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This study employed content analysis to examine the portrayals of grandparents' images and their grandparenting roles in Laotongzhi Zhiyou (Friend of Old Comrades). With a current circulation of 480, 000, Friend of Old Comrades is a national monthly magazine in China whose target audiences include retirees, institutions, and governmental agencies engaged in work and services related to the elderly. Articles (N = 195) that feature grandparent-grandchild interactions were chosen from 156 issues--from 1995 to 2007--of the magazine and were content analyzed to uncover images of grandparents and portrayals of grandparenting roles. Results revealed that grandparents were predominantly portrayed as positive, healthy, and respected. In addition, positive age stereotypes such as Perfect Grandparent, Golden Ager, and Honorable Elder were prevalent with very little negative stereotyping (e.g., Impaired Elder, Despondent) found in the majority of the articles. Results also indicated that over half of the articles featuring grandparents and younger grandchildren depicted grandparents as adopting an involved grandparenting style, playing roles such as caregiver, mentor, playmate, and spoiling grandparent. Findings are discussed in light of cultivation theory and prior research on the media portrayal of intergenerational communication in both Eastern and Western cultural contexts.

Intro -- Acknowledgments -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Table -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- References -- Chapter 2: On Terrorism -- 2.1 In Search of a Definition -- 2.2 What Makes a Terrorist? -- 2.3 The Economic Impacts of Terrorism -- 2.3.1 Effects on Households -- 2.3.2 Effects on the Private Sector -- 2.3.3 Effects on Governments -- References -- Chapter 3: Terrorism as a Mode of Warfare -- 3.1 Strategy or Tactics or Whatever -- 3.2 Guerrilla Warfare and Terrorism -- 3.3 The ``Strategies´´ of Terrorism -- 3.3.1 Attrition -- 3.3.2 Spoiling -- 3.3.3 Provocation -- 3.3.4 Intimidation -- 3.3.5 Advertising -- 3.3.6 Outbidding -- 3.4 Some Comments on the Choice of Target -- References -- Chapter 4: The Economics of Terrorism -- 4.1 Terrorism and Rationality: A Contradiction? -- 4.2 Countermeasures -- 4.3 The Facets of Competition in the Context of Terrorism -- 4.3.1 Faction-Specific Competition -- 4.3.2 Cooperation and Alliances -- 4.3.3 Outbidding Continued and Differentiation -- References -- Chapter 5: Competition Between Homogenous Terrorist Organizations: A General Model -- 5.1 Building The Model -- 5.1.1 Why Large-Scale Attacks Occur At All -- 5.1.2 A Not So Obvious Dominant Strategy -- References -- Chapter 6: Al-Qaeda and Daesh: The Rise of the Islamic State -- 6.1 Origins and Raisons d´être -- 6.2 Case Study: Jabhat Fateh al-Sham Versus Daesh -- 6.3 Case Study: Towards a Model for al-Qaeda and Daesh -- References -- Chapter 7: Conclusion -- Reference -- Appendix A -- Appendix B -- References.

Cover -- Title Page -- Copyright -- Acknowledgements -- 1 Interacting selves: Symbolic interactionism encounters identity -- What is identity? -- The social self -- Multi-dimensional subjects: fixity or fragmentation? -- Symbolic interactionism -- Goffman's dramaturgy -- Criticism and defence -- Symbolic interactionism and identity -- Outline of the book -- 2 Relating in public: Rudeness, civility and polite fictions -- The interaction order -- Politeness and civility -- Definition of the situation -- Ritualized observance -- Unfocused encounters: regulating involvement -- Polite fictions and presented realities -- Rudeness and incivility -- Conclusion -- 3 Framing pictures: Definitions, accounts and motive talk -- Language and the social construction of reality -- Ethnomethodology: talk-in-interaction -- Conversation analysis -- Discourse analysis -- Aligning actions -- Frame analysis -- Conclusion -- 4 Managing faces: Roles, performance and self-presentation -- Performing the self -- Role-taking or role-making? -- Artful strategies -- Decorating the stage: scenery and props -- Lines and moves -- Facework -- Students' self-presentation strategies -- Belief in one's own performance -- Role immersion, embracement and engulfment -- Role conflict -- Role distance -- Discrepant roles -- Conclusion -- 5 Casting members: Teamwork, collusion and dramaturgical loyalty -- A loyal cast of players -- Harmonious co-operation between team-mates -- Team collusion and pseudomutuality -- Symbolic displays of membership -- Facilitative rituals -- Protective and collective facework -- Directorial procedures -- Conclusion -- 6 Spoiling careers: Deviance, stigma and moral trajectories -- Identity as career -- Making sense of ourselves -- Trajectories -- Critical junctures -- Moral careers -- Stigma -- Deviant careers -- Career exit -- Conclusion.

