2022 marks the 25th unniversary of the brutal murder of Deputy Chairman of the Ukrainian Christian Democratic Party, Chairman of the Kyiv Regional Organization of the Orthodox Brotherhood Andriy Pervozvanny journalist Volodymyr Katelnytsky and his eighty-year-old mother Lukeriia Yeyiseyivna at their home, in the Ukrainian capital. Both are natives of the Danyna village, Nizhyn district, Chernihiv region. The murder has not been solved. The purpose of the work is to analyze the folders of Ukrainian newspapers of the 1990s in two ways: to identify journalistic articles by journalist V. Katelnytsky on historical topics and to systematize and study materials in which the case of V. Katelnytsky was discussed, as well as to record the memories of this personality's colleagues. Tasks of work. Firstly, to create a sociopolitical portrait of the Volodymyr Katelnytsky, characterize him as an outstanding sociopolitical, religious figure and journalist. Scientific methods which were used are analysis and synthesis (on the basis of study of newspaper texts). The novelty of the article is that this is the first attempt to systematize and analyze the creative work of the journalist in the specifics of his interests in little-known pages of Ukrainian history, to study the nature of professional and social activities, the circumstances of the murder and the reasons for not solving the crime. Conclusions. The law enforcement system of the first years of independent Ukraine was not interested in objectively revealing the murders of patriotic public and political activists, as well as journalists who steadfastly defended the Ukraine-centric position. V. Katelnytsky's sociopolitical journalismis mostly devoted to two topics: little-known and ideologically distorted facts of Ukrainian history and the problem of the Muscovite excommunication of the Ukrainian Church. There is now an urgent need to organize and publish such texts, because they were published in periodicals that are not currently available on the Internet.
The article is devoted to the problem of teaching professional disciplines at the faculties of journalism of Ukrainian universities. The main thing in the research is to find an answer to the question: why in the curricula of these faculties is there less and less journalism lately? The author made the review of the European community projects directed on introduction in Ukraine of the western methods of journalistic disciplines' teaching. This assistance was provided in various forms in the early 10s of the new millennium. This includes retraining of Ukrainian teachers abroad, conducting seminars and trainings in Ukraine based on the Institute of Journalism of Taras Shevchenko National University, Uzhhorod and Simferopol universities, and funding the student online publication LiveJournal "Zhorna". It is about the multi-year Ukrainian program of the Swedish Institute for the Retraining of Journalists Fojo and the same program of the European Union in cooperation with the International Trust Service of the BBC "Zhorna". As a direct participant in several international trainings, the author describes the peculiarities of teaching journalism in Western schools of journalism. The reasons why this technique has not taken root in Ukrainian universities are being clarified in the research. Among the main ones is the heads of journalism education in Ukraine position on the formation of new curricula in "Journalism and Information" field. They have significantly deepened the gap between the theory and practice of journalism. There is a noticeable tendency to increase the volume of disciplines, which plans are full of theory, not specifics, and do not provide students with practical skills to work in real journalism. There are several directive decisions made during the last 15 years, according to which journalism has been supplanted in the social communications sciences as an independent direction of research of history, theory and mass media practice. These were also attempts to rename the Institute of Journalism of ...
