompanied by manifestations of neoliberalism as experienced by dismissed academics. We found that, as follows from the existing conceptual tools of collective action, neoliberalism serves as an embedded contextual factor in the process of ACA. This becomes mostly visible for grievances but also for collective identifications, politicization, motivations, finding/allocating resources and sustaining academic collectives. We provide a preliminary basis to understand the role of neoliberalism in organization, mobilization and empowerment dynamics of collective action.
On 6 March 1995 the EU-Turkey Association Council took a decision regarding the inauguration of a customs union between the EU and Turkey, following the pattern set out in the Ankara Agreement of 1963 and the Additional Protocol of 1970. The Council's decision received the European Parliament's assent on 13 December 1995, enabling it to enter into force on 1 January 1996. Following the Association Council's customs union decision, the Turkish government has launched a series of democratizing and liberalizing reforms. It is apparent that the tactical goal of the Turkish government for initiating the reforms has been to persuade the European Parliament to give its consent to the Association Council's customs union decision. The government's strategic goal, on the other hand, has been to fulfill the necessary political conditions, such as those formulated in the June 1993 Copenhagen meeting of the European Council, of Turkey's qualification for full membership in the EU.
Perception, evaluation and representation of the environment have been the subject of many disciplines including psychology, geography and architecture. In environmental and social psychology literature there are several evidences which suggest that cognitive representations about a place consisted of not only geographic items but also social and cultural. Mental representations of residence area or a country are influenced and determined by social-demographics, the physical and social context. Thus, all mental representations of a given place are also social representations. Cognitive maps are the main and common instruments that are used to identify spatial images and the difference between physical and subjective environments. The aim of the current study is investigating the mental and social representations of Turkey in university students' minds. Data was collected from 249 university students from different departments (i.e. psychology, geography, history, tourism departments) of Ege University. Participants were requested to reflect Turkey in their mind onto the paper drawing sketch maps. According to the results, cognitive maps showed geographic aspects of Turkey as well as the context of symbolic, cultural and political reality of Turkey. That is to say, these maps had many symbolic and verbal items related to critics on social and cultural problems, ongoing ethnic and political conflicts, and actual political agenda of Turkey. Additionally, one of main differentiations in these representations appeared in terms of the East and West side of the Turkey, and the representations of the East and West was varied correspondingly participants' cultural background, their ethnic values, and where they have born. The results of the study were discussed in environmental and social psychological perspective considering cultural and social values of Turkey and current political circumstances of the country.
The construction sector has strong linkages with other sectors, has enormous potential to absorb unemployment and possesses cyclical characteristics that are sensitive to macroeconomic conditions. It is also commonly regarded as a critical sector for achieving the desired economic growth and development of a country. Therefore, it is important to understand its effects on an economy to develop an appropriate economic policy. This article discussed the construction sector from a macroeconomic perspective in order to gain insight into the sector's interaction with the economy. The central question was whether a construction-oriented economy could sustain economic growth and development in the long run. Turkey's developing construction-oriented economy in the 2000s was used as a case study in this research. To this end, macroeconomic data obtained from official data providers were subjected to descriptive statistical analysis. The selection of macroeconomic indicators in this study, such as input costs, gross domestic product and money supply, was based on an economic theory that suggested the significance of these variables in affecting the dynamics of the construction sector. Empirical studies have consistently revealed the interdependence between these macroeconomic variables and the performance of the construction sector, thereby confirming their inclusion in this analysis. The results revealed that a disproportionate allocation of resources to the sector, coupled with misaligned support policies, could be detrimental to the long-term economic landscape.
AbstractWithin the context of the transformation of Turkey from a country of emigration to an immigration and transit country, the migration scene is becoming more heterogeneous, with both the formal and informal labor markets being increasingly internationalized. This paper focuses on de-qualification, defined as migrants taking on jobs that do not match their skills, which is a neglected issue within the migration literature on Turkey with the potential for further research. Based on open-ended interviews and participant observation in İstanbul, the paper elaborates on the different instruments of de-qualification. De-qualification is considered here as an important element of precariousness in the labor market, with different mechanisms functioning simultaneously; namely, accreditation problems, a language disadvantage, lack of information, and identity-based discrimination.
Front -- Table of Contents -- Introduction -- 1. From Association to Accession Negotiations: EU-Turkish Economic Relations, 1959-2009 -- 2. Integrating the EU and Turkish Economies: The Customs Union and the Accession Partnership -- 3. Current Turkish Economic Policies and the Target of EU Membership -- 4. Public Sector Governance in Turkey: Evaluating a Reform Agenda -- 5. Prospects of Foreign Direct Investment in Turkey during the Negotiation Process -- 6. EU-Turkish Enlargement Negotiations and Implications for Turkish Labour Market -- 7. Turkish SMEs Competitiveness within EU Negotiation -- 8. Turkish Agriculture at the Crossroads: Structural Change and EU Membership -- 9. The Role of Energy in the EU-Turkey Relations -- 10. EU-Turkey Negotiations on Information Society and Media -- Conclusion -- List of Contributors.
