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Purpose
– The aim of this paper is to test and explore the hypothesis global ruling power, as well as review the six approaches featured in the special edition on global governance/ruling power.


Design/methodology/approach
– Anthropological and historical records are presented as support for the emergence of ruling power in society; moreover, evidence of global ruling governance/power is reviewed in the six papers featured in the special edition.


Findings
– Alternatives for global governance are reviewed in two papers, while four papers present evidence in support of the thesis of the emergence of a transnational ruling power/class.


Research limitations/implications
– Because global ruling power exists informally and surreptitiously, the exact mechanisms of control are difficult to delineate, especially due to the fact that the Powers that Be spend much effort to block research into this area; however, this special edition opens up a promising area for new research efforts into global ruling power and the potential for global democracy.


Practical implications
– Practical implications, although minimal in the short-term, increase as awareness grows, and policy alternatives are considered for the transition to a long-term, democratic global future.


Social implications
– Once social consciousness grows about the non-democratic, authoritarian nature of global ruling power/elite, the more the momentum will grow for reforms in the direction of global democracy – towards a more sustainable and equitable global system, politically, economically and ecologically.


Originality/value
– This paper represents a relatively new area for interdisciplinary research into global futures. Futurists, political scientists and sociologists should find it valuable.

To test the proposition that metropolitan governmental structure has social, economic, and racial consequences, the authors assume that the proliferation of local governments in a metropolitan area and the boundary constraints imposed on the central city have adverse effects, especially on the core city. Analyzing 97 large U.S. metropolitan statistical areas (MSAs), they found only limited support for this proposition. Of three measures of fragmentation, only two were of any consequence, one in the opposite direction predicted. The lower the central city's share of MSA population, the higher the level of fiscal health for the inner city. Also, municipal boundaries have racial consequences. ; Yes ; https://us.sagepub.com/en-us/nam/manuscript-submission-guidelines

THIS ARTICLE CRITIQUES DENNIS GOLDFORD'S ATTEMPT TO ADVANCE THE CURRENT DEBATE OVER ACCEPTABLE MODES OF CONSTITUTIONAL INTERPRETATION. THE AUTHOR FINDS THAT GOLDFORD'S LACK OF SYMPATHY FOR DEMOCRATIC CONSTITUTIONALISM AS A FORM OF GOVERNMENT AND CONSEQUENT FAILURE TO UNDERSTAND THE PERMISSIBLE ROLE OF A CONSTITUTIONAL COURT WITHIN THE BOUNDS OF THAT FORM.

ON JANUARY 1ST 1985 S.106 OF THE POLICE AND CRIMINAL EVIDENCE ACT 1984 (PACE) CAME INTO FORCE. THE SECTION REQUIRES THAT "ARRANGEMENTS SHALL BE MADE IN EACH POLICE AREA FOR OBTAINING THE VIEWS OF PEOPLE IN THAT AREA ABOUT MATTERS CONCERNING THE POLICING OF THE AREA AND FOR OBTAINING THEIR COOPERATION WITH THE POLICE IN PREVENTING CRIME IN THE AREA. "RELATIVE TO OTHER PARTS OF THE ACT, IT IS AN UNCONTROVERSIAL PROVISION. DURING PASSAGE OF THE BILL IT EXCITED LITTLE PUBLIC ATTENTION: PARLIAMENT SPENT LITTLE TIME ON IT AND THERE WERE NO HEATED EXCHANGES OVER IT. THE IDEA OF CONSULTATION RECEIVED A MUTED WELCOME ACROSS THE POLITICAL SPECTRUM. THE AUTHOR ARGUES, HOWEVER, THAT S.106 IS A SIGNIFICANT AND CONTENTIOUS POLICY INITIATIVE AND THAT IT LIES AT THE HEART OF THE CURRENT DEBATE ABOUT POLICE ACCOUNTABILITY. INDEED, DURING THE BATTLE NOW DRAWN UP BETWEEN THE MAJOR POLITICAL PARTIES ON THIS ISSUE, THE AUTHOR EXPECTS THERE TO BE FREQUENT AND CONFLICTING REFERENCES TO THE MEANINGS WHICH CAN BE ATTACHED TO THE EXISTENCE AND OPERATION OF LOCAL CONSULTATION ARRANGEMENTS.