For all the years since the creation of the USSR, Stalin's communist-Bolshevik clique lied to the world about the so-called successes of communist construction in the country of the supposedly fairest society on the Earth. In the 1920s and 1930s, iconic representatives of the first wave of political emigration were lured by various promises to return home. In European capitals, Kremlin agents searched for and bribed a number of corrupt journalists, arranged for them demonstration trips, and encouraged the false publications' appearance in the leading newspapers of the West about the «Soviet Paradise». Especially consistently, the authorities took on disobedient Ukrainians: they destroyed the intelligentsia, the working peasantry, the national church, and, as in tsarist times, forcibly Russified them. At the end of World War II, when there were too many Ukrainian refugees from that «Paradise,«Moscow sent so-called repatriation commissions to numerous DP camps, which brainwashed Soviet fugitives and sought to return them to the USSR to harm their love of freedom in the Siberian GULAG camps. It seemed that no one would ever be able to silence, neutralize, or stop that generously paid flow of cynical Russian lies. But among the Ukrainian emigrants, there was a brave man who loudly declared to the whole world why he did not want to return to theUSSR. It was Ivan Bahrianyi. Born in Ukraine in 1907, as a poet by talent and a public tribune by vocation, he fully experienced the benefits of the «Soviet way of life.» In 1932 he was repressed, from a political point of view, for innocent poems. During his emigration toGermany, he resumed his literary work. In 1947 he was elected Deputy Chairman of the Ukrainian National Council and became the leader of the Ukrainian Revolutionary Democratic Party. The publication of Bahrianyi's book «Why don't I want to return to my «motherland»?» printed by the Ukrainian Central Bureau in London in 1946 became a kind of a «bomb». First of all, for official Moscow. Also, for Western ...
For the first time the subject of the study is the origin of Ukrainian press and books, preconditions for their appearance and stages of development in Great Britain.The sources of the study are such funds as: Taras Shevchenko's library-archive funds of the Union of Ukrainians in Great Britain, The Ukrainian Publishing Union, Archive of the Ukrainian Press Bureau, located in the Polish Institute of London and British National Library (The British Library) in London, worked out during the author's internship in London, 2016. The specifics of Ukrainian emigration in the UK is substantiated, and on this basis, presented author's conception of the major stages appearance and development periodization of the main Ukrainian centers in this country. According to the chronology, the following stages are singled out. 1902–1908: activity of the first Ukrainian colony in Manchester. 1919–1921: activity of Ukrainian diplomacy mission in London. 1930–1939 — activity of Ukrainian press bureau in London. 1940–1945: arrival of thousands of Ukrainian descent soldiers from the Canadian and Polish military formations of the anti-Hitler coalition countries. May-June 1947: arrival of former SS "Galicia" division soldiers-prisoners of war from Italian war camps "Rimini" and "Belaria". 1941–1949: arrival of Ukrainian wanderers-migrants from the so-called DP camps. It is proved that the first printed periodical of Ukrainians in the UK was an English-language bulletin of Ukrainian diplomacy mission in London "The Ukraine". The second English periodical printed body with a clearly defined Ukrainian trace was "The Bulletin" of The Ukrainian Press Bureau. The research details about the first Ukrainian newspaper in London "Nash Klych" ("Our Call"). In January 1947, this newspaper was renamed into "Ukrainska Dumka ("Ukrainian Thought") which became the organ of the Union of Ukrainians in Great Britain. It is substantiated the reason for appearance in August 1947 of an alternative to "Nash Klych" and "Ukrainska Dumka", magazine of Ukrainians ...
The article is written on the basis of the library and archive collections of Ukrainian emigration in Rome, worked out by the author during the research internship in Italy. For the first time, the little-known page of Ukrainian-Italian relations is covered from the perspective of the rise, organization of work and the results of the activities of the Ukrainian Press Bureau of the UPR Diplomatic Mission in Romein 1919–1920. As it is known, from the beginning of the formation of the Ukrainian People's Republic, diplomatic missions from Kyiv were sent to several influential countries of Western Europe. Their main task was to widely inform the leaders of the Entente countries regarding the situation in Ukraine and s the recognition of the Ukrainian People's Republic as a sovereign independent stateseek from these countries. In terms of resolving the Russian-Ukrainian problem, this government adhered to the pro-Russian position at that time. Given that the Italian government did not recognize Ukraine as an independent state, the UPR diplomatic mission had no official status and in fact worked in Romeunder semi-legal conditions. The mission was headed by the son of the famous Ukrainian historian Dmytro Antonovych. The characteristics of staff members of the mission such as Vsevolod Shebedev, Taisiia Lypovetska-Balmen, Ivan Grinenko, Antonio Peskalotzi, typists-machinists, Italians of origin, Sandrini and Bettanuri are represented. The press activity of the mission and, in particular, the head of the press office Yevhen Onatsky, are analyzed in detail. The editorial policy of the "Bulletin of the Ukrainian Press Bureau in Rome" and the Italian weekly "La Vocedel Ucraina" was analyzed. The conclusions highlight the main results of the press and publishing activities of this bureau. And they were the following: - issue of the "Bulletins of the Ukrainian Press Bureau in Rome" (an information publication published twice or three times a week in Italian in a volume of two to four pages, an edition from 100 to 300 copies; ...