In recent years, concerns over the risks posed by artificial intelligence (AI) have mounted. In response, international organizations (IOs) have begun to translate the emerging consensus on the need for ethical AI into concrete international rules and standards. While the path toward effective AI governance faces many challenges, this essay shifts attention to an obstacle that has received little attention so far: the growing illiberal backlash in IOs. Prompted by Poland's recent rejection of a European position on AI due to the document's mention of "gender equality," we argue that Poland followed a strategy that illiberal actors now regularly employ in IOs. To combat gender norms and women's rights across issue areas, illiberal contesters first identify the progressive language in international documents and then threaten to veto those documents—unless such language is watered down or removed. This spoiling strategy, we argue, may not only lead to the compromising of fundamental human rights norms but may also prevent much needed rules for AI from being adopted altogether. Against this background, we urge scholars and practitioners concerned with AI ethics to pay closer attention to illiberal backlash politics. IOs are emerging as spaces where progressive AI rules and standards are increasingly contested—and where they need to be defended to safeguard fundamental rights in an age of rapid technological change.

In recent years, concerns over the risks posed by artificial intelligence (AI) have mounted. In response, international organizations (IOs) have begun to translate the emerging consensus on the need for ethical AI into concrete international rules and standards. While the path toward effective AI governance faces many challenges, this essay shifts attention to an obstacle that has received little attention so far: the growing illiberal backlash in IOs. Prompted by Poland's recent rejection of a European position on AI due to the document's mention of "gender equality," we argue that Poland followed a strategy that illiberal actors now regularly employ in IOs. To combat gender norms and women's rights across issue areas, illiberal contesters first identify the progressive language in international documents and then threaten to veto those documents—unless such language is watered down or removed. This spoiling strategy, we argue, may not only lead to the compromising of fundamental human rights norms but may also prevent much needed rules for AI from being adopted altogether. Against this background, we urge scholars and practitioners concerned with AI ethics to pay closer attention to illiberal backlash politics. IOs are emerging as spaces where progressive AI rules and standards are increasingly contested—and where they need to be defended to safeguard fundamental rights in an age of rapid technological change.

N° 9 ; This paper capitalizes on EU-LISTCO's analytical framework to assess the preparedness of the European Union and Member States in addressing situations of limited statehood and contested orders in Mali. The first part of the working paper contextualizes the risks and challenges in Mali prior to the military coup which occurred in 2012. It identifies the fall of President Amadou Toumani Touré as the tipping point which led to the dramatic deterioration of the situation in Northern Mali. This part also unravels the components of resilience in Mali according to the typology suggested by Thomas Risse and Tanja Börzel (social trust, legitimacy of governance actors and institutional design). The second part focuses on the policies undertaken by the EU and three Member States (France, Germany, Italy). It shows that France, and to a lesser extent Germany, demonstrated a genuine capacity and willingness to engage in the crisis resolution process and foster resilience, even though some divergences have appeared. Other Member States, such as Italy, however, proved to be far less enthusiastic until the 2014 migration crisis which involved their national territory. The third part of the working paper identifies the persistent deficit of policy coordination and the existence of local rent-seeking mechanisms as spoiling factors which affect the efforts shown by EU and selected Member States to foster resilience in Mali.

N° 9 ; This paper capitalizes on EU-LISTCO's analytical framework to assess the preparedness of the European Union and Member States in addressing situations of limited statehood and contested orders in Mali. The first part of the working paper contextualizes the risks and challenges in Mali prior to the military coup which occurred in 2012. It identifies the fall of President Amadou Toumani Touré as the tipping point which led to the dramatic deterioration of the situation in Northern Mali. This part also unravels the components of resilience in Mali according to the typology suggested by Thomas Risse and Tanja Börzel (social trust, legitimacy of governance actors and institutional design). The second part focuses on the policies undertaken by the EU and three Member States (France, Germany, Italy). It shows that France, and to a lesser extent Germany, demonstrated a genuine capacity and willingness to engage in the crisis resolution process and foster resilience, even though some divergences have appeared. Other Member States, such as Italy, however, proved to be far less enthusiastic until the 2014 migration crisis which involved their national territory. The third part of the working paper identifies the persistent deficit of policy coordination and the existence of local rent-seeking mechanisms as spoiling factors which affect the efforts shown by EU and selected Member States to foster resilience in Mali.