Using data from a 1987 nationwide survey of U.S. cities of 25,000 population and above, this research analyzes the formal authority and the informal powers associated with the office of mayor. We divide cities by mayor-council or council-manager form. The findings confirm that elected chief executives in mayoral cities possess considerably more formal authority than their counterparts in manager communities, yet informal mayoral powers are quite comparable among these two forms of government. Using ANOVA (GLS), we also predict variations in mayoral power using five demographic and political variables. Among mayor-council cities, location in a central city and large size are the best explanatory variables. For manager cities, regional location and the presence of partisan ballots and ward elections are the best predictors of mayoral power. ; Yes ; https://us.sagepub.com/en-us/nam/manuscript-submission-guidelines

Purpose– This paper aims to answer two questions: How do technologies of governance explain how global governance is enacted? and What alternatives can be proposed for a sustainable future for the governed 7 billion?Design/methodology/approach– Using institutional theory and Galtung's (1971) structural theory of imperialism as critical theoretical frameworks, this paper confronts orthodox conception of global governance by offering transformative alternatives to inequality, a "historically situated urgency", which is the product of a faulty global governance system.Findings– Concrete, purposively sampled empirical illustrations on transnational corporations' resource control and how "flight capital" fleeces the poor to enrich the affluent are provided to aid understanding. This helps to explain how such secretive financial mechanisms perpetuate global inequality in health, education and general well-being.Social implications– The study introduces the concept of compressed spheres of global governance. It is theorized that diverse institutional logics provide clusters of governors in coopetition that affect individuals and communities of places and communities of interests differently.Originality/value– The novelty in this study is the concept of compressed spheres of global governance which explain how both visible and invisible systems shape all the worlds of the governors and the governed, as well as how they both interpret their lived experiences.

Purpose– The purpose of this paper is to investigate who rules the world. The hypothesis is that it is the 0.1 per cent of owners and controllers of capital.Design/methodology/approach– This study used secondary sources including the Bureau Van Dyk and The World Top Incomes database to look at distributions of income and wealth (stock ownership). This is supplemented with a secondary source analysis and with some interviews.Findings– The top point one per centers, the wealthy, those on the top incomes and transnational capitalist class are all distinct but overlapping categories that describe the (white) men and (few) women who hold power through their ownership and/or control of capital and who are thereby directly or indirectly able to act hegemonically on an emerging global basis.Research limitations/implications– Theorists of the global school of capitalism Alveredoet al., 2013 argue that there has been a qualitatively new twenty-first century transnational capitalism in the process of emerging (see Robinson, 2012a). This paper tests this assumption and relates it to the work by Hamm 2010.Social implications– The flip side of this progressively widening concentration of income and wealth into fewer (0.1 per cent) hands brings new lows to the polarisation of class, exploitation and domination. All of these have intensified since the 1980s with the end of the Keynesian Compromise. This north/south accentuated division has implications for social justice.Originality/value– This seeks to identify empirical evidence to support the theory of an emerging transnational capitalist class.

Purpose– The purpose of this paper is to explore how capitalism has developed into a deeply integrative economic system of financial investments and manufacturing. This process of globalization has brought about the emergence of a transnational capitalist class that rules the world's economy. Financialization, created by the speed and interconnectivity of information technologies, is a key element that has produced immense wealth for a few while reducing their dependence on the labor of workers. This system of global accumulation has lead to a crisis of democracy with several different possible outcomes.Design/methodology/approach– This paper begins with an historical examination of capitalism and capitalist class formation by tracing developments from nation-centric capitalism to globalization. A conceptual explanation of the development of the transnational capitalist class (TCC) is offered. Research on current economic data to support the thesis on the emergence of the TCC in both its private and statist forms is included, as well as an examination of the latest technology developments that affect financialization and how this impacts class relations. The conclusion analyzes the development of democracy as a class dialectic, and the impact of globalization that is altering the historic relationships between capital and labor. The paper ends with a discussion of possible political/economic futures.Findings– Globalization is a new era in which capitalism has deepened its inherent tendency toward creating world markets and production. This process has been greatly enhanced by the new technological tools of financial production. Organizing and overseeing this system of global accumulation is the transnational capitalist class. The emergence of this class has transformed class relations based within the historic perimeters of nation-states, and it threatens the content and character of democracy that arose out of the bourgeois democratic revolutions in America and France.Originality/value– Transnational Capitalist Class Theory is a recently developed field of research. It is a new critic of mainstream international relations analysis which centers on nation to nation relationships. It also differs with world system theory which divides countries into a center/peripheral analysis. Within the field of TCC research, this paper offers an original historic perspective between global economics and the development of democracy. It also makes new theoretical connections between information technology, financialization and the destruction of the social contract.

Purpose
– This paper aims to summarize the major theoretical elements in the definition of a global ruling class. It then examines how neoconservatives in the USA took power and used regime change to install US-friendly governments in other regions. A strategy of tension is used to press the American population into conformity. But the real revolution is to what extent factual politics escape any attempt to democratic control.


Design/methodology/approach
– The research relies on case studies of material already published and provides a synthesis.


Findings
– Three case studies show how far the Deep State already goes. Democracy is on the brink of survival.


Originality/value
– This paper is an original hypothesis of the potential end of democracy as we know it, supported by empirical data.