The article is written on the basis of the library and archive collections in London during the author's UK internship. Its value lies in the fact that this is the first special study of the history of the English-language magazine of Ukrainians, published inLondonfor almost 40 years in the second half of the twentieth century and intended for a foreign reader. The author formulates three main reasons why Ukrainians founded such a magazine in London: to break the stereotype of the world's perception of Eastern Europe through the prism of the Russian Empire, to remind Europe about the Ukrainian issue still unresolved after the defeat of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917–1921, to expand the number of foreign politicians and parliamentarians who sympathized with the Ukraine's revival as an independent state. The founders of the magazine were Union of the Ukrainians in the United Kingdom, the League of Liberation of Ukraine in Canada and the Organization for the Defense of Four Liberties of Ukraine in the United States. Two categories of readers a new magazine was aimed at, have been identified. First: English-speaking foreigners from among politicians, parliamentarians, journalists. Second: young Ukrainians who grew up in emigration and did not learn Ukrainian. The main principle of the editorial policy of the magazine was proclaimed: to be an authoritative source of information about the situation of Ukrainians under the occupation of Russia, to explain the distinctness of the history of Ukrainians and their statehood aspirations to foreigners, to get them acquainted with culture, literature and traditions of Ukrainians. In the analysis of the magazine's mass circulation policy the attention is drawn to the fact that for 38 years circulation was 1,500 copies, minimum – 950. Half of this press run was accounted for subscribers, the other half was distributed free of charge. The magazine was distributed in accordance with an addressees' list. It was sent to libraries, academic institutions, newspaper editors, ...
For the first time, based on archival materials, the subject of the research was the practice of Moskowization of the consciousness of the Ukrainian population of Galicia, Northern Bukovyna, and Transcarpathia using the press by communist-Soviet ideologues after the accession of these regions to Soviet Ukraine. The article is based on the archival documents of the editorial office and the filing of the newspaper "Soviet Bukovyna" in the after-war time.The author's aim is to find out the order of elucidation of life of the workers of Bukovyna established by Moskow's ideologists, the leading ideological emphasis in propagandistic articles and other publications on the pages of the main newspaper in the region. The system of control over the activities of this newspaper by the regional committee of the party is outlined and the closed press reviews' main emphasis regarding the content is highlighted. Such reviews and decisions, which were made by them, are considered in the article as one of the manifestations of the punitive means for those heads of newspapers and their creative collectives who did not adhere to this system.Regulated by the party order of the coverage on the pages of the local party-soviet press of different spheres of life of the region from the point of view of the ruling communist narratives at that time is described. Their main essence was to form a public opinion on the unanimous local workers' support of the party and the Soviet state and the justification of Stalin's thesis "living became better, living became more fun". The introduction of this procedure was carried out by publishing the prepared by party-ideological workers and by teachers of the Department of Marxism-Leninism of local universities propaganda articles. The topics, authorship, and frequency of publication of such publications in the columns of the regional and district press were approved quarterly at meetings of the bureau of the party's regional committees.The analyzed practice of Kremlin ideologists of the 1940s and 1950s to impose their own, completely falsified, version of facts and events on the population is consistent with the realities of the latest Russian-Ukrainian war, especially in the Russian-occupied territories of eastern and southern Ukraine.
