Suchergebnisse

9 p. typed draft with handwritten corrections of speech of University of Oregon President Robert D. Clark concerning student unrest and the financial crisis facing higher education.

[spa] En este trabajo se examina el concepto de autoridad desde el pensamiento de Hannah Arendt. El objetivo consiste en repensar y reivindicar la importancia de esta categoría política central que ha sido insuficientemente estudiada por la tradición del pensamiento político y cuyo olvido debe ser reparado para comprender adecuadamente la crisis política del presente. Abordar de nuevo la autoridad supone disociarla del poder y también del autoritarismo, nociones con las que habitualmente se la confunde, y rescatar su dimensión específica. En este sentido, se hace hincapié en este trabajo en que la autoridad es incompatible con una concepción del poder como la que está encarnada en la noción de soberanía. Frente a ésta, lo que se expone es que la autoridad comporta una forma de obediencia que no se sustenta sobre la imposición, la coerción o la violencia, sino sobre otros factores como el reconocimiento y que por ello se define inevitablemente por poseer un carácter frágil. La autoridad es lo que implícitamente declara la incompletitud del poder y lo que desvela que éste requiere una instancia exterior que le sirva como fuente de legitimidad. Para acometer este examen de la autoridad, se ha realizado un estudio exhaustivo de la obra de Arendt desde la perspectiva de este concepto y se muestra que éste no ocupa un rol secundario ni aislado en el conjunto de su pensamiento. La autoridad enlaza con una cuestión central en esta autora como es la del mundo y se relaciona de manera íntima con otras de sus preocupaciones principales. La autoridad se sitúa asimismo en el centro de otras cuestiones de primer orden en Arendt como son el poder, la violencia, la soberanía, la ley, la fundación, la memoria, la revolución, el juicio, el sentido común, la república de consejos o sobre todo el mundo, al mismo tiempo que dialoga con otras como son el totalitarismo, la desobediencia civil, el perdón, la promesa o las actividades del trabajo y la acción. En Arendt, la autoridad se define por rasgos como su dimensión relacional, su carácter dinámico o por aparecer como una suerte de contrapeso a la dimensión imprevisible y desbordante de la acción que sin embargo no conduce a la negación de ésta. Por otro lado, la autoridad también provee un horizonte de permanencia que no se encuentra presente en la categoría arendtiana de poder y que resulta fundamental para la posibilidad y viabilidad de una fundación política. Como extensión de estas consideraciones, en las páginas siguientes se desarrollará lo que hemos llamado un poder de recepción y se hará una reconsideración del concepto de autor desde las reflexiones de esta pensadora. Finalmente, este trabajo pretende encarar el que para Arendt consistía en uno de los problemas fundamentales del pensamiento político: cómo reconciliar no la libertad y la igualdad, sino ésta y la autoridad. ; [eng] This work will examine the concept of authority, taking Hannah Arendt's political thinking as a cue. My aim is to rethink and vindicate the importance of this political category, which has been insufficiently examined by the tradition of political thought. In my opinion, its specific dimension needs to be further studied so that we can better understand the current political crisis. In order to fulfil this new approach, we need to dissociate or disentangle the notion of authority from those of power and authoritarianism, concepts with which it has usually been confused. In this regard, this work highlights the fact that authority is incompatible with a conception of power that is embodied in the notion of sovereignty. Contrary to this conception, authority implies a form of obedience which does not stand on imposition, coercion or violence, but on other factors, such as recognition, and consequently it is inevitably defined by its fragile character. Implicitly, authority reveals the incompleteness of power and thus discloses that power needs an exterior instance as a source of legitimacy. In order to complete this task, this research rests upon a deep and exhaustive examination of the works of Hannah Arendt from the perspective of authority and argues that this concept does not play a secondary or isolated role in her thinking. Authority is linked with one of the central problems for this thinker, that of the question of the world. Furthermore, authority is located at the very heart of other major issues, such as the concepts of power, violence, sovereignty, law, foundation, memory, revolution, judgment, common sense or, above all, the world. At the same time the concept of authority plays an important role in the understanding of Arendt's position in regard to the council system and it is useful to delve more deeply into other phenomena such as totalitarianism, civil disobedience, forgiveness, promise or both the activities of work and action. In Arendt, authority is defined by characteristics such as its relational dimension and its dynamic character. In addition, authority is seen as a kind of resource which can counterbalance the unpredictable character inherent to action that at the same time does not negate its freedom or its spontaneity. On the other hand, authority provides a horizon of permanence that is not present in the Arendtian category of power and is crucial for the possibility or viability of the political foundation. As a result of this consideration, in the following pages I develop what I call a ―power of reception‖ and I will reconsider the concept of the author on the basis of Arendt's reflections. Finally, this work aims to tackle what the thinker considered as one of the major challenges for the current political thinking: the reconciliation of not freedom and equality but of equality and authority.

