Suchergebnisse

In order to assess the debate concerning the constitutional recognition of Christianity in Europe, we need to pose the more general question of the role (if any) of the symbolic function of the modern democratic constitution in relation to religion. In the present paper, we differentiate between three stylized understandings of constitution-making, namely communitarian, liberal and discursive. Our argument is that the discursive 'model' of the symbolic function of the constitution combines the merits and avoids the demerits of communitarianism and liberalism.

Perfection and Disharmony in the Thought of Jean-Jacques
Rousseau, Jonathan Marks, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2005, pp. viii, 191.This is a thoughtful and ambitious book that seeks to challenge
standard schools in the interpretation of Rousseau, while at the same time
arguing for the importance of new attention to Rousseau to address
questions concerning the defects of liberalism. It is well written and
well argued, even if not fully convincing, and deserves the attention of
serious Rousseau scholars.

The strategy of this article is to consider republicanism in contrast with liberalism. We focus on three aspects of this contrast: republicanism's emphasis on 'social goods' under various conceptualizations of that category; republicanism's emphasis on political participation as an essential element of the 'good life'; and republicanism's distinctive understanding of freedom (following the lines developed by Pettit). In each case, we are skeptical that what republicanism offers is superior to the liberal alternative and indicate the grounds for that skepticism.

Rengger, N.: Reading Charles Beitz: twenty-five years of Political Theory and International Relations. - S. 361-369 Brown, C.: The house that Chuck built: twenty-five years of reading Charles Beitz. - S. 371-379 Miller, D.: Defending political autonomy: a discussion of Charles Beitz. - S. 381-388 Caney, S.: Global interdependence and distributive justice. - S. 389-399 Lu, C.: Cosmopolitan liberalism and the faces of injustice in International Relations. - S. 401-408 Beitz, C. R.: Reflections. - S. 409-423

Bundesrepublik Jugoslawien (BRJ). Examines degree of ethnic prejudice and xenophobia used for ethno-nationalistic manipulation in the Yugoslav Federal Republic and minority rights policy; concludes that the degree of acceptance varies by minorities; based on a 1997 survey of 1,007 persons conducted in Serbia and Montenegro, excluding Kosovo. Part of a larger study "Liberalism, socialism and the transformation of Eastern Europe", sponsored by the Open Society Institute, Prague. Discusses earlier findings, ethnic prejudice in relation to nationality, political affiliation, religion, and profession.

In his multicultural citizenship Will Kymlicka offers a liberal theory of minority rights. I argue that although his theory is ingenious, it is seriously defective. Since liberalism itself is a specific culture, a liberal theory of multiculturalism is logically incoherent. Kymlicka makes the further mistake of thinking that all cultured communities conceptualise and relate to culture in an identical manner. His discussion of the rights of immigrants rests on a flawed understanding of the nature of immigration, and is highly questionable.

Geoffrey Vickers's critique of liberalism, in both its classical and modern interventionist forms, and his emphasis on individual responsibility, is resonant of philosophic conservatism. However, his systemic insights led him to radical conclusions, and he mounted a powerful argument for major change in what he called the "appreciative system" of the industrialized West. The systems concepts that Vickers developed in this context make a distinctive contribution to political philosophy and should command more serious critical attention than they have yet received.

The press, like many businesses operating in an environment of corporate liberalism, has invited selective government intervention into its circulation practices several times in the twentieth century. These requests seemingly contradict the widely held belief—a cornerstone of the libertarian tradition—-that government poses the principal threat to press freedom. This policy history, however, shows a cooperative press-government partnership where industry leaders comfortably worked with lawmakers to formulate policy to fight off unfair competition and to reassure advertisers.

Data collected from every US state by the American Civil Liberties Union are drawn on to compare the relative impacts of political & socioeconomic factors on state restrictiveness toward abortion during the pre-Rose, pre-Webster, & post-Webster time frames (roughly, 1972-1989). The analysis tests the value of cycle theory, where shifting epochs dominated by liberalism & conservatism enhance the role of political variables in shaping policy formation. The explanatory value of public opinion theory is also evaluated, ie, bimodal issues that cut across party lines accentuate the role of socioeconomic variables in shaping issue evolution. Results support both cycle theory & public opinion theory, although the latter receives stronger support. Political variables, however, were more important in the conservative era (1989) than in the liberal era (1972). 2 Tables, 1 Appendix, 55 References. Adapted from the source document.

The administrative leadership of communities confronted by crisis, particularly war & cold war, is examined. Crisis management by representative government requires introduction of remedial change through integration of two levels of power resources: (1) the power invested in large-scale functional organizations designed to meet special needs, eg, military defense of economic production; & (2) the power stemming from cohesive & solidifying forces within the community, eg, professional organizations & churches. This process relies on communication resources, which must convey the nonarbitrariness of policy adjustments & find the optimum balance between official secrecy, propaganda, & openness. The uses of racial & ethnic diversity & economic divisions in managing crises are discussed. D. Generoli

The reform decade in mainland China (1979-89) saw the publication of views about politics which no longer conformed to the older parameters. The author takes a look at these views (unorthodox Marxism, humanism, traditionalism, liberalism, neo-authoritarianism etc) and professional autonomy enjoyed by intellectuals. He notes the post-1989 repression presumably will not last forever and a survey of some of the unofficial currents of the 1980s may offer clues to the parameters of future Chinese political discourse. (DÜI-Sen)

Liberal theorists have traditionally emphasized the importance of rights and just institutions. Recently liberalism and the liberal emphasis on rights have been criticized on the grounds that they are individualistic and overlook the importance of community and fraternity. In this Note I look at two particular arguments, made by the communitarian Michael Sandel, that have been levelled at the liberal emphasis on rights, namely, what I shall call the 'circumstances of justice' argument and the 'crowding out' argument.

SOME OF THE PRINCIPAL FEATURES AND TASKS OF A POLITICS OF POSTMODERNITY IS DELINEATED. AN ATTEMPT IS MADE TO REFLECT ON THE DEMOCRATIC REVOLUTIONS OF 1989 IN EASTERN EUROPE AND TO DISCERN WHAT LESSONS THEY MIGHT HAVE TO OFFER. WHAT IS CALLED FOR IS A RENEWED THEORY OF DEMOCRACY AND A REFORMULATION OF TRADITIONAL LIBERALISM. THE AUTHOR SUGGESTS HOW SUCH TRADITIONAL LIBERAL CONCEPTS AS THE INDIVIDAL, REASON, UNIVERSALITY, AND FREEDOM CAN BE REFORMULATED IN A GENUINELY POSTMETAPHYSICAL, POSTMODERN FASHION.

AbstractIt has become common to view Hobbes as a 'liberal', indeed as one of the founders of liberalism. Despite this characterization, there are few works which examine his views on liberty closely. The first part of this paper attempts to explicate what Hobbes says about liberty, mainly in Leviathan, especially in relation to recent philosophical analysis of the subject. In the second part, I examine the relation between Hobbes's views about liberty and other aspects of his political views.