The article is based on the author's processing of the archives of Ukrainian emigration during his research internship in Great Britain. His task was to find out and clarify the means and ways used by the Ukrainian diaspora in its struggle against Moscow's information and propaganda offensive against the Western community's positive resolution of the "Ukrainian question" after World War II.That was the time when the Russian governmental machine intensified its counter-propaganda work in the Western direction. Under those conditions, the world continued to perceive Ukrainians as part of the "great Soviet people" who unanimously built communism, and Ukraine itself as only a formal state declaratively writing its name in UN documents as a country with a significant contribution to the victory over fascism.Under the conditions of statelessness, Ukrainian public institutions abroad replaced state embassies and official representations and took on the responsible task to constantly plant the Ukrainian information field.The Ukrainian diaspora used the following means in its struggle against Moscow's information and propaganda offensive against the Western community's positive solution of the "Ukrainian question".In particular, it was a matter of checking the presence of materials on Ukrainian studies in the main libraries of the countries where Ukrainian emigrants lived compactly. Foreign authors' interpretation of mentions was said about Ukraine and Ukrainians in those few texts was analyzed.Representatives of Ukrainian public organizations established personal contacts with directors of libraries in cities with a compact residence of Ukrainians. The goal was to create Ukrainian book and press departments there. In 1948, a centralized network was established in Munich to provide major foreign libraries with Ukrainian publications.The successful breakthrough of the Moscow information blockade on the issue of the Holodomor of 1933 happened due to publication of a series of English-language brochures on this issue at the expense of the Ukrainian Youth Association abroad.
Упродовж усіх років від часу створення СРСР комуно-більшовицька кліка Сталіна брехала світові про так звані успіхи комуністичного будівництва в країні нібито найсправедливішого на земній кулі суспільства.У 20–30-х роках знакових представників першої хвилі політичної еміграції заманювали різними обіцянками повернутися додому. В европейських столицях агенти Кремля підшукували й підкуповували низку продажних журналістів, влаштовували їм показові поїздки, стимулюючи цим появу в провідних газетах Заходу фальшивих публікацій про «радянський рай» на одній шостій земної кулі. Особливо послідовно влада взялася за непокірних українців: знищувала інтелігенцію, трудове селянство, національну церкву, і, як і в царські часи, насильно русифікувала.По завершенні Другої світової війни, коли втікачів-українців із того «раю» виявилося в рази більше, Москва насилала в численні табори Ді-Пі так звані репатріаційні комісії, які промивали мізки радянським збігцям, прагнули повернути їх в СРСР із тим, щоб згодом у нелюдський спосіб позбиткуватися над їхнім свободолюбством у сибірських таборах ГУЛАГу.Здавалося, той щедро оплачуваний потік цинічної російської брехні нікому й ніколи не вдасться ні заглушити, ні нейтралізувати, ні зупинити. Та ось у середовищі української еміграції виявився один сміливець, який голосно, на весь світ заявив, чому він не хоче повертатися в СРСР. Це був Іван Багряний. Народжений в Україні 1907 року, будучи поетом за талантом і громадським трибуном за покликанням, він сповна відчув на собі переваги «радянського способу життя». 1932 року репресований за безвинні з політичної точки зору вірші. На еміграції в Німеччині відновив літературну працю. 1947 року обраний заступником голови Української Національної Ради, став лідером Української революційно-демократичної партії.Вихід у світ книжки Багряного «Чому я не хочу вертати на «родіну»?» друком і накладом Українського центрального Бюро в Лондоні 1946 року стало своєрідною «бомбою». Передусім для офіційної Москви. Також для політиків, журналістів та інтелектуалів Заходу. Текст брошури складався з 13-ти коротких параграфів. Кожен із них слугує окремим прикладом-аргументом відповіді на поставлене в назві твору запитання.