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AbstractThis essay examines the impact of globalization on land peripheral to large cities of the south. It identifies such land as providing major arenas for contested claims between the requirements of international firms and those of local inhabitants and businesses, entailing both threats and opportunities in terms of local economic development. Much depends on the urban governance and institutional processes surrounding the use and allocation of land that are themselves directly influenced by the globalization process. In many cities national, state or provincial governments have set up special parastatal organizations with substantial funding and significant decision‐making powers over infrastructure development and land use to facilitate the rebirth of their cities as havens for international investment. In the process local municipalities and the local population are often excluded from the decision‐making process, while being left to cope with the aftermath and maintenance of the grand projects. The essay identifies weaknesses in elite governance models usually centred at the state or national levels, and asks if a better alternative may be a local government‐led 'inclusive leadership' model capable of clear leadership, greater coordination of different governance layers and inclusion of local actors.RésuméCet essai étudie l'impact de la mondialisation sur les terrains situés à la périphérie des grandes villes du Sud. Il identifie ces terrains comme des scènes majeures de contradiction entre les besoins des multinationales et les revendications des entreprises et habitants locaux, ce qui créent à la fois menaces et opportunités en termes d'expansion économique locale. Le résultat dépend largement des processus institutionnels et de gouvernance urbaine qui entourent l'utilisation et l'affectation des terrains, processus eux‐mêmes directement influencés par la mondialisation. Dans de nombreuses villes, les organes de gouvernement nationaux, étatiques ou provinciaux ont créé des entités para‐étatiques spécialisées, dotées de fonds et de pouvoirs décisionnels considérables en matière d'aménagement des infrastructures et d'occupation des sols, afin de réinstaurer leur ville en terre d'accueil de l'investissement international. Or, les municipalités et populations locales sont souvent exclues du processus de décision alors qu'on les laisse assumer les conséquences et la maintenance des grands projets. L'article repère les faiblesses des modèles de gouvernance par les élites, généralement centrés aux niveaux de l'Etat ou de la nation, et se demande si un modèle de 'leadership inclusif' sous la houlette du gouvernement ne serait pas une meilleure alternative, permettant un leadership clair, une meilleure coordination des différentes strates de gouvernance et l'intégration des acteurs locaux.

Urban development cooperation needs innovative solutions. Despite many efforts, international assistance has failed to address the challenges faced by cities in developing countries. This book seeks to raise awareness about the value of corporate social responsibility as a tool in urban development assistance.

This paper examines the first 10 years (1979—89) of the implementation of the Urban Land Act in Iran in order to revisit the debate on the capacity of market-enabling policies to improve low-income housing provision in developing countries. The outcome of the Iranian experience during the study period shows that, at the very least, governments can play an important and effective role in low- and middle-income housing provision through direct provision of urban land in parallel with markets. This suggests that the best way forward may be a combination of market-enabling approaches that develop basic institutional functions plus proactive government intervention for developing public land banks to provide better access to cheap land for a range of housing providers including individual households, co-operatives and private developers.

This paper examines the urban development process in post-socialist cities of Budapest, Prague and Warsaw in the context of economic globalisation and societal transformation. Several factors have helped to shape the post-socialist cities of central Europe since the end of the 1980s. These include political transformation, economic change, restitution, privatisation, price liberalisation and decentralisation of local government. It is argued that local government administrative and planning structures have been ill prepared in meeting the requirements of international investment capital in a co-ordinated and effective manner. Institutional constraints has promoted an organic form of urban development primarily determined through the international demand for, and supply of, commercial and retail space.

AbstractIn its quest for development, Zambia is pursuing a land policy that facilitates privatization of customary land. This article investigates the effects of privatization in terms of how it shapes people's behaviour and perception of private tenure and related tenure dynamics. Findings have shown that the appetite to privatize land is growing stronger in peri‐urban areas as land becomes more scarce. Furthermore, privatization of land appears to be a threat to traditional political structures as allegiance and loyalty towards chiefs diminish and tension and struggles over land in peri‐urban areas increase. Similarly, privatization of land erodes people's faith in the role that cultural and ancestral beliefs play in traditional land management. Also, people in rural areas tend to favour private tenure more if 'privatization of customary land' means allocation of land to outsiders. If, by contrast, the phrase is taken to mean communities registering their own land, peri‐urban communities tend to have a stronger desire to register land. Furthermore, rural communities were found to be less informed about land policy and seemed less keen to be involved in land policy processes when compared to peri‐urban residents. However, rural people may have no reason to inform themselves about land policy until they realise that the policy is likely to affect them.

The subject of participation is now at the core of many contemporary development debates. This is promoted within the emerging context of moving away from 'government' to 'governance' as stakeholders are increasingly getting frustrated by governments' continued application of the mundane Decide, Announce, and Defend (DAD) approaches to policy making. However, despite the voluminous amount of literature on participation, there is little scholarly work on whether or how communities, particularly those in rural and periurban locations, participate in land policy processes. This paper examines the extent to which Zambia's land policy process is participatory on the part of rural/periurban communities. The paper argues that despite its potential, genuine participation of rural communities in land policy processes in Zambia is constrained by cultural/social norms that defer the views of rural communities to those of their traditional rulers. On the other hand, periurban communities are excluded from the participatory agenda by the dynamics surrounding struggles over land and proceeds accruing from land transactions. The implication of these findings is that, since participatory requirements/expectations of rural communities may not necessarily be similar to those of periurban communities, there is need to explore the potential of designing 'bespoke' policies that would accommodate the needs of the individual communities.

Cities are today undergoing major economic and spatial transformations in line with the requirements of global capital and neoliberalism. A main question to address in this scenario is: what is the scope for actions aiming to advance a more pro-poor agenda and curb the acute inequality found in the metropolises of the so-called developing countries? With that concern in mind, this paper examines the potentials and limitations of recent redevelopments in Rio de Janeiro to counteract durable inequality, as conceptualised by Charles Tilly. To do so we analysed secondary evidence and recent primary fieldwork drawing on 48 interviews with a range of stakeholders involved in the city's preparations for the mega events, urban development and resistance to evictions, particularly in Vila Autódromo and Providência communities. Results show that there is room for progressive intervention and change at the local level if the underlying drivers of structural inequality are appropriately identified and systematically targeted by combined state and social movements' political actions.