"…it is the people of a country who ultimately determine credibility and legitimacy of an election process." (Declaration of Principles for International Election Observation, July 7, 2005). At a time when international election observation's influence and credibility in Africa are waning, and the continent's democratic gains are declining, civil society organizations (CSOs) are making headway in domestic election observation (DEO). CSOs' mandates extend beyond the limited scope of deterring electoral fraud, curbing civil disobedience, or conferring legitimacy to elected governments. In the long term, domestic election observation builds and reinforces democratic practices and institutions. In addition to advocating for legislation and political reform, as well as encouraging civic participation in political processes, domestic observers foster government accountability. Indeed, it is increasingly imperative that communities own and initiate processes for political transformation on the continent. Growing anti-French, anti-United Nations peacekeeping, and anti-imperialist sentiments in Africa call for greater autonomy, which requires more responsibility from the people. In the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), a civilian stated, "If [the president] continues to depend on foreign forces, we will never have security in Congo, but if he joins forces with the people, we will manage to restore peace and security." This resonates with the discourse that advocates for local ownership and a bottom-up approach to institutionalize democracy and sustain peace. Currently, however, ensuring the sustainability of CSOs involved in election observation, advocacy for inclusive societies, and peace is threatened by repressive political environments and resource constraints.Urgency for Domestic Election Observation An urgency for strengthening the institutional capacity of domestic election observers is required as challenges to institutionalizing democracy on the African continent are mounting. Democracy consolidation efforts are routinely contending with questionable elections, which have contributed to eroding public trust in political institutions and processes in many of the countries in Africa. The 2019/2021 Afrobarometer survey of 34 countries indicates that only 42% of Africans believe elections in their respective countries effectively ensure that parliament representatives reflect the views of voters. Otherwise, popular perception is that elections fail to translate into the electorate's desire for accountable democratic institutions, they do not lead to a change of leaders, and they are not even free and fair. Within this context, domestic election observation undertaken by CSOs is widely acknowledged as more capacitated to engender democratic governance. Not only do CSOs help to build public confidence in the integrity of an electoral process and encourage civic involvement in the political process, but they also advocate for legislation and institutional reform.More attention and support for civil initiatives should thus be prioritized—particularly domestic election observation. The visible waning influence and credibility of foreign intervention necessitates it. For example, according to a survey by the Congo Research Group, 67% of Congolese want MONUSCO—the UN Peacekeeping Mission in the DRC—to leave the country. President Felix Tshisekedi announced at the UN General Assembly in September 2023 that the peacekeeping mission should leave the country in December 2023, a year ahead of the UN-set withdrawal date. This is despite the nations' ongoing preparations for elections scheduled in the same month. It is worth noting that since the DRC's 2006 transitional elections, MONUSCO has tried to ensure that elections were conducted in a relatively safe and secure environment. Therefore, should popular perception prevail, the 2023 elections will be without the missions' support. This will require increased civil society engagement to facilitate social cohesion and ensure that political participation, the electorate's freedoms, and the integrity of an election are not hampered. The outbreak of COVID-19 also further highlighted cracks in the current election observation system. International election observers suspended efforts in countries such as Seychelles and Burundi during their 2020 general elections. This gap required strong visibility of domestic observers on the ground and for them to play a more prominent role in ensuring the integrity of their country's elections. Domestic Election Observation's Mixed Experiences Experiences of domestic election observers on the continent vary contextually. The experiences of the Election Observation Group (ELOG) in Kenya (2022) and YIAGA Africa in Nigeria (2023) markedly differ from those of the Zimbabwe Elections Support Network and the Election Resource Center in Zimbabwe (2023). For the 2022 general elections, ELOG deployed 5,000 observers across 47 counties to observe the pre/election day processes and post-election period. Their Parallel Vote Tabulation (PVT), provided an independent assessment of presidential election results and these findings were consistent with the electoral management body's official results. Similarly, YIAGA Africa, significantly contributed to Nigeria's electoral process by training and deploying 882 Long Term Observers (LTOs) for 2023 elections. The organization was able to observe irregularities believed to disenfranchise some voters. In contrast, 41 of 7,500 Zimbabwe Elections Support Network and the Election Resource Center observers deployed nationwide were arrested during the 2023 elections. Police spokesperson Paul Nyathi accused them of being involved in "subversive and criminal activities" as part of an opposition plan to fabricate the results. During Burundi's 2020 elections, the electoral commission president in his May 28, 2020 media conference dismissed the findings by the Catholic Bishops Council (Conseil des évêques catholiques). Building DEO's ResilienceIn these instances, domestic observer organizations need to unite and support each other through regional networks. These networks will enable organizations to share experiences, challenges, and best practices, enabling them to learn from each other and improve their practices. For instance, the Global Network of Domestic Election Monitors (GNDEM) promotes solidarity among its members and facilitates capacity building through peer-to-peer exchanges, workshops, and targeted visits across the network.Secondly, in repressive political environments, international pressure, and advocacy are necessary to ensure the safety and effectiveness of domestic observers. Furthermore, African Inter-Governmental Organizations need to incorporate and enforce safety and security measures in their normative/legal frameworks to safeguard the freedoms and operations of election observer missions. Observer missions' experiences of insecurity affect their operations and establishing and enforcing laws that protect them from government interference will increase their effectiveness and the credibility of their work.In conclusion, domestic observer organizations should be effectively resourced with adequate and well-coordinated funding directed toward enhancing transparency, accountability, and fairness in the electoral process.Ms. Kgalalelo Nganje holds a Master of Arts in Politics from the University of Johannesburg. Her thesis analyzed the role of international election observation in the 2006 and 2011 elections in the DRC. Since 2019, Kgalalelo has worked with the electoral management body in Botswana and continued contributing her ideas and views to different media outlets including the Daily Maverick and the New Global Order. Her areas of interest include elections, democratic governance, and peacebuilding. She is a Southern Voices Network for Peacebuilding Scholar for the Fall 2023 term in Washington, DC.The opinions expressed on this blog are solely those of the author. They do not reflect the views of the Wilson Center or those of Carnegie Corporation of New York. The Wilson Center's Africa Program provides a safe space for various perspectives to be shared and discussed on critical issues of importance to both Africa and the United States.