Через трохи більше як шість років у рідкісній на сьогодні газеті «Українські Вісті» (Новий Ульм, Німеччина) з'являється публіцистична стаття цього ж автора «Про свободу слова, совісті і преси за залізною заслоною». Її можна назвати своєрідним продовженням вищезгаданої брошури.На відміну від «Чому я не хочу вертати на «родіну»?», яка неодноразово перевидавалася за кордоном, у тім числі і в перекладах англійською, німецькою, французькою мовами, ця стаття полум'яного публіциста в українському журналістикознавстві є, на жаль, призабутою. І хоч написана вона понад 70 років тому, актуальність порушеної автором проблеми (гуманітарна катастрофа, яку зазнала українська нація від колоніальної політики російського «старшого брата») ще більше загострилася натепер, за умов неоголошеної Росією гібридної війни проти українців, зосібно й на інформаційному полі. * * *Драматичною є доля наступного тексту, який «Український Інформаційний Простір» оприлюднює в Україні вперше.Йдеться про розвідку відомого члена Української Центральної Ради, журналіста і вченого Аркадія Животка, життєвий шлях якого передчасно обірвався на еміграції, «Девятьдесять років української студентської преси». Вона мала скласти окремий розділ написаної в еміграції найголовнішої праці цього діяча – «Історія української преси».Видана 1946 року в Регенсбурзі циклостильовим способом (по-нинішньому – ксероксна відбитка машинописного варіанту) «Історія української преси» Аркадія Животка мала урізаний вигляд. Через брак коштів за умов безпросвітної еміграційної дійсності Аркадій Животко змушений був зняти з оригіналу підручника третину тексту. Як вважав, до кращих часів. Однак для цього автора вони так і не прийшли. Хворе й виснажене випробуваннями долі серце зупинилося на 58 році життя – 14 червня 1948 року. Сталося це в таборі скитальників зі Східної Європи Лягарде неподалік німецького Ашафенбурга.Утім, цю свою статтю автор встиг побачити надрукованою. Її було вміщено в спареному числі (1–2) журналу «Студентський Шлях», який на правах рукопису видавав машинописним способом у Мюнхені Центральний Еміґраційний Союз Українського Студентства (ЦЕСУС). Цінність цієї статті в тому, що більшість друкованих органів, яких тримав у руках Аркадій Животко і описував для історії, практично не існує в жодному примірнику.«Історія української преси А. Животка перевидавалася двічі: 1990 року у Мюнхені заходами Українського Вільного Університету з передмовою і упорядкуванням М. Присяжного та 1999 року в Києві заходами видавництва «Наша культура і наука» з передмовою і упорядкуванням М. Тимошика. Не опублікований у цій книзі розділ про історію української студентської преси так і залишився в машинописному варіанті рідкісної на сьогодні підшивки машинописного «Студентського Шляху».Цінність цієї статті в тому, що більшість друкованих органів, яку тримав у руках Аркадій Животко і описував для історії, практично не існує в жодному примірнику – вони розгубилися повоєнними дорогами еміграції бездержавної нації…Текст подається за оригіналом підшивки журналу, який в Україні практично невідомий. Комплект цього раритету подарував авторові цих рядків у канадському Вінніпезі покійний нині викладач Колегії Св. Андрея при Манітобському університеті Тимофій Міненко. ; For all the years since the creation of the USSR, Stalin's communist-Bolshevik clique lied to the world about the so-called successes of communist construction in the country of the supposedly fairest society on the Earth.In the 1920s and 1930s, iconic representatives of the first wave of political emigration were lured by various promises to return home. In European capitals, Kremlin agents searched for and bribed a number of corrupt journalists, arranged for them demonstration trips, and encouraged the false publications' appearance in the leading newspapers of the West about the «Soviet Paradise». Especially consistently, the authorities took on disobedient Ukrainians: they destroyed the intelligentsia, the working peasantry, the national church, and, as in tsarist times, forcibly Russified them.At the end of World War II, when there were too many Ukrainian refugees from that «Paradise,«Moscow sent so-called repatriation commissions to numerous DP camps, which brainwashed Soviet fugitives and sought to return them to the USSR to harm their love of freedom in the Siberian GULAG camps.It seemed that no one would ever be able to silence, neutralize, or stop that generously paid flow of cynical Russian lies. But