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Currently, no guidelines exist on how to evaluate the performance of health systems fighting the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic. Therefore, this study seeks (1) to develop a conceptual framework that would be helpful in the given context, and (2) to test the feasibility of the proposed approach. The framework is conceptualized based on investigating critical dimensions and indicators for the successful design of a method for evaluating the performance of health systems. Subsequently, the taxonomic measure of development is used and a correlational analysis made in order to run a pilot test of the proposed concept. The finalized conceptual framework has five input dimensions (demographical burden, epidemiological burden, health-related quality of life, financial resources, and access) described by 18 indicators, and two output domains (outcomes, productivity) described by six indicators to monitor system performance under the COVID-19 pandemic. The pilot-test conducted in European Union countries and the United States proved the model to be useful and feasible. The proposed framework can be used to assess the performance of health systems fighting novel pathogens, such as SARS-CoV-2, worldwide. Our methodological approach can be used as a benchmark for international agencies such as the World Health Organization in developing their own frameworks. The paper presents the first research exploring the evaluation of a health system during the COVID-19 pandemic. It has the potential to help monitor a health system's performance during the pandemic by accounting for specific country-related circumstances. In a broader sense, it can contribute to boosting health market competitiveness in terms of quality.

This article is part of the issue "Vicious Circle of Segregation: Understanding the Connectedness of Spatial Inequality across Generations and Life Domains" edited by Tiit Tammaru (University of Tartu, Estonia), Siiri Silm (University of Tartu, Estonia), Frank Witlox (Ghent University, Belgium), Maarten van Ham (Delft University of Technology, The Netherlands) and Madli-Johanna Maidla (University of Tartu, Estonia). ; Housing inequality is one of the central topics in urban studies, and in the social sciences more broadly. It is also one of the most significant and visible aspects of socioeconomic inequality. Over the last three decades, the process of housing commodification has accelerated across western societies and, consequently, the public housing sector has contracted and become more closely associated with the poorest sections of societies in many cities. Over the same period, the political changes in Central and Eastern Europe have contributed to the dismantling and monetizing of state housing sectors at the forefront of broader social and economic transformations. Unfortunately, most recent studies on housing commodification and inequalities in Europe are confined to the national scale. The aim of this article is to detail the linkages between the position and functioning of public housing in Lodz (Poland) and the evolving socioeconomic profile of individuals and households that rely on public housing. This study relies on microdata (statistical information on individuals and households) from two national Polish censuses (1978 and 2002) and from household budget surveys (2003–2013). The main finding of our study is that 'residualization' is present in the public housing stock in Lodz and that the process gained momentum in the first decade of the 2000s.

The European Union's clean air policies work along several lines. The European Union regulates air pollutant emissions from a multitude of sources, sets standards for concentrations of selected harmful substances in ambient air, and sets the obligation of providing information to the public. In this report, we focus on how information on air quality is provided to and perceived by the public and look at actions the cities and the civil society takes towards improvements of the quality of air. Public awareness and understanding have a central role. Air pollution is the single largest environmental risk to the health of the Europeans and is receiving increasing attention in the public space. It is comprehensively regulated in the EU, addressing air pollutants concentrations as well as emissions from numerous sources. Authorities in the Member States are obliged to take actions to improve air quality where legal standards are exceeded and to maintain it where it is good. The legislation requires also for the authorities to inform the public. In some cases, especially at local level, authorities are struggling to implement measures to improve air quality, for instance due to public opposition. In other cases, citizens are taking action with the aim of pushing the authorities to improve air quality. This report reflects on what air quality information authorities provide to the public and what actions civil society takes towards improvements of air quality in Europe. It also looks at how the public perceives the provided information by the authorities and at the role of public awareness and understanding. ; OCP/EEA/ACC/18/001-ETC/ATNI

The tourism sector is a strategic and superior sector that is the focus of development in supporting the regional economy of Merauke Regency. The tourist attractions of Merauke Regency include natural tourism, cultural tourism and artificial tourism. The wealth of tourism owned can be the main capital in the economic development of Merauke Regency. In addition, its tourism wealth also places Merauke Regency in a strategic position in the tourism constellation of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. For this reason, the development of local community-based tourism is important to do so as to increase community participation and improve the economy. This study aims to explain the network of local community-based tourism development policies in Merauke Regency based on three institutional pillars (regulative, normative and cultural-cognitive). This study uses a qualitative approach. Data was collected through interviews, observation and documentation studies. Data processing and analysis techniques were carried out with data reduction, data display, and conclusion drawing/verification. Determination of informants using purvosive sampling technique. The results of the study show that there is a regulatory synergy, namely the synergy of rules issued by the Merauke district government with the system of rules used in the life of indigenous peoples. Normative shows mentoring and community involvement around tourist sites for the development of skills and knowledge in tourism management, and cultural-cognitive shows the existence of shared knowledge and understanding related to developing economic aspects by creating production centers for the development of the potential of local communities in collaboration with the customs of indigenous peoples in producing their cultural products

