Discusses the agreement between Russia and Iran whereby the former will provide the latter with nuclear fuel for a 1,000-megawatt light-water nuclear power reactor; the United States reaction is presented.
Das Regime der Mullahs im Iran ist in die Zwickmühle der Geostrategien der großen Mächte und seiner inneren Opposition geraten. Dadurch gewinnt der Widerspruch zwischen den konservativen und den reformerischen Kräften an Boden. Der Beitrag geht zunächst auf das innenpolitisch bedingten Stocken der Reformversuche seitens der Regierung Khatami und der zivilgesellschaftlichen Akteure im Iran ein. Hier tragen auch die globalen wie regionalen Verschiebungen zur Schwächung der Reformversuche im Land bei. Zentrale Referenz ist der widersprüchliche Prozess der islamischen Staatsbildung (Republik vs. Theokratie), in dem sowohl mystisch-archaische wie modernistische Momente und Kräfte verwickelt sind. Der Autor rekonstruiert zunächst den Verlauf der staatlichen Reformbewegung. Weitere Abschnitte sind der Problematik der theokratischen Restaurationsstrategie sowie der Zukunftschancen bzw. Problemlagen der republikanischen Reformbewegung gewidmet. Es wird gezeigt, dass es sich bei der theokratisch-restaurativen Tendenz vor dem Hintergrund des tiefen, sich zivil-gesellschaftlich institutionalisierenden Reformwillens, vor allem aber vor dem Hintergrund der dramatischen Verschiebungen der geostrategischen Lage Irans nicht um eine neofundamentalistische Restrukturierung des Regimes handelt. Sie basiert vielmehr auf einer Kräfteverschiebung innerhalb des theokratischen Lagers zuungunsten der neofundamentalistischen Kräfte und eröffnet neue strategische Handlungsoptionen für eine noch zu formierende post-schiitische Reformbewegung. (ICA2)
Iranian villages generally contain two distinct social classes: (1) peasants who cultivate land they own and/or rent, and (2) landless non-farmers who engage in various commercial, service, and labor activities appropriate to an agricultural economy. Peasants generally employ one term to designate all landless villagers; the most widely used is "khwushnishin." Although for peasants this term is useful, it poses some difficulty for the social scientist since khwushnishins do not comprise a homogeneous class, but rather are a collectivity of diverse occupational groups sharing in common only a landless status. Included among the khwushnishins are some of the wealthiest, as well as some of the poorest, of all villagers. In terms of economic and social stratification, one can identify at least three separate groups of khwushnishins. In this paper I propose to describe these three groups and analyze their unique roles in the villages.
The author, who was the U.K.'s charge d'affaires in Iran between 1953 and 1955 and his country's ambassador to Iran between 1963 and 1975, reminisces about the more interesting events of his ten years in this country. Breaking off diplomatic relations between the U.K. and Iran by Dr. Moussadeq, the then Iranian Prime Minister, and the resumption of these relations after his fall are narrated. D. Wright looks at the background of the riots in Iran in June 1963 and the U.K.'s decision to withdraw from the Persian Gulf by the end of 1971. (DÜI-Sen)
This article presents a timeline from the constitutional revolution of 1905 to 10 October 2009, when the first death sentences were handed out for alleged members of monarchist or terrorist associations. Adapted from the source document.
Demokrasi, toplumsal ve ekonomi durumu gözetmeksizin tüm vatandaşların eşit sayıldığı, halkın özgür ve adil seçimler yoluyla temsilcilerini seçme hakkına sahip olduğu barışçıl bir yönetim sistemidir. Uluslararası İlişkiler literatürüne 1980'lerden itibaren giren Demokratik Barış teorisi de bir ülkenin yönetim sisteminin dış politikasındaki davranışlarını belirlediğini dolayısıyla yönetim sistemi demokrasi olan ülkelerin dış politikalarında barışçıl yaklaşımlarda bulunduklarını ve aralarındaki çıkan sorunları savaş ya da çatışma yöntemlerine başvurmadan çözmeye çalıştıklarını savunmaktadır. Tarihte çeşitli nedenlerden dolayı ülkelerarasında birçok anlaşmazlık yaşanmıştır. Ülkelerarasında yaşanan anlaşmazlıklardan biri de nükleer silahlanma yarışıdır. Tek bir hamleyle orduları, şehirleri hatta bölgeleri tamamıyla ortadan kaldırabilecek kapasitede olan nükleer silahlar, yok etme gücüyle tüm dünyanın korkulu bir rüyası haline gelirken diğer taraftan da askeri, siyasi, ekonomi, diplomasi gibi birçok alanda sağladığı avantajları elde etmek için ülkeleri peşinden sürüklemiştir. Nükleer silahların ülkeler arasında yayılması nükleer savaş tehlikesini arttıracağından dolayı uluslararası ortamda endişe oluşturmuştur. Bu noktada tez, bu endişelenmede demokrasinin rolünü, nükleer silahlar ile demokrasi arasındaki ilişkiyi İran nükleer programı üzerinden Demokratik Barış teorisi varsayımları çerçevesinde açıklamayı amaçlamıştır. ; Democracy is a peaceful government system in which all citizens are considered equal regardless of the social and economic situation, and the people have the right to elect their representatives through free and fair elections. The Democratic Peace approach, which has entered into the International Relations literature since the 1980s, also asserts that the administrative system of a country determines the behaviors in its foreign policy, therefore countries with democratic governance systems adopt a peaceful approach in their foreign policies and try to solve the problems between them without using war or conflict methods. There have been many conflicts between countries for various reasons in history. One of the disagreements between countries is the nuclear armament race. While nuclear weapons, which are capable of destroying armies, cities and even regions completely with a single move, have become a nightmare of the whole world with their destructive power, on the other hand, they have trailed countriesin order to gain advantages in many areas such as military, political, economy and diplomacy. The spread of nuclear weapons among countries has raised concerns in the international environment, as it will increase the danger of nuclear war. At this point, the thesis aims to explain the role of democracy in this concern and the relationship between nuclear weapons and democracy within the framework of the assumptions of democratic peace through the Iranian nuclear program.
In: Khodayousefi, Hourieh (2013) Studying the Lurs' Culture in Iran. Afro Asian Journal of Anthropology and Social Policy, 4 (2). pp. 130-133. ISSN 2229-4414
The Lur people are one of the most Iranian original peoples living in the central (middle) Zagros Mountains. The Lurs' geographic area includes large areas of south-western and southern Iran. They occupy 16 provinces of Iran. The purpose of this study is to introduce the Lur people, their geographical distribution and their social and cultural characteristics. Archaeological evidences suggest that the regions of Lurs residence were populated tens of thousands of years before their arrival. Cultural remnants of Lorestan prehistoric societies show the gradual process of passing cultural evolution of many Paleolithic era and urbanisation. Most researchers believe that Lur ethnic groups are of Aryan origin and Iranian descent. The Lori language is derived from the old Persian language and they are closely related. The Lur people speak the Lori and Laki languages, and they converted to Islam after the arrival of Islam in Iran. Political and social structure of the Lurs were tribal, based on kinship but the social status of individuals today depends on their level of education, wealth and occupation. The research method is descriptive, analytical and data collection is done in librarian method.
Special dilemmas for Israel. Concerned with the handling of international terrorism, Israel-American bilateral relations, and evaluating the impact of the Iran-Iraq war on the future of the Middle East.