"…it is the people of a country who ultimately determine credibility and legitimacy of an election process." (Declaration of Principles for International Election Observation, July 7, 2005). At a time when international election observation's influence and credibility in Africa are waning, and the continent's democratic gains are declining, civil society organizations (CSOs) are making headway in domestic election observation (DEO). CSOs' mandates extend beyond the limited scope of deterring electoral fraud, curbing civil disobedience, or conferring legitimacy to elected governments. In the long term, domestic election observation builds and reinforces democratic practices and institutions. In addition to advocating for legislation and political reform, as well as encouraging civic participation in political processes, domestic observers foster government accountability. Indeed, it is increasingly imperative that communities own and initiate processes for political transformation on the continent. Growing anti-French, anti-United Nations peacekeeping, and anti-imperialist sentiments in Africa call for greater autonomy, which requires more responsibility from the people. In the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), a civilian stated, "If [the president] continues to depend on foreign forces, we will never have security in Congo, but if he joins forces with the people, we will manage to restore peace and security." This resonates with the discourse that advocates for local ownership and a bottom-up approach to institutionalize democracy and sustain peace. Currently, however, ensuring the sustainability of CSOs involved in election observation, advocacy for inclusive societies, and peace is threatened by repressive political environments and resource constraints.Urgency for Domestic Election Observation An urgency for strengthening the institutional capacity of domestic election observers is required as challenges to institutionalizing democracy on the African continent are mounting. Democracy consolidation efforts are routinely contending with questionable elections, which have contributed to eroding public trust in political institutions and processes in many of the countries in Africa. The 2019/2021 Afrobarometer survey of 34 countries indicates that only 42% of Africans believe elections in their respective countries effectively ensure that parliament representatives reflect the views of voters. Otherwise, popular perception is that elections fail to translate into the electorate's desire for accountable democratic institutions, they do not lead to a change of leaders, and they are not even free and fair. Within this context, domestic election observation undertaken by CSOs is widely acknowledged as more capacitated to engender democratic governance. Not only do CSOs help to build public confidence in the integrity of an electoral process and encourage civic involvement in the political process, but they also advocate for legislation and institutional reform.More attention and support for civil initiatives should thus be prioritized—particularly domestic election observation. The visible waning influence and credibility of foreign intervention necessitates it. For example, according to a survey by the Congo Research Group, 67% of Congolese want MONUSCO—the UN Peacekeeping Mission in the DRC—to leave the country. President Felix Tshisekedi announced at the UN General Assembly in September 2023 that the peacekeeping mission should leave the country in December 2023, a year ahead of the UN-set withdrawal date. This is despite the nations' ongoing preparations for elections scheduled in the same month. It is worth noting that since the DRC's 2006 transitional elections, MONUSCO has tried to ensure that elections were conducted in a relatively safe and secure environment. Therefore, should popular perception prevail, the 2023 elections will be without the missions' support. This will require increased civil society engagement to facilitate social cohesion and ensure that political participation, the electorate's freedoms, and the integrity of an election are not hampered. The outbreak of COVID-19 also further highlighted cracks in the current election observation system. International election observers suspended efforts in countries such as Seychelles and Burundi during their 2020 general elections. This gap required strong visibility of domestic observers on the ground and for them to play a more prominent role in ensuring the integrity of their country's elections. Domestic Election Observation's Mixed Experiences Experiences of domestic election observers on the continent vary contextually. The experiences of the Election Observation Group (ELOG) in Kenya (2022) and YIAGA Africa in Nigeria (2023) markedly differ from those of the Zimbabwe Elections Support Network and the Election Resource Center in Zimbabwe (2023). For the 2022 general elections, ELOG deployed 5,000 observers across 47 counties to observe the pre/election day processes and post-election period. Their Parallel Vote Tabulation (PVT), provided an independent assessment of presidential election results and these findings were consistent with the electoral management body's official results. Similarly, YIAGA Africa, significantly contributed to Nigeria's electoral process by training and deploying 882 Long Term Observers (LTOs) for 2023 elections. The organization was able to observe irregularities believed to disenfranchise some voters. In contrast, 41 of 7,500 Zimbabwe Elections Support Network and the Election Resource Center observers deployed nationwide were arrested during the 2023 elections. Police spokesperson Paul Nyathi accused them of being involved in "subversive and criminal activities" as part of an opposition plan to fabricate the results. During Burundi's 2020 elections, the electoral commission president in his May 28, 2020 media conference dismissed the findings by the Catholic Bishops Council (Conseil des évêques catholiques). Building DEO's ResilienceIn these instances, domestic observer organizations need to unite and support each other through regional networks. These networks will enable organizations to share experiences, challenges, and best practices, enabling them to learn from each other and improve their practices. For instance, the Global Network of Domestic Election Monitors (GNDEM) promotes solidarity among its members and facilitates capacity building through peer-to-peer exchanges, workshops, and targeted visits across the network.Secondly, in repressive political environments, international pressure, and advocacy are necessary to ensure the safety and effectiveness of domestic observers. Furthermore, African Inter-Governmental Organizations need to incorporate and enforce safety and security measures in their normative/legal frameworks to safeguard the freedoms and operations of election observer missions. Observer missions' experiences of insecurity affect their operations and establishing and enforcing laws that protect them from government interference will increase their effectiveness and the credibility of their work.In conclusion, domestic observer organizations should be effectively resourced with adequate and well-coordinated funding directed toward enhancing transparency, accountability, and fairness in the electoral process.Ms. Kgalalelo Nganje holds a Master of Arts in Politics from the University of Johannesburg. Her thesis analyzed the role of international election observation in the 2006 and 2011 elections in the DRC. Since 2019, Kgalalelo has worked with the electoral management body in Botswana and continued contributing her ideas and views to different media outlets including the Daily Maverick and the New Global Order. Her areas of interest include elections, democratic governance, and peacebuilding. She is a Southern Voices Network for Peacebuilding Scholar for the Fall 2023 term in Washington, DC.The opinions expressed on this blog are solely those of the author. They do not reflect the views of the Wilson Center or those of Carnegie Corporation of New York. The Wilson Center's Africa Program provides a safe space for various perspectives to be shared and discussed on critical issues of importance to both Africa and the United States.