In this paper, I advance understandings of the coloniality of British citizenship through the close examination of the status of the people of Hong Kong in Britain's immigration and nationality legislation, a case overlooked in most social scientific analysis of Britain's citizenship-migration nexus. The paper responds to Gurminder Bhambra's (2015) call to recognise the connected sociologies and histories of citizenship, the analysis informed by the close reading of historical changes in legislation—from decolonisation and the making of the British nation-state to the post-Brexit construction of 'Global Britain'—and what these meant for the people of Hong Kong. In dialogue with scholarship focused on the enduring colonial ties in present-day citizenship and migration regimes, I offer an analysis inspired by Manuela Boatcă's (2021a) coloniality of citizenship and Ann Laura Stoler's (2016) understanding of exception by design, imperial forms of governance producing differential rights within national populations that positioned some populations as ambiguous. Conceptualising the status Hong Kongers in British legislation past and present as ambiguous by design, I question what the rhetoric of the Hong Kongers as 'good migrants' for global Britain' at the heart of the promotion of the bespoke Hong Kong British Nationals (Overseas) (HK BN(O)) visa launched early 2021 conceals from view. As I argue, rather than a case apart in the context of increasingly restrictive immigration controls, the renewal of Britain's obligations, commitments, and responsibilities to the people of Hong Kong through this visa scheme provide further evidence of the enduring colonial entanglements in the formation of 'Global Britain' and its citizenship-migration nexus.

This research paper highlights and review the strategic relationship amongst Pakistan and China as emerging economic states and power balanced countries in South Asia. The region has always been in the news since many decades, starting from "Khyber Pass" which was a route to conquer the "Golden Bird", to the Union Jack, needs to trade for their economic resilience. The existence of Pakistan changes the dynamics of this region, as Pakistan is known as its strategic location which further helps the world in trade. The routes are key factual economic indicators for many countries, as sea routes for traders are enjoyed by the middle Eastern countries like United Arab Emirates, and Iran they mark accomplishments, not only in trade but in foreign relations also. Their strategic alliance and visionary leadership had made them the strongest country amongst all. Despite, they were dwelled in many tribal fights, which by the time made them learned to have their existence as United Republic of China. The main purpose of this research is to highlight and bring strategically importance geopolitical stance exercised by both the countries. We use qualitative research model to explore the reason of ties and through reviewed papers draft the conclusions to understand the value in this regard. The study found mutual benefit for both the countries and reveals the footprints of Sino-British relations amongst China and East India Company in midst of 1600 – 1640. Mao Zedong and Zhou En-Lai were the brains behind the revolution and strategic routes were devised to bring the economic stability for the Republic of China.

The article is devoted to the sociological analysis of the situation with bullying (prevalence, dynamics, connection with socio-demographic indicators) and counteraction to it (formal legal framework and real practices) in the modern educational space of Ukraine. According to 2018, the number of systematic bullers is 12.2%, the number of systematic victims — 15.7%. Thus, in reality, it is not about 67% (two thirds) of children and adolescents, as noted in the justification of many anti-bullying initiatives, but about a much smaller number of people who, however, are systematically bully or bullied by others. The connection between bullying and gender, financial status, health status, emotional state, and the presence of violence from adult family members was analyzed. The legal framework for combating bullying is considered. It is shown that significant obstacles to the implementation of anti-bullying laws are formalism, lack of qualified psychological staff and the practice of concealing the facts of bullying by the management of educational institutions. The article provides a list of real steps to combat bullying, which should lead to positive changes (online training, information campaigns, hotlines, etc.). International data on the evaluation of prevention programs are given. To be more effective, these programs must combine systematic monitoring and targeting of children and adolescents at high risk. Anti-bullying programs should not so much completely eliminate the phenomenon of bullying as bring it out of the norm, which is important on the way to the humanization of education. The necessity of further sociological researches in the field of cyberbullying is substantiated, as well as the necessity of assessing the real position of teachers.