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The beginning of the Cold War, the Truman Doctrine, and the Marshall Plan have made a radical change in Turkey's foreign policy. In 1946, with the Marshall Aid, sympathy for America and the anti-communism perception were created in Turkey. Within the ideological atmosphere of the Korean War, the China and communism perception began to negatively emerge in the Turkish public opinion. In order to convince the Turkish public opinion with regard to the Korean War, the perception that communism is anti-Turk and anti-Islam, invasive and enemy was imposed by NATO. Turkic, Islamic anti-communist movements were supported by NATO and the Uyghur problem was created in this period to create a China perception. The article explored how the China and communism perception was created through the media and ideological atmosphere in Turkey during the process of Turkey's becoming a member of NATO and the Korean War. In the research, newspapers, publications, and articles covering the Korean War from the period starting with Marshall Plan in 1946 were examined.
During the urban clashes between Kurdish militants and Turkish state forces in 2015-2016, young politicized social media users in Istanbul witnessed and experienced political violence through their engagement with violent words and images on social media, without being anywhere near the armed clashes. These were photographs of militarized nationalist performances of masculinized domination and sexist graffiti, produced by the Turkish Special Forces and circulated in the cyberspace. Based on an ethnographic study among young educated pro-Kurdish viewers and an ethnographically situated textual analysis of the graffiti, this article illustrates the ways images are perceived in the particular cultural and sociopolitical context. It argues that the gendered meanings that relate to the core of the gendered and ethnicized structural violence in Turkey, enhance the affective cybertouchof political violence.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIXwendin û hiskirina cinsiyetê di grafîtî û wêneyên bikeran de li TirkiyeyêEv meqale berê xwe dide hêlên cinsî yên rasthatinên hissî û watedar ên ligel grafîtîyên bikeran û wêneyên qadên şerê bajarî li bajarên kurdî li başûr-rojhilatê Tirkiyeyê. Di dema pêvçûnên nav bajêr di navbera mîlîtanên kurd û hêzên dewleta tirk de, salên 2015-2016, bikerên ciwan û polîtîzebûyî yên medyaya civakî li Stenbolê bûn şahîd û tecrubekerên şideta polîtîk wexta ketine ber pêla wêneyên xeşîm ên grafîtîyên cinsiyetger û performansên neteweger û mîlitarîst ên serdestiya nêrîne, ku ew wêne û grafîtî ji destê Hêzên Taybet ên Tirk derketibûn û li seranserê qada sîber hatibûn belavkirin. Ev meqale xwe li ser bingeha etnografiya bînerên ciwan û perwerî yên piştgirên kurdan û li ser bingeha tehlîla metnî ya grafîtîyan ji nezera etnografîk ve hatiye avakirin, û îdia dike ku ew sûret bi dilxwelîn û hêrseke mezin tesîr li bîneran dike ji ber wateyên xwe ên siyasî û cinsiyetperest, ku ev yek jî berê me dide kakila şideta binyadî li Tirkiyeyê. Tesîrên şer ne tiştên ne-subjektîf, pêş-gotarî, gerdûnî û tesadufî ne, belku ew di sûbjektîfiyên polîtîk-cinsî yên mirovan re derbas dibin û li ser wan têne mohrkirin ji ber çarçoveya xwe ya babsalarî û nefreta li hember jinan. Amajeyên aloz û pir cinsî rê didin rêzeke bîranîn û bibîrxistinên ku tecrubeya hissî bilind dikin.ABSTRACT IN SORANIXwêndinewe û hest kirdin be cender le grafîtî û fotografî tawankarîy le Turkiya daEm meqaleye terkîz dekat le ser rehende cenderîyekanî peywendîdarbûnî hestewerî û watadar legell grafîtî tawankarîy (Perpetrator grafiti) û fotografî da le zone bajêrrîyekanî şerr le şare kurdîyekanî başûrî rojhellatî Turkiya da. Le katî berdewamîy pêkdadane bajêrrîyekanî nêwan çekdare kurdekan û hêze dewlletîyekanî Turkiya da le nêwan sallanî 2015 bo 2016 da bekarhêneranî gencî be siyasîbûwî soşyal mîdiya bûne şahîd û ezmûnkerî siyasetêkî tundûtîj ke le rêgay bekarhênanî wênegelî tundûtîjî xonîşandane netewegera serbazîyekanî heymeney mêrsalarî û grafîtîy sêksîst, le layen hêze taybetekanî Turkiyawe berhem dehatin û le sayber speys da pexş dekiran. Le ser binemay êtnografîy temaşakaranî gencî, pêgeyiştûwî kurdgerawe û şîkarîy têkstgerayî be êtnografîy şwênga kiraw, em meqaleye pêdagirîy lewe dekat ke ew wênane be şêweyekî pirr bêz û tûrreyî karîgerîy le ser temaşakeranîyan dadenên, eweyş be hoy wata siyasîye be cenderkirawekanîyanewe ke degatewe kirrokî tundûtîjî bûnyadî le Turkiya da. Encamekanî şerr ziyatir lewey ke kesî, prê-dîskursîv, gerdûnî û herremekîy bin, be kesêtiye siyasîye be cenderkirawekanî xellk da deguzerên û be hoy çwarçêwe bawksalar û dije jinekeyanewe pêyanewe deçespên. Amaje alloz û be qûllî becenderkrawekan beşêkî bîrewerîy û peywendîyekan hoşyar dekatewe û debête hoyî ziyadbûnî ezmunî hestewerî.