SARS-CoV-2 pandemic caused dramatic impact on social life and medical care. Anti-COVID-19 highly ideological public policy measures, such as lockdowns, switching off economies, closing borders, casting off dissentaneous medical experts from media sphere, chastising public disobedience to newly introduced undemocratic rules etc., were told to be introduced to curb the virus spread. Their role in curbing SARS-CoV-2 pandemic is still dubious. Instead, they provoked public panic and partially caused healthcare crises in many countries, including Russia. Healthcare systems of most countries of the world were unprepared to such enormous stress. However, considerable threat to medical care was represented not by the SARS-CoV-2 pathogen itself, but by the consequences of the situation when the public policy struggle with the virus was transferred to the ideological field. Public policy initially proposed by the majority of countries was defective and abusive towards the majority of population, including medical workers. Governments and media created the universal ideological narration of the virus deadliness without statistical evidence. This deadliness must have been overcome only by the collective obedience to governmental power structures with forswearing many constitutional civil rights. Those people who accepted the ideology uncritically and declared themselves "needy" and incapable of working due to the pandemic, were favoured by public policy steps, e.g. they might have been given government subsidies, alms and assistance. Those who questioned consistency of governmental steps or even opposed them, were punished and sometimes deprived their constitutional and democratic rights farther, including medical care specialists. Not professional qualities of clinicians and medical personnel were key factors of this "carrot and whip" policy, but unquestioning adherence to the dominant ideology, even in the states whose governments call themselves democratic. This was also true for Russia, especially Moscow. The ...

From a regional perspective, analyses are made of the institutions set up by the provincial state for social governance and state power building, which shaped the schooling process in the province and the emergence of the first state school officials. Between 1840 and 1870, in the province of Jujuy, the Protective Society for Education and the Society of Beneficence operated, with a strong interest in organising, governing and expanding the local schooling process. To that end, between 1840 and 1849, they issued the first regulations for the Letras Schools. As a result, the configuration of a group of civil servants composed of representatives of local political elites, municipal authorities and ecclesiastical officials has been identified, who, with the aim of legitimising the new order of republican government, encouraged the expansion of the schooling process by reversing old practices such as the teaching of religion in schools, then supported by the provincial state, where they squeezed for the good of the republic, and sanctioning social disobedience with the force of state authority. Faculty of Humanities and Education Sciences ; From a regional perspective, the institutions created by the provincial government to govern the social side and the installation of the state power are being analyzed. These institutions are the ones that created the process of schooling in the province3 and the emergence of the first state school officials. Between 1840 and 1870, the Society for the Protection of Education and the Charitable Society were the first ones to operate in the Jujuy province. They had an enormous interest in organizing, governing and expanding the local schooling process. To do this, between 1840 and 1849, they issued the First Regulations for Schools. As a result, we identified the configuration of a group of officials made up of representatives of the local political elite, municipal authorities, and church officials which, in order to legitimize the new Republican administration, promoted the ...

ABSTRAK Fokus penelitian ini adalah implementasi kewenangan Penyidik Pegawai Negeri Sipil dalam penegakan Peraturan Daerah di Kabupaten Bogor, dengan tujuan dapat memahami fungsi Penyidik Pegawai Negeri Sipil, apa kewenangan dan bagaimana implementasi kewenangan tersebut. Penelitian ini menggunakan Teori Kewenangan yang merupakan hak yang dimiliki seorang pejabat pemerintah atau institusi dan lembaga pemerintahan untuk menjalankan wewenang berdasarkan undang-undang. Teori Penegakan Hukum, proses mewujudkan keinginan- keinginan hukum dalam hal ini pikiran badan-badan pembuat undang-undang yang dirumuskan dalam peraturan-peraturan. Teori Sanksi, untuk dapat mengetahui apakah sanksi memberikan pengaruh terhadap sikap patuh atau tidak patuh terhadap norma yang dimuat dalam peraturan daerah. Peneliti menjabarkan bentuk-bentuk wewenang, dan macam-macam sanksi dalam proses penegakan hukum. Penelitian menggunakan Metode Normatif Empiris, sedangkan sifat penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini deskriftif analitis. Teknik pengambilan data menggunakan kepustakaan, penelitian lapangan, dan wawancara. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian dapat penulis simpulkan: a. Fungsi PPNS yaitu sebagai pegawai negeri sipil yang diberikan wewenang untuk melakukan 2. Kewenangan PPNS Kabupaten Bogor mempunyai wewenang untuk melakukan penyidikan terhadap masyarakat atau badan hukum yang melakukan pelanggaran terhadap peraturan daerah. Faktor pendukung meliputi kualitas aparatur baik sisi kemampuan skill dalam melakukan penyidikan dan latar belakang pendidikan dan dukungan dari sisi regulasi/kebiijakan pemerintah. Sementara penghambat mliputi minimnya sarana/prasana, masih kurangnya jumlah PPNS dan sanksi yang tidak tegas. Kata Kunci: PPNS, penegakan peraturan daerah, Implementasi. ABSTRACT The focus of this research is the implementation of the authority of Civil Servant Investigators in the enforcement of Regional Regulations in Bogor Regency, with the aim of being able to understand the function of Civil Servant Investigators, what authority is and how the authority is implemented. This study uses Authority Theory, which is the right of a government official or government institution and institution to exercise authority based on law. Law Enforcement Theory, the process of realizing legal desires, in this case the minds of lawmaking bodies formulated in regulations. Sanction Theory, to find out whether sanctions have an effect on obedience or disobedience to the norms contained in regional regulations. Researchers describe the forms of authority and types of sanctions in the law enforcement process. The study used the Normative Empirical Method, while the nature of the research used in this study was analytical descriptive. Data collection techniques using literature, field research, and interviews. Based on the research results, the authors conclude : a. The PPNS function is as a civil servant who is given the authority to perform 2. Authority PPNS Bogor Regency has the authority to carry out investigations against the public or legal entities that violate local regulations. Supporting factors include the quality of the apparatus both in terms of skills in conducting investigations and educational background and support from the side of government regulations / policies. Meanwhile, the obstacles include the lack of facilities / infrastructure, the insufficient number of PPNS and unclear sanctions Keywords: PPNS, enforcement of local regulations, implementation.