Practices of urban experimentation are currently seen as a promising approach to making planning processes more collaborative and adaptive. The practices develop not only in the context of ideal-type concepts of urban experiments and urban labs but also organically in specific governance contexts. We present such an organic case in the city of Wuppertal, Germany, centred around a so-called change-maker initiative, 'Utopiastadt.' This initiative joined forces with the city administration and collaborated with a private property owner and the local economic development agency in an unusual planning process for the development of a central brownfield site. Ultimately, the consortium jointly published a framework concept that picked up the vision of the 'Utopiastadt Campus' as an open-ended catalyst area for pilot projects and experiments on sustainability and city development. The concept was adopted by the city council and Utopiastadt purchased more than 50% of the land. In order to analyse the wider governance context and power struggles, we apply the social-constructivist theory of Strategic Action Fields (SAFs). We focused on the phases of contention and settlement, the shift in interaction forms, the role of an area development board as an internal governance unit and the influences of proximate fields, strategic action, and state facilitation on the development. We aim to demonstrate the potential of the theory of SAFs to understand a long-term urban development process and how an episode of experimentation evolved within this process. We discuss the theory's shortcomings and reflect critically on whether the process contributed to strengthening collaborative and experimental approaches in the governance of city development.

Published for the past 35 years, this journal has witnessed major social and political changes in Southern Africa, the wider African continent and the rest of the world. The Strategic Review for Southern Africa has responded to these shifts by aligning its analyses to capture the challenges facing Southern Africa within an increasingly interlinked and dynamic world. The rationale and context of such adjustments to new realities were assessed in the introductory essay to the last issue (No 1 of 2013), which also presented the 'new face' of this periodical. We shall, of course, maintain continuity by engaging with analyses of socio-political, economic and geostrategic developments that impact on or provide lessons for Southern Africa.This understanding includes a wider concept of the region and the continual yet varying impact on Southern Africa from elsewhere. We thus welcomed the offer by two renowned scholars from the Nordic countries to act as guest editors of the thematic focus in this issue: the effects of the so-called Arab spring on French speaking Central and West Africa, in particular Mali and Mauritania of the Sahel region. Also, South Africa's military engagement in other parts of the continent has demonstrated that the inter-connectivity of societies and regions has reached new dimensions. As one of the most influential and powerful member states of the African Union, South Africa has resumed responsibility as a continental actor far beyond the Southern African sub-region. It is hence of direct relevance and importance what happens elsewhere on the continent in terms of transitions and conflicts.

Abstract
The theoretical materiality of the principle of the separation of powers is beyond doubt. This principle is inevitable in discourse on the constitutional framework of the state, democracy and the rule of law, and it has its own form of expression in positive law. Although the relevance of the principle of the separation of powers in social discourse creates the illusion of the conceivability of its content, the ontological questions concerning this principle remain largely vague. This can be explained by considering two aspects. First, as established in scientific doctrines and constitutional forms of expression, the principle of the separation of powers has become a social and legal ideologeme; it approximates an axiom which is no longer substantiated anew. Second, discourse concerning ontology is always complicated, since it calls to question the essence itself. It is complicated not only because it requires a particular intellectual effort and academic courage, but also because the outcome of such discourse is unpredictable and can lead either to the ideologeme being confirmed to be true or being unexpectedly revised, or perhaps can even lead to the demise of what has so far been self-evident, unquestionable, obvious, universally known, etc. This article analyses the ontological essence of the principle of the separation of powers – an approach towards the human being, whereby meaning is given to the consequent system of causal relationships within the whole theory. Discourse in this article takes ontological issues as its object of inquiry: why did we decide to separate powers and how many of these separated powers are there?

The article examines theoretical approaches to achieving the competitive advantages of Ukrainian oil and fat enterprises in modern market conditions. Special attention is paid to the peculiarities of the use in business management of marketing concepts of business organization, which are oriented at the market, needs of consumers, society and other stakeholders. The most effective results for the enterprises are provided by the implementation of marketing management concepts that are oriented at identifying and meeting consumer demand as well as consideration of the interests of all other stakeholders in the supply chain of oil and fat products, the individual, community and society, i.e. concepts of marketing interaction and holistic marketing.
The supply chain of oil and fat products includes the economic interests of business entities that develop varieties of oil and fat seeds, machinery and technology, supply of resources, production of raw materials, processing, storage and transportation, etc. A key position in the supply chain is occupied by the consumer. The success of the marketing strategy of the enterprise depends on the degree of consideration of the interests of the individual, communities, society and the state.
It is concluded that oil and fat companies in the food industry can gain sustainable competitive advantages due to integration efforts aimed to form agricultural and food clusters in local geographical areas from all stakeholders and relationships in the supply chain of oil and fat products including suppliers, manufacturers, intermediaries, consumers, government and other organizations, etc.
Keywords: oil and fat business, marketing orientation, competitive advantages, supply chain, stakeholders, interests, oil and fat cluster.