This paper capitalizes on EU-LISTCO's analytical framework to assess the preparedness of the European Union and Member States in addressing situations of limited statehood and contested orders in Mali. The first part of the working paper contextualizes the risks and challenges in Mali prior to the military coup which occurred in 2012. It identifies the fall of President Amadou Toumani Touré as the tipping point which led to the dramatic deterioration of the situation in Northern Mali. This part also unravels the components of resilience in Mali according to the typology suggested by Thomas Risse and Tanja Börzel (social trust, legitimacy of governance actors and institutional design). The second part focuses on the policies undertaken by the EU and three Member States (France, Germany, Italy). It shows that France, and to a lesser extent Germany, demonstrated a genuine capacity and willingness to engage in the crisis resolution process and foster resilience, even though some divergences have appeared. Other Member States, such as Italy, however, proved to be far less enthusiastic until the 2014 migration crisis which involved their national territory. The third part of the working paper identifies the persistent deficit of policy coordination and the existence of local rent-seeking mechanisms as spoiling factors which affect the efforts shown by EU and selected Member States to foster resilience in Mali.

The process of professional deterioration sooner or later leads to frustrations that threaten the Armed Forces' institutional health because, at least at the subconscious level, the classical purpose, atavistic in the military mind, continues to exert psychological pressure. It ends by spoiling healthy dreams and ambitions from the classical military perspective and by inducing the replacement of the spirit of body and objective professional corporatism that serve the military institutions and the country by the abusive corporatism of a classical or personal nature, which uses both. . It is therefore an illusion to seek to assign to the Armed Forces civil or paramilitary missions, to justify, occupy them and, as those unaware of military psychology think, moving them away from questions of political and social order. Military preparation and conduct are not abstract; they depend on what is desired of the Armed Forces. If, in addition to giving no importance to defense matters, civil or paramilitary missions are assigned to the Forces giving them legal protection and prestige, if the Armed Forces are considered, preferably and routinely (they may and temporarily may as such), as coadjutor appendages of social and economic organs and instruments of internal order, the extrapolation to the power bureaucracy runs the risk of being admitted and even desired, in the Forces and in the Society itself.

Intro -- Contents -- Notes on Contributors -- 1 Introduction -- Introduction -- Single Mothers -- Single Fathers -- Solo Mothers Through Assisted Reproductive Technologies -- Concluding Discussion -- References -- Part I Single Mothers -- 2 Representation of Single Mothers in Petra Soukupová's Contemporary Czech Prose: Guilty Mothers and Uninvolved Fathers -- Introduction -- The Position of Single Parents -- Normative Climate and Literature -- The Case of Petra Soukupová's Literary Fiction -- Guilty Single Mothers -- Self or Mother -- Uninvolved and Absent Fathers -- Conclusion -- References -- 3 Young Single Motherhood in Contemporary German and Irish Films: Lucy, Jelly Baby and Heartbreak -- Introduction -- Comparing Contemporary German and Irish Films -- Film Selection and Introduction -- Young Motherhood: Social Isolation and Autonomy Restrictions -- Social Isolation: Lucy and Jelly Baby -- Restrictions on Autonomy by the Irish State: Heartbreak -- The Expectation of Failure -- Scrutiny by Public Institutions: Jelly Baby -- Anticipated Audience Expectations: Lucy -- Conclusion -- References -- 4 Unwed and Unwanted: Sofia and the Taboo of Single Motherhood in Morocco -- Introduction: Single Motherhood in the Twenty-First Century -- Mothering Alone in Morocco -- Film Analysis -- Conclusion: Survival Strategies and Ambivalent Feminism -- References -- 5 Advice Books for Single Mothers Raising Sons: Biology, Culture and Guilt -- Introduction -- The Material -- The Boy Crisis -- Boys' Biological Disadvantages -- The Vulnerable Boy and the Single Mother -- Saving the Boy -- Not Spoiling Him -- Teaching Masculinity -- Teaching Toxic Masculinity -- Reader Address -- Single Mothers -- Fathers -- What Is a Father Good for? -- Conclusion -- References -- Part II Single Fathers.