part Part I The Persian Letters -- chapter 1 Personality and Politics in the Persian Letters -- chapter 2 The Idea of Nature in the Lettres Persanes -- chapter 3 Montesquieu's Story of the Troglodytes: Its Background, Meaning, and Significance -- part Part II Roman History -- chapter 4 The Design of Montesquieu's Considerations: Considerations on the Causes of the Greatness of the Romans and Their Decline -- chapter 5 Christianity and Politics in Montesquieu's Greatness and Decline of the Romans -- part Part III The Methodology of the Spirit of Laws -- chapter 6 Montesquieu and the Problem of -- chapter 7 Montesquieu's Methodology: Holism, Individualism, and Morality -- chapter 8 Montesquieu's Method -- chapter 9 Montesquieu's Science of Politics: Absolute Values and Ethical Relativism in L' Esprit des lois -- part Part IV Republics -- chapter 10 Montesquieu and the Classics: Republican Government in The Spirit of the Laws -- chapter 11 Virtuous Republics and Glorious Monarchies: Two Models in Montesquieu's Political Thought -- chapter 12 Not so Virtuous Republics: Montesquieu, Venice, and the Theory of Aristocratic Republicanism -- chapter 13 The Confederate Republic in Montesquieu -- part Part V Monarchies -- chapter 14 The Politics of Distinction and Disobedience: Honor and the Defense of Liberty in Montesquieu -- chapter 15 A Rhetoric of Aristocratic Reaction? Nobility in De l'esprit des lois -- chapter 16 Montesquieu and the Concept of Civil Society -- part Part VI Despotisms -- chapter 17 Montesquieu's Comparative Analysis of Europe and Asia: Intended and Unintended Consequences -- chapter 18 Montesquieu's View of Despotism and His Use of Travel Literature -- chapter 19 Fearing Monarchs and Merchants: Montesquieu's Two Theories of Despotism -- part Part VII England -- chapter 20 Montesquieu, Bolingbroke, and the Separation of Powers -- chapter 21 Montesquieu -- chapter 22 Montesquieu and the Separation of Powers -- part Part VIII Religion -- chapter 23 Montesquieu's Religious Ideas -- chapter 24 Of Believers and Barbarians: Montesquieu's Enlightened Toleration -- part Part IX Commerce, Economics and International Relations -- chapter 25 Montesquieu and the Wealth of nation's -- chapter 26 Commerce, Power and Justice: Montesquieu on International Politics -- part Part X Philosophy of History -- chapter 27 Montesquieu's Historical Pessimism -- chapter 28 Montesquieu's Philosophy of History.

A thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy of the University of Luton. ; During the Great War many European armies (most notably the Russian) collapsed due to major disciplinary problems. However, the British Expeditionary Force avoided these problems up until the Armistice of November 1918. This thesis examines how the discipline and morale of the RE.F. survived the war, by using a case-study of the Irish regiments. In 1914 with Ireland on the brink of a civil war, serious questions had been raised relating to the loyalty of the Irish regiments, particularly in the aftermath of the Curragh Incident. Indeed, intelligence reports prepared for Irish Command suggested that some reserve units would defect en masse to the U.V.F. if hostilities broke out in Ireland. As the Great War progressed, the rise of Sinn Fein produced further concern about the loyalty of Irish troops, seen most vividly in the decisions not to reform the 16th. (Irish) Division following the German Spring Offensive of 1918 and to remove Irish reserve units from Ireland in 1917-18. Nevertheless, a detailed study of courts martial (studied comprehensively in a database project) recently released by the P.R.O., demonstrates that many of the fears relating to Irish troops were groundless. Certainly Irish courts martial rates tended to be high, however, these figures were inflated by cases of drunkenness and absence, not disobedience. Likewise, while a number of mutinies did occur in Irish regiments during the war, this study has revealed that mutinies were much more common in the B.E.F. as a whole, than has been previously believed. This study has also considered the discipline and morale problems caused by the rapid expansion of the British army in 1914 and the appointment of many officers, especially in the 36th. (Ulster) Division, on the basis of their political allegiances rather than professional knowledge. Nevertheless, in general it appears that the discipline and morale of the Irish units in the B.E.F. was very good. Incidents of indiscipline appear to have been caused by the practical problems facing units during training and on active service rather than by the growth of the Sinn Fein movement in Ireland.