Bu tezi hazırlamaktaki amacımız, öncelikle, günden güne artan siber suç tehlikesine dikkat çekmek, Sibersuç Sözleşmesindeki hükümleri, bunların getirilmesinin altında yatan gerekçeler ile birlikte ortaya koymak ve müteakiben, Sözleşme karşısında ülkemizin durumunu belirleyerek, Sözleşmeyi imzalamanın fayda ve mahzurlarını ortaya koymaktır. Bilindiği üzere, siberuzay tamamı ile hukuksuz bir alan değildir. Bununla birlikte, siberuzayı denetim altına almaya yönelik her türlü çaba, toplumsal özgürlükler ve temel haklara saygılı olmayı da kendine ilke edinmelidir. Bugüne kadar siber tehlikenin önlenmesi amacı ile gerek ulusal gerekse ulusüstü platformlarda çeşitli çalışmalar yapılmıştır. Tüm bu çalışmalar, insanlığın bilgi teknolojilerine olan bağımlılığı arttıkça, siber tehlikenin boyutlarının da arttığını göstermektedir. Bu çalışmaların bir yararı da, konu üzerinde bir uluslarüstü bilincin oluşmasına neden olmalarıdır.Tezimizin ana temasını oluşturan Sibersuç Sözleşmesi Ceza Hukukunun diğer alanları ile beraber siber suçlara ilişkin milli düzenlemelerin de uyumlulaştırılmasını amaçlayan ve konuya ilişkin maddi ceza hukuku ile ceza usul hukuku düzenlemelerini bir arada sunan ilk uluslararası belge olma özelliğine sahiptir. Bu arada, her ne kadar, uluslararası sözleşme seçeneği sibersuçlarla mücadelede en yetkin yöntemlerden birisi ise de, bunun tek başına yeterli olmadığını ve diğer alanlardaki çalışma ve çabaların da biraraya getirilmesi gerektiğini kabul etmek zorundayız. Sözleşmede tipleri ve yapıları belirtilen sibersuç modelleri ülkemizdeki düzenlemeler ile benzerlikler göstermektedir. Ancak, özellikle ceza usul hukuku düzenlemeleri konusunda hukukumuzda büyük eksiklikler olduğu da bilinmektedir. Diğer taraftan, Sözleşmenin getirdiği ceza usul tedbirleri, temel hakları ve toplumsal özgürlükleri ortadan kaldıran nitelikte düzenlemeler değildir. Milletlerarası yardımlaşmaya ilişkin düzenlemeler ise sibersuçlara yönelik mücadelenin etkinliği için gerekli olan düzenlemelerdir. Sözleşmenin getirdiği yenilikler ve ülkemizin Avrupa Birliği'ne tam üyelik sürecinde kabul etmiş bulunduğu Ulusal Programdaki yükümlükleri dolayısı ile Sözleşmenin Türkiye tarafından da imzalanması gerektiği düşüncesindeyiz.The objectives of this thesis are to underline cybercrime consciousness and challenge of cyberthreat bearing worldwide, to give a detailed explanation of the provinces in the Cybercrime Convention stressing on the circumstances why those provinces had to be developed, and then to photograph Turkey's position across the Convention, with regard to Criminal Law issues and to view pros and cons of being a signatory to the Convention.Cyberspace is not a lawless place and it should be governed. However, cyberspace governance should also respect civil liberties and fundamental human rights. In order to resist challenges brought by cyberthreat, many national and international studies have been fulfilled so far. All those efforts proved that the threat is growing day by day due to the increase in the dependency of mankind on information technologies. Importance of those studies is that they helped surmounting an international diligence on the issue.Cybercrime Convention which is the core of our study, is the first international tool, bringing substantial and procedural law issues together in the same scale and aiming harmonization in the cyber law as well as in the other fields of Penal Law. Although, choice of international convention is one of the most efficient ways to govern cyberspace, it is certainly and solely not adequate. For this reason, efforts in other fields should have to be gathered.Types and structures of cybercrimes in the Convention are similar to that of Turkish Regulations. Nevertheless, there are certain deficiencies in the Turkish regulations especially in the field of procedural penal law. Indeed, procedural instruments offered by the Convention are not a danger for civil liberties and fundamental rights and provisions of the Convention related to international co-operation are inevitable means of providing effectiveness of the struggle against cybercrimes. Due to the benefits offered by Convention and the obligation that our country undertook in Turkish National Program towards full membership to European Union, we believe Turkey should sign the Convention.