To what extent can the public service bargain framework be applied to non-partisan ministerial advisors? Public service bargains are defined as 'explicit or implicit agreements between public servants – the civil or uniformed services of the state – and those they serve'. The public service bargain framework has increasingly been used as an analytical tool with which to examine the elements of the bargain as experienced by various actors in different jurisdictions. The elements of the public service bargain framework are explored through the experiences of a distinct subgroup of non-partisan advisors – portfolio private secretaries – serving in the politicised environment of ministers' offices. The minister's office has been characterised as the 'purple zone' where politics (represented by the colour blue) and administration (represented by the colour red) converge to transform political will into administrative action. This qualitative research article: briefly reviews the public service bargain literature; describes the actors and setting; gives voice to their experience of the public service bargain; applies the public service bargain heuristic; and reveals new insights into how the public service bargain operates with dual principals. Points for practitioners The public service bargain framework allows for dual principal–single agent relationships within public administration settings. Applying the public service bargain heuristic to this group of non-partisan advisors: enables a view of how the public service bargain operates at different levels (macro, meso and micro); shows that the public service bargain for these advisors has changed over time in response to administrative reforms; and demonstrates that these advisors are professionally and personally affected through the misaligned expectations of dual principals.

Abstract
Since Russia's takeover of Crimea in 2014 Russian public rallied around the flag and public opinion entered a relatively static state often called the "Crimean consensus". The presidential elections of 2018 became a turning point in the dynamics of public opinion. Sociological data from that period reveals growing anti-establishment sentiments, demand for change, social justice, a peaceful foreign policy, and civic activism. To analyze these changes the study combines data from four rounds of focus groups with sociological surveys on the maturity of moral values and the perception of institutional injustice, conducted during 2018–2020. All sources of our sociological data demonstrate, that the main changes are associated with post-materialist values: demand for the rule of law, political rights and civic engagement prevails over concerns about basic consumption and material inequality. The data also reveals a value related rift between the ruling elites and the population. Whereas the population increasingly demands the rule of law and/or social contract, the ruling class, as the respondents perceive it, remains guided by interpersonal dealings and conformism. The essential role of post-materialist values in defining the new social agenda implies that the ongoing changes are not temporary and reversible but reflect a more fundamental process of transition to postmaterialist value system. However, given a short period of observations the available evidence is not fully conclusive. Data from the new round of European values study expected to be released before the end of 2020 can help clarify the dynamics of value change in Russia and its possible influence on the recent evolution of public opinion.

AbstractChina's railways were restructured in 2013. The number of regulatory practitioners has decreased significantly, making real‐time regulation more difficult. Regulatory transfers from inside to outside the railway industry increases information risks. A more reasonable regulation mechanism is needed. The article considers introducing a public supervision mechanism into the railway transportation safety regulation system, which includes two regulators and one regulatee. As the government regulator, the State Railway Administration (SRA) regulates the safety of China Railway Corporation (CR) and encourages the public to act as supervisors to expose the CR's unsafe production information. To analyze the risks and effectiveness of the system, a multiplayer evolutionary game and system dynamics‐based model for railway transportation safety regulation is established. The decision processes of players under different conditions are simulated. The results show that improving the public supervision ratio is conducive to improve the CR's safe production ratio. However, there is no evolutionarily stable strategy (ESS) in the system. Strategies and evolutionary processes have large fluctuations, which represent high risk. Excessive penalty and reward coefficients can aggravate the amplitude and frequency of fluctuations, causing uncertainty in regulation and making it more difficult to control the actual problems. A dynamic reward and punishment mechanism is proposed to control these fluctuations. The system finally achieves an ESS that results in the lowest regulation investment for the SRA, a safe production ratio for the CR of 95%, and a public supervision ratio of 95.2%. Introducing public supervision and dynamic reward and punishment mechanisms help to stabilize and improve the CR's safe production ratio and to decrease the SRA's regulatory investment.

Nestled in the foothills of the Himalayas in the eastern range North-East (N-E) has the 'seven sisters'—Arunachal Pradesh, Assam, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland and Tripura, along with a small and beautiful cousin in the Himalayan fringes, namely, Sikkim. Nearly ninety-eight per cent of N-E is surrounded by international boundaries and two per cent with the rest of India. Often known as 'the ethnic cauldron', this region is the home of extraordinarily diverse mosaic of ethnic groups having distinctive social, cultural and economic identity, more akin to their South Asia neighbours than mainland India. It is a habitat of a good number of ethnic rebel groups whose agendas vary from complete session from India to fighting for ethnic identities and home lands. The primary objective of the colonial rule in N-E was to ensure its administrative insulation which might have largely contributed to the continuation of the backwardness of the N-E region. It is probably the only political region in the country where every large state is a region unto itself within a sub-continental nation. This uniqueness is found reflected in the legislations and institutions like the North Eastern Council Act, 1971, setting a nodal agency for the economic development of the region with a secretariat of its own and a separate Union Ministry of Development of North Eastern Region created in 2001. In this article, an attempt has been made to analyse the background, context, content and significance of the Sixth Schedule in the Constitution of India which was incorporated to provide self-rule to the tribal population in the N-E India.