Exhibition at LCC as part of the London Design Festival Alternative do-it-yourself (DIY) publishing in the UK is often assumed to have started with photocopiers and punks. However, counterculture and grassroots movements from the mid-1960s onwards generated an explosion of alternative 'not for profit' print and publications, frequently produced by amateurs using basic technologies. Much of this was consciously infused with notions of autonomy and anti-specialism. The mid-60s were a contradictory period of political, creative and social turbulence, a moment when radical ideas were in ferment and hopes for change were high. The experimental and creative energies generated by the counterculture stimulated a proliferation of DIY or self-sufficient activity that spread across the expanding field of the alternative left: from 'happenings' to free schools and communes. Within the pages of the underground/alternative press there is clear evidence of how DIY or 'self-help' activities provided a significant component of countercultural sensibilities and practice. 'How To' articles, sharing and 'demystifying' uncommon knowledge, were a regular feature, and all manner of self-help handbooks could be obtained by mail order or found in alternative bookshops; how to build things, grow things, fix things, take or make drugs, meditate, print and squat. There were also articles and handbooks about how to navigate the unavoidable parts of 'the system', notably the law and the welfare state. It was not just that people could do it for themselves, where possible outside of 'the system' of experts and institutions, but that others could also do it to build 'the alternative society'. At the same time we find in the pages of the underground press biting satire and critique of capitalism, militarism and consumerism. The four publications shown here offer a glimpse into this new upsurge of left voices and causes of protest, specifically the feminist movement, the anti-war and nuclear disarmament movement, as well as radical art and alternative living. This mini-exhibition will be followed by a larger exhibition in 2018, which marks the 50th anniversary of 1968, the year that was the highpoint of 60s era youthful revolt in many parts of the world. Captions: Shrew – August / September issue, Volume 5 No.3 1973 Shrew was the magazine of the Women's Liberation Workshop, a collectivist federation made up of smaller autonomous local women's liberation groups. Many were 'consciousness-raising' groups, with their own character, agendas and affiliations. Shrew ran regularly between 1969 and 1974, had a circulation of about 5,000 and sold very cheaply either by mail order or in women's centres and sympathetic bookshops. Each issue of the magazine was produced by a different local or special interest group that had total freedom in all aspects; content, layout, images and overall design. There was a Shrew collective of representatives committed to helping with the production. As the production of each issue was rotated, the contents and aesthetics of the magazine were incredibly diverse. Shrew represented the sense of empowerment associated by feminists in 'doing it for themselves'. From the collection of The Feminist Library (www.feministlibrary.co.uk). —————————- Hapt – Issues 26 & 27, 1970 Started by a small collective connected to the English Diggers Hapt was a DIY hand-printed counter-culture magazine. Produced between December 1967 and May 1971, running for 27 issues, Hapt was legal-sized, stencil duplicated, with silk-screened covers and centrespread, printed on rough paper in editions of up to 400. It was distributed for free by post, at alternative bookshops and in radical spaces. The UK edition was written and co-ordinated by a small team of seven, initially based in London before later moving to set up communes in Bournemouth and Stroud. There were sister Hapt communes in Holland, Argentina, Belgium and Switzerland. Hapt promoted a DIY culture synonymous with their commune lifestyle, encouraging writing from their readership and sharing knowledge about their means of production through a comprehensive description of the screen print making process. —————————- Resistance – Committee of 100 bulletin – Vol 3 No.4 Apr & 9 Dec 1966 & Vol 4. No 2 June 1967 In 1960, in response to the increasing sense of frustration over the limitations of tactics used by such groups as the Campaign Against Nuclear Disarmament, anti-war activists led by Bertrand Russell launched the Committee of 100. This more militant organisation sought to step up resistance to the UK government policy on weapons of mass destruction by calling for and engaging in mass non-violent resistance and civil disobedience, such as large sit-down demonstrations. In 1962 the group re-launched itself on a decentralised basis, made up by 13 regional Committees organising actions in London and at military bases across the country. Resistance was a bulletin published by the Resistance Working Group in Birmingham and London. It provided information and updates about the movement to the Committee's membership and other related anti-war groups. —————————- King Mob Echo – Issue 1, April 1968. King Mob emerged out of a coming together of members of the English section of the Situationist International and a network of London based cultural radicals in 1968. It went on to become a short-lived but influential radical group that engaged in subversive actions often involving carnivalesque, Dada-esque costumes and humour, such as infiltrating Selfridges at Christmas time dressed up as Santa, handing out the store's toys as 'presents' to children, which resulted in the spectacle of store employees and police desperately snatching toys out of crying children's hands. The group announced their actions through hand-distributed leaflets and word of mouth and between 1968 and 1970 published 5 issues (issue 4 was never published) of King Mob, a glued-together magazine. The first issue, King Mob Echo, included a translation of part of Raoul Vaneigem's 'The Revolution of Daily Life'.

