Suchergebnisse

This note reports the results of a survey of all the articles on EU policies published since 1994 in three major journals. It makes four recommendations. We should probably invest more research time on (1) established policy areas that are at the core of the Union, (2) the study of policy adjudication & the role of courts in the EU policy process, (3) confirmatory theory-testing research & (4) strategies that increase the number of observations, in order to make more use of statistical estimation techniques. 4 Tables, 4 Figures, 13 References. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Ltd., copyright 2005.]

The book draws comparison between MERCOSUR and the European Union to explain variation of regionalism and to expose its limits. The project is based on the idea that contemporary examples of regionalism should be evaluated against several propositions of multiple integration theories rather than against a single theory. In order to systematically explain why and how integration outcomes in MERCOSUR differ from those in the EU, the author develops an analytical framework for the comparison of the two blocs. MERCOSUR is compared with the EU by the use of the various criteria of economic interdependence, economic convergence, intra-bloc size and interest asymmetries, cultural diversity and geostrategic motivations, which are identified as the salient parameters of integration theories. .

This article uses the Domestic Structures and European Integration (DOSEI) data set of actors' preferences on 65 issues in the 2003-4 Intergovernmental Conference to extract the underlying preferences of the governments, the Commission and the European Parliament on the main dimensions of conflict in the European Union's constitutional negotiations. The analysis starts by comparing the ideal point estimates produced by three 'inductive' techniques: exploratory factor analysis, NOMINATE and Optimal Classification. The results are a series of ideal point estimates that do not correlate well with some simple a priori assumptions about key actors' positions on the reform of the EU. The analysis then proceeds with a 'mixed' deductive/inductive method, in which responses to the survey questions relating to the two exogenous dimensions of constitutional design in a multi-level polity (the 'vertical' and 'horizontal' allocation of power) are used to generate ideal point estimates on these two dimensions. The result is a more intuitive set of ideal point estimates for the 28 main actors in the negotiations.

This book studies the developments of the Brexit process between June 2016 and June 2017. The British electorate's decision to leave the European Union in June 2016 marks a major point in post war British politics, for it overturns the core policy of all preceding British governments since the early 1960s. The referendum brought down one Prime Minister, David Cameron, and bequeathed to his successor, Theresa May, the considerable challenge of negotiating the UK's departure from the EU. The magnitude of the task is colossal. While the time frame to secure the terms of the exit is short, the exact form of Brexit remains unclear to this day. With this book the author sets the context for the negotiations. He introduces the actors and the negotiating teams and highlights the key issues and considerations of both sides. While some works just focus on the interplay between Brussels and London, neglecting the internal regional dimension and the role and interests of the devolved administrations in the negotiations, the author looks specifically at Northern Ireland, the part of the UK that will be affected most by Brexit - in terms of both its economic and political significance. The book concludes with consideration of the impact of the 2017 general election on the negotiations. It will be of interest to students, scholars, policy makers and the wider reader interested in British politics and the future of the EU.--

European Community legislation requires EU Member States to implement representative procedures for enforcement of consumer protection, intellectual property, and late payment laws, but not yet for compensation claims. The possible introduction of damages claims for competition law infringements and electronic privacy, and examination of collective redress in the consumer protection field, is being considered. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright The American Academy of Political and Social Science.]

Preliminary Material -- Introduction: China, East Asia and the European Union—Strong Economics, Weak Politics? /Jan van der Harst and Tjalling Halbertsma -- Overcoming Economic Weakness in Japan and the eu: The Role of Political Entrepreneurship and the Political Economy of Reforms /Werner Pascha -- The Sino-eu Economic Relationship under the Sovereign Debt Crisis /Chun Ding and Junyang Li -- Trade and Economic Relationships in East Asia: Does Globalization Lead to Higher Legalization? /Herman Voogsgeerd -- Weak Politics—Depoliticization as Strategic Choice: an Analysis of Chinese Priorities in Sino-eu Relations /Daniel R. Hammond and Jing Jing -- Same Name, Different Substance? Exploring the Impact of Issue Perceptions on China-eu Relations /Frank Gaenssmantel and Feng Liu -- Misunderstanding and Convergence in Sino-Italian Relations During the Cold War: Implications for the Present /Enrico Fardella -- How are Norms Resisted? Insights from China's Engagement in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization /Nadya Stoynova -- eu-Asia Security Cooperation: Security Cooperation Between the People's Republic of China and the European Union /Neil Duggan -- Taking or Avoiding the Path to China-us Rivalry: European Perspectives and Responses /David Kerr -- Reconceptualizing eu-East Asia Security Cooperation: Process, Norms and the Quality of Interaction /Susanne Kamerling -- Sovereignty Over the Skies: The European Union and East Asia's Air Defense Identification Zones /Christopher K. Lamont -- The eu Pivot Towards Southeast Asia: Between Regional Integration and Security Dynamics /Elisa Hörhager -- Asia-Europe Parliamentary Dialog: Strong Economics, Strong Politics but What Value? /Silja Keva -- A Cinderella Story: The Asian Development Bank and its European Member States /Maaike Okano-Heijmans -- Concluding Remarks /Jan van der Harst and Tjalling Halbertsma -- Bibliography -- Index.

Introduction : explaining the EU political system -- Executive politics -- Legislative politics -- Judicial politics -- Pulic opinion -- Democracy, parties and elections -- Interest representation -- Regulation of the single market -- Expenditure policies -- Economic and monetary union -- Interior policies -- Foreign policies -- Conclusion : a political system in crisis?

Since the introduction of the co-decision legislative procedure, the EU has had the possibility to resort to a Conciliation Committee made up of representatives from the European Parliament and the Council to reconcile differences between the two bodies. This article assesses whether the members of this committee have an incentive to take advantage of their ability to present take-it-or-leave-it offers to their parent bodies by examining whether they are representative of their full body and/or whether they represent other interests inside or outside their legislative body. It concludes that the EU Conciliation Committee is generally representative of its parent bodies and that the option to go to conciliation is not a risky tool for them to reach agreement.