among the Ukrainian emigrants, there was a brave man who loudly declared to the whole world why he did not want to return to theUSSR. It was Ivan Bahrianyi. Born in Ukraine in 1907, as a poet by talent and a public tribune by vocation, he fully experienced the benefits of the «Soviet way of life.» In 1932 he was repressed, from a political point of view, for innocent poems. During his emigration toGermany, he resumed his literary work. In 1947 he was elected Deputy Chairman of the Ukrainian National Council and became the leader of the Ukrainian Revolutionary Democratic Party.The publication of Bahrianyi's book «Why don't I want to return to my «motherland»?» printed by the Ukrainian Central Bureau in London in 1946 became a kind of a «bomb». First of all, for official Moscow. Also, for Western politicians, journalists, and intellectuals. The text of the brochure consisted of 13 short paragraphs. Each of them serves as a separate example-argument of the answer to the question posed in the title of the work.A little more than six years later, a journalistic article by the same author, «On Freedom of Speech, Conscience, and the Press Behind the Iron Curtain», appeared in the now-rare newspaper «Ukrainian News» (New Ulm, Germany). It can be called a kind of the above brochure continuation.Unlike «Why don't I want to return to my «motherland»?», which had been repeatedly republished abroad, including in English, German, and French translations, this article by an ardent publicist in Ukrainian journalism is, unfortunately, forgotten. And although it was written more than 70 years ago, the urgency of the problem raised by the author (the humanitarian catastrophe suffered by the Ukrainian nation from the colonial policy of Russia's «older brother») has become even more acute now, under the conditions of Russia's undeclared hybrid war against Ukrainians, especially in the information field.* * *The fate of the next text, which «Ukrainian Information Space» publishes in Ukraine for the first time, is dramatic.It is about the activity of a well-known member of the Central Council of Ukraine, journalist and scientist Arkadii Zhyvotko, whose life path ended prematurely in exile, «Ninety years of the Ukrainian student press.«It was to compose a separate section of the most important work of this figure written in exile – «History of the Ukrainian press.»Published in1946 inRegensburgin a cyclostyle way (now a photocopy of a typewritten version), Arkadii Zhyvotko's «History of the Ukrainian Press» had a truncated appearance. Due to the lack of funds in the conditions of a hopeless emigration reality, Arkadii Zhyvotko was forced to remove a third of the text from the original textbook. As he believed, until better times. However, they never came for this author. Sick and exhausted by the trials of fate heart stopped at the age of 58 on June 14, 1948. It happened in the camp of wanderers from Eastern Europe Lagarde near Aschaffenburg,Germany.However, the author managed to see this article published. It was published in a paired number (1–2) by the magazine «Student Way», which was published as a manuscript by typewriting in Munich by the Central Emigration Union of Ukrainian Students (CESUS). The value of this article is that most of the printed materials that Arkadii Zhyvotko held in his hands and described for history do not exist in any copy. A. Zhyvotko's «History of the Ukrainian Press» was republished twice: in 1990 in Munich, in Ukrainian Free University with a foreword and arrangement by M. Prysiazhnyi and1999 in Kyiv, by the publishing house «Nasha Kultura i Nauka» with a foreword and arrangement by M. Tymoshyk. The section on the history of the Ukrainian student press, which was not published in this book, remained in the typewritten version of the currently rare typewritten folder of the «Student Way».The value of this article is that most of the publications that Arkadii Zhyvotko held in his hands and described for history do not exist in any copy – they were lost on the post-war roads of a stateless nation emigration…The text is submitted according to the original folder of the magazine, which is practically unknown in Ukraine. The set of this rarity was presented to the author of these lines in Winnipeg, Canada by the now-deceased professor of St. Andrew's College at the University of Manitoba Tymofii Minenko.