Book reviewed in this article:CLASS AND POLITICS: New South Wales, Victoria and the Early Commonwealth, 1890–1910. By John KickardLABOR AND THE CONSTITUTION 1972–1975 Essays and Commentaries on the Constitutional Controversies of the Whitlam Years in Australian Government. Edited by Gareth Evans (Melbourne: Heinemann, 1977).DESIGN FOR DIVERSITY: Library Services for Higher Education and Research in Australia. Edited by Harrison Bryan and Gordon GreenwoodLEGISLATIVE, EXECUTIVE AND JUDICIAL POWERS IN AUSTRALIA. By W. Ansteq Wynes.SOCIAL POLICY IN AUSTRALIA: Some Perspectives 1901–1975. Edited by Jill Roe (Sydney: Casseil Australia, 1976).OPPORTUNITY AND ATTAINMENT IN AUSTRALIA. By Leonard Broom and F. Lancaster Jones (Canberra: Australian National University Press, 1976).AUSTRALIA IN WORLD AFFAIRS 1966–1970. Edited by Gordon Greenwood and Norman Harper (Melbourne: Cheshire, for Australian Institute of International Affairs 1974).THE GOVERNMENT OF VICTORIA. By Jean HolmesTHE GOVERNMENT OF TASMANIA. By W.A. TownsleyTHE GOVERNMENT OF SOUTH AUSTRALIA. By D.H. JaenschPOLICE IN AUSTRALIA: Development, Functions and Procedures. Written and edited by Kerry L. Mike, assisted by Thomas A. WeberTHE AUSTRALIAN PRICES JUSTIFICATION TRIBUNAL. By J.P. Nieuwenhuysen and A.E. DalyGANDHI AND CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE: The Mahatma in Indian Politics 1928–34. By Judith M. BrownPANCHAYATI RAJ AND EDUCATIONAL ADMINISTRATION. By Iqbal Narain, K.C. Pande and Mohan Lal Sharma (Jaipur: Aalekh Publishers, 1976)CHINA: THE IMPACT OF REVOLUTION: A Survey of Twentieth Century China. Edited by Colin MackerrasINSIDE MAO TSE‐TUNC THOUGHT: An Analytical Blueprint of His Actions. By Yeh Ch'ing, translated and edited by Stephen Pan, T.H. Tsuan and R. MortensenSINO‐SOVIET DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS, 1917–1926. By Sow‐Theng LeongJAPANESE FOREIGN POLICY, 1869–3942 Kasumigaseki to Miyakezaka. By Ian NishORIGINS OF THE WAR IN THE EAST: Britain, China and Japan 1937–39. By Aron ShaiINDONESIA. Second edition. By J. D. LeggeTHE LESSONS OF VIETNAM. Edited by W. Scott Thompson and Donaldson D. Frizzell (Brisbane: University of Queensland Press, 1977).THE MYTH OF THE LAZY NATIVE A Study of the Image of the Malays, Filipinos and Javanese from the 16th to the 20th Century and its Function in the Ideology of Colonial Capitalism. By Syed Hussein AlatasINTELLECTUALS IN DEVELOPING SOCIETIES. By S. H. AlatasOCEANIA AND BEYOND Essays on the Pacific Since 1945. Edited by Frank P. KingTHE POLITICS OF CHANGE IN A ZAMBIAN COMMUNITY. By George C. BondECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT OF LATIN AMERICA: Historical Background and Contemporary Problems. Second Edition. By Celso FurtadoTHE HISTORIAN AS DIPLOMAT Charles Kingsley Webster and the United Nations 1939–1946. By P.A. Reynolds and E.J. HughesYOUTH, EMPIRE AND SOCIETY: British Youth Movements 1883–1940. By John SpringhallSYSTEMS OF STATES. By Martin Wight. Edited by Hedley BullEYE‐DEEP IN HELL: The Western Front 1914–18. By John EllisLORDSHIP AND FEUDALISM IN THE MIDDLE AGES. By Guy FourquinPLANNING, POLITICS AND PUBLIC POLICY: The British, French and Italian Experience. Edited by Jack Hayward and Michael WatsonMODERN SOCIAL POLITICS IN BRITAIN AND SWEDEN: From Relief to Income Maintenance. By Hugh HecloINTERVENTION IN THE MIXED ECONOMY: The Evolution of British Industrial Policy 1964–72. By Stephen Young and A.V. LoweTHE YUGOSLAV EXPERIMENT, 1948–1974. By Dennison Rusinow (London: C. Hurst & Company, for the Royal Institute of International Affairs, 1977).THE DE LORENZO GAMBIT The Italian Coup Manque of 1964. By Richard CollinTHE EMERGENCE OF POLITICAL CATHOLICISM IN ITALY: Partito Popolare 1919–1926. By John N. MolonySOCIAL THOUGHT IN TSARIST RUSSIA: The Quest for a General Science of Society, 1861–1917. By Alexander VucinichIRON AND STEEL IN THE GERMAN INFLATION 1916–1923. By Gerald D. Feldman (Princeton: Princeton University Press. 1977).THE SPANISH ARMY AND CATALONIA: The 'Cu‐Cut! Incident' and the Law of Jurisdictions, 1905–1906. By Joaquin Rornero‐MauraDIE ZElT DER WELTKRIEGE: Handbuch der Deutschen Geschichte, Band 4. By Karl Dietrich Erdmann (Stuttgart: Ernst Klett Verlag, 1976).PARLIAMENT, POLICY AND POLITICS IN THE REIGN OF WIILIAM III. by Henry Horwitz (Manchester: Manchester University Press. 1977).CHARLES STEWART PARNELL The Man and His Family. By R. F. FosterKING LABOUR: The British Working Class 1850–1914. By David KynastonESSAYS IN LABOUR HISTORY 1918–1939. Volume 3. Edited by Asa Briggs and John Saville (London: Croom Helm, 1977).THE POST OFFICE ENGINEERING UNION: The History of the Post Office Engineers, 1870–1970. By Frank Bealey (London: Bachman and Turner, 1976).MACAULAY AND THE WHIG TRADITION. By Joseph HamburgerTHE HOLLAND HOUSE DIARIES 1831–1840: The Diary of Henry Richard Vassall Fox, Third Lord Holland, with Extracts from the Diary of Dr. John Allen.THE FRENCH REVOLUTION: Extracts from The Times 1789–1794. Introduced and edited by Neal AschersonTHE FRENCH POPULAR FRONT: A Legislative Analysis. By Paul WarwickFRANCE 1870–1914 Politics and Society. By R.D. AndersonSTUDIES ON THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION. Edited by Neville MeaneyFROM NATIONALISM TO INTERNATIONALISM: U.S. Foreign Policy to 1914. By Akira IriyeTHE IMPERIAL YEARS The United States Since 1939. By Alonzo L. HambyMASS SOCIETY AND POLITICAL CONFLICT Toward a Reconstruction of Theory. By Sandor HalebskyCRIME AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN SOCIETY. By Howard ZehrOLD AGE IN EUROPEAN SOCIETY: The Case of France. By Peter N. StearnsPOWER AND CONTROL: Social Structures and Their Transformation. Edited by Tom R. Burns and Walter BuckleyRULING CLASS, RULING CULTURE Studies of Conflict, Power and Hegemony in Australian Life. By R.W. ConnellJOHN STUART MILL, By R.J. HallidayMEASUREMENT AND ANALYSIS OF POLITICAL SYSTEMS: A Science of Social Behavior. By Stephen ColemanLANGUAGE AND POLITICS. Edited by William M. O'Barr and Jean F. O'BarrTHE SOCIOLOGY OF POWER. By Roderick MartinORIGIN AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE FRANKFURT SCHOOL A Marxist Perspective. By Phil SlaterHOBBES AND AMERICA: Exploring the Constitutional Foundations. By Frank M. Coleman