Grandparents often find themselves in awkward positions when it comes to having conversations with their family. Once children become "little people," they develop likes and dislikes and discover their own interests, all of which may often be at odds with the grandparent's. Even the most innocent attempt at chatting can produce such conversation-stoppers as "I dunno," "whatever!" or "who cares!" Similarly, when a grandparent tries to initiate a talk to his or her own children about grandkids' behavior or activities, it is usually met with a stony disapproving silence or a curt "mind your own business." And when sets of grandparents get together, the opportunities to criticize each other for spoiling or favoring one of the grandchildren--or the parent whom your child married--can become a prescription for disaster. Fortunately for the growing population of intergenerational family members, help is here in this very practical handbook for seniors who babysit, visit or vacation with, or otherwise spend time with youngsters. Among the topics included are creating safe and friendly environments in which to initiate a chat, selecting age-appropriate conversation openers, avoiding sensitive issues, and developing listening as well as speaking skills. Subjects for conversations include family history, favorite activities, uncritical advice, and hopes and dreams for the future. Although aimed at grandparents, this latest volume in the author's Conversation Starters series is an essential guide for parents and children as well.

The fall of communism in Central and Eastern Europe imposed not only a transition towards a new regime, but also the reconstruction of the democratic institutions. That meant, as Peter Mair puts it, that the firsts to come to power had the great advantage of shaping the administration and government agencies for their own benefit. This consequently led to establishing clientelistic networks and party patronage by spoiling offices. At the same time, the new post-communist democracies had to transform themselves, from a totalitarian regime with a unique party which controlled merely every aspect of politics and society, into pluralistic societies with multiparty systems. That also meant that the political actors had to win their positions through an open and democratic electoral process, thus having to create electoral linkages in order to secure their sits. Many local political figures in post-communist Romania interpreted this new situation by buying the votes and by establishing clientelistic linkages, based on offering various goods, favors or social security benefits in the exchange of the vote and of the electoral support. These practices led to the emergence of powerful local political elites, with increased popular support and significant influence in the party structure due to their electoral linkages, the so-called local barons. This paper seeks to explore the connection between such local electoral clientelistic networks and the populist approach employed by the respective local political elites.

The conflicts of the past three decades have shown that the major problems which peace processes face are the spoilers. Spoilers are warring parties and their leaders who believe that peaceful settlement of disputes threatens their interests, power and their reputation; therefore, they use all means to undermine or completely spoil the process. Spoilers of peace processes can be inside or outside of the process and are characterized as limited, greedy or total spoilers. Their motives for spoiling can be different, such as: political, financial, ethnic, security, etc. Furthermore, it is important to emphasise that spoilers are not only rebels and insurgents, but can often be governments, diasporas, warlords, private military companies, etc.In order to counteract the spoilers, the international community has adopted and implemented three methods: inducement, socialization and coercion. Often all three methods are used to convince the spoilers to negotiate, accept and implement peace agreements. Hence, this paper will examine the methods used to deal with peace process spoilers through an assessment of the strategies employed, impact, success and failures.This paper will also argue that the success or failure of the peace process depends on the method(s) used to deal with spoilers. If the right method is chosen, with a persistent engagement of the international community, the peace process will be successful; on the contrary, if they fail to do so, the consequences will be devastating.

In work in science, technology, and society social conflict around wind farms has a growing profile, not least because it draws our attention to two key interrelated themes: 'science, technology and governance' and 'socio-technological systems'. In this article on Australian wind farm development and siting, these themes are highlighted in contexts of sustainability, legitimacy, and competency for policy effectiveness. There is enduring social conflict around wind farms at the local community level, but little government understanding of this conflict or willingness to respond adequately to resolve it. This article examines the conflict through the lens of print media analysis. A key finding of the five identified is that people seeing wind farms as spoiling a sense of place is a primary cause of enduring social conflict at the local community level around wind farms, alongside significant environmental issues and inadequate community engagement; this finding also indicates a central reason for the highly problematic state of Australian wind energy transitions. In turn, by identifying this problematic situation as one of a significantly 'decoupled' and 'dysfunctional' condition of the Australian socio-technological wind farm development and siting system, I suggest remedies including those of a deliberative nature that also respond to the Habermas–Mouffe debate. These inform a socio-technical siting approach or pathway to better respect and navigate contested landscapes for enhanced renewable energy transitions at the local level.