Уперше предметом дослідження стала практично невідома в Україні громадська організація українців «Об'єднання Бувших Вояків Українців у Великій Британії» (Association of Ukrainian Former Combatants in Great Britain), зареєстрована в Лондоні у липні 1949 року. Одним із пунктів Cтатуту значилася інформаційна та видавнича діяльність щодо промоції в Західній Європі нерозв'язаного світовою спільнотою українського питання.Різноманітна друкована продукція цієї організації досі не оцифрована, повних комплектів її видань не має жодна книгозбірня України. З огляду на це автор проводив дослідження історії ОБВУ у бібліотеках та архівних колекціях українських громадських організацій у Лондоні під час недавнього наукового стажування у Великій Британії.Постання й багаторічна результативна діяльність Об'єднання Бувших Вояків Українців у Великій Британії стали доказом потреби об'єднання вояків-українців різних армій, які в результаті воєнного лихоліття вимушено опинилися поза межами рідної Батьківщини. На початок 1953 року організація налічувала близько 6000 членів.Першим головою ОБВУ (1949–1953) став сотник Михайло Длябога. Прославився тим, що в першому бою новоутвореної дивізії «Галичина» під Бродами у липні 1944 року зі своїми побратимами прорвав облогу і тим самим врятував життя багатьох українських бійців. На чолі організації пізніше стояли: Михайло Білий-Карпинець, Теодор Кудлик, Богдан Микитин, Святомир Фостун.На початках основний масив друкованої продукції ОБВУ склали циклостильові видання для потреб організації: військово-історичні нариси та лекції і збірники матеріалів з нагоди різних дат історичного календаря.Детально подано змістові, технічні та ідейно-виховні характеристики книжкових видань, що виходили упродовж десятиліть з маркою цієї організації та розповсюджувалися у вільному світі. Йдеться, зокрема, про підготовлену професором В. Кубійовичем «Етнографічну мапу Південно-Західної України (Галичина)», серію спогадів колишніх вояків Першої дивізії Української Національної Армії та нереалізований проект пропам'ятної книги «Табори полонених 1 УД УНА у Великій Британії». В поле обсервації потрапили також три випуски рідкісного на сьогодні «Альманаху ОБВУ». ; For the first time, the subject of the study is the Association of Ukrainian Former Combatants in Great Britain, registered in London in July 1949, which is practically unknown in Ukraine. One of the stipulations of its Statute was informational and publishing activity in terms of the promotion of the Ukrainian issue in Western Europe unresolved by the global community.Various printed products of this organization have not yet been digitized, and no book collection in Ukraine has complete sets of its publications. With this in mind, the author conducted a study of the history of AFUS in libraries and archival collections of Ukrainian NGOs in London during his recent research internship in Great Britain.The emergence and many years of effective activity of the Association of Former Ukrainian Soldiers in Great Britain proved the need to unite Ukrainian combatants of different armies, who, as a result of the war turbulence, were forced to find themselves outside their homeland. At the beginning of 1953, the Association had around 6,000 members.The first chairman of the AFUS (1949–1953) was Captain Mykhailo Dliaboha. He became famous for breaking through the siege with his comrades in the first battle of the newly formed 'Galicia' division near Brody in July 1944, thus saving the lives of many Ukrainian soldiers. Later, the organization was headed by Mykhailo Bilyi-Karpynets, Teodor Kudlyk, Bohdan Mykytyn, Sviatomyr Fostun.In the beginning, the main array of printed AFUS products were cyclostyle publications for the organization's needs: military-historical essays, lectures, collections, and materials on various dates of the historical calendar.The semantic, technical, and ideological-educational characteristics of book editions, which had been published for decades under the brand of this organization, and were distributed in the free world, are presented in detail. This relates, in particular, to "Ethnographic Map of Southwestern Ukraine (Galicia)", prepared by prof. V. Kubiyovych – a series of memoirs of former soldiers of the First Division of the Ukrainian National Army – and an unrealized project of a commemorative book "Prisoner of War Camps of the 1st UD UNA in Great Britain". Three issues of the now rare AFUS Almanac are also considered.