Resulta pouco factível decolonizar as práticas e os saberes comunicacionais ancorados na colonialidade do poder das políticas de conhecimento atuais e das tradicionais vozes autorizadas que indicam o quê, quem, como, quando e onde se deve problematizar a Comunicação. Este texto sugere a necessidade de sua "liberação" – em função do estado epistemológico do campo – a partir de umas formas outras de ser-saber no contorno de um conhecimento decolonizado, gestado não apenas na mera des-ocidentalização da produção, intervenção e compreensão intelectual dos processos comunicacionais, mas por meio da desobediência epistêmica. ; It would be unlikely to decolonize the communicational practices and lore anchored in the coloniality of power of the current knowledge politics and in the traditional authorize voices that indicate what, who, how, when and where to problematize Communication. This paper suggests the necessity of its "liberation" –held by the epistemological state of the field- based on some other ways of being-knowing in the edge of a decolonized knowledge, gestated not only by the mere de-westernization in the intellectual production, intervention and understanding of communication processes, but also through epistemic disobedience. ; Resulta poco factible decolonizar las prácticas y los saberes comunicacionales anclados en la colonialidad del poder de las políticas del conocimiento actuales y de las tradicionales voces autorizadas que indican qué, quién, cómo, cuándo y dónde se debe problematizar la Comunicación. Este texto sugiere la necesidad de su "liberación" –en función del estado epistemológico del campo– a partir de unas otras formas de ser-saber en el contorno de un conocimiento decolonizado, gestado no solo por la mera des-occidentalización en la producción, intervención y comprensión intelectual de los procesos comunicacionales, sino a través de la desobediencia epistémica. Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicación Social

Introduction to Samuel, Kings and Chronicles The historical background of Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles From Tribal Confederation to Monarchy: 1 Samuel The perils of inherited authority (1 Samuel 1-3) The perils of treating God like a good luck charm (1 Samuel 4) The opportunities that arise from working faithfully (1 Samuel 5-7) When children disappoint (1 Samuel 8:1-3) The Israelites ask for a king (1 Samuel 8:4-22) The Task of Choosing a King (1 Samuel 9-16) David's rise to power (1 Samuel 17-30) Abigail defuses a crisis between David and Nabal (1 Samuel 25) The Golden Age of the Monarchy: 2 Samuel 1-24, 1 Kings 1-11, 1 Chronicles 21-25 David's Successes and Failures as King (2 Samuel 1-24) David's dysfunctional handling of family conflict leads to civil war (2 Samuel 13-19) David's disobedience to God causes a national pestilence (1 Chronicles 21:1-17) David's patronage of the musical arts (1 Chronicles 25) Assessing David's reign (1 Kings) Preparing for a Successor to Israel's Throne (1 Kings 1; 1 Chronicles 22) Solomon Succeeds David as King (1 Kings 1-11) Solomon Builds the Temple of the Lord (1 Kings 5-8) Solomon Centralizes the Rule of the Kingdom (1 Kings 9-11) Assessing Solomon's Golden Age (1 Kings) From Failed Monarchies to Exile (1 Kings 11 - 2 Kings 25; 2 Chronicles 10-36) Obadiah saves a hundred people by working within a corrupt system (1 Kings 18:1-4) Ahab and Jezebel murder Naboth to get his property (1 Kings 21) The Prophet Elisha's Attention to Ordinary Work (2 Kings 2-6) Elisha's restoration of a household's financial solvency (2 Kings 4:1-7) Elisha's restoration of a military commander's health (2 Kings 5:1-14) Elisha's restoration of a lumberjack's axe (2 Kings 6:1-7) The Southern Kingdom's march toward Exile (1 Kings 11:41 - 2 Kings 25:26; 2 Chronicles 10 - 36) Financial accountability in the Temple (2 Kings 12:1-12) Arrogance and the end of the kingdoms (2 Chronicles 26) Conclusions from Samuel, Kings, and Chronicles

Abstrak Peraturan Walikota Surabaya Nomor 21 Tahun 2018 Tentang Tata Cara Penyelenggaraan Reklame pada pasal 4 ayat (1) menjelaskan bahwa setiap orang pribadi atau badan yang akan menyelenggarakan reklame di Daerah wajib memperoleh izin penyelenggaraan reklame dari Walikota. Namun pada kenyataannya, masih banyak orang yang tidak melakukan izin dan melakukan pelanggaran penyelenggaraan reklame di Kota Surabaya. Hal tersebut berdampak pada Pendapatan Asli Daerah Kota Surabaya. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui apa yang menjadi kendala penegakan hukum terhadap pelanggaran izin reklame di Kota Surabaya sehingga sampai saat ini pelanggaran mengenai izin reklame masih tetap ada serta untuk mengetahui apa upaya yang telah dilakukan oleh Pemerintah Kota Surabaya untuk mengoptimalisasi penegakan hukum terhadap pelanggaran izin reklame di Kota Surabaya. Penelitian ini menggunakan jenis penelitian yuridis sosiologis. Pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan cara wawancara dan dokumentasi. Teknik analisis data yang digunakan yaitu deskriptif kualitatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa penegakan hukum terhadap pelanggaran izin reklame di Kota Surabaya tidak berjalan efektif. Terdapat kendala dalam proses penegakan hukum terhadap pelanggaran izin reklame di Kota Surabaya yaitu minimnya personil Satuan Polisi Pamong Praja sebagai penegak hukum, dan ketidaktaatan masyarakat Kota Surabaya terhadap peraturan yang berlaku. Kata kunci : izin, penegakan hukum, reklame, kendala Abstract Surabaya Mayor Regulation No. 21 of 2018 on Procedure for Managing Advertisements in Article 4 paragraph (1) explains that every individual or agency that will conduct advertisement in the Region must obtain the advertisement permit from the Mayor. But in reality, there are still many people who do not permit and violate the advertisement in Surabaya. This has an impact on the Original Revenue of the City of Surabaya. The purpose of this study is to find out what are the obstacles to law enforcement for violations of advertisement license violations in the city of Surabaya so that until now violations regarding advertisement licenses still exist and to find out what efforts have been made by the Surabaya City Government to optimize law enforcement against violations of advertisement license violations in the city of Surabaya. This research uses sociological juridical research type. Data collection is done by interview and documentation. The data analysis technique used is descriptive qualitative. The results showed that law enforcement against advertisement license violations in Surabaya City was not effective. There are obstacles in the process of law enforcement on violations of advertisement license violations in Surabaya, namely the lack of personnel from the Civil Service Police Unit as law enforcers, and the disobedience of the people of Surabaya City against the applicable regulations. Keywords: permit, law enforcement, advertisement, obstacles