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Evidence exists that democracies are particularly stable, yet also that processes of democratisation are highly susceptible to conflict, especially if democratisation occurs in the aftermath of violent conflict. New research from the German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE) indicates that external democracy support can help mitigate the destabilising effects of post-conflict demo¬cratisation. Since the 1990s, democracy support has been integral to most peacebuilding efforts. Supporting free and fair elections or a vibrant media seems well-suited for fostering peace: Democratic institutions can actively deal with societal conflicts, in sharp contrast to authoritarian regimes, which often rely on repression. However, altering power relations through more political competition can also trigger power struggles, which newly emerging democratic institutions may have difficulty containing. Therefore, questions arise regarding countries that have embarked on a process of democratisation after civil war: Can democracy support help to mitigate destabilising effects, or does it reinforce them? If it can foster peace, how should it be designed in order to avoid renewed violence?The wisdom or folly of supporting democracy to build peace after civil war has caused controversy, yet has rarely been tested empirically. This briefing paper summarises findings from DIE research that addresses this gap. The results demonstrate that:External democracy support that accompanies post-conflict democratisation can help to foster peace after civil war. Importantly, it does not trigger renewed violence.Analysing the effects of two donor strategies to deal with trade-offs between stability (preventing renewed violence) and democracy shows that prioritising stability over democracy does not contain fewer risks than gradualist support, in contrast to widespread assumptions. In fact, the prioritising strategy can also fail, and even be counterproductive.The competitive elements of a democratic system explain both why it can help to avoid, or provoke, renewed violence. Democracy support facilitating "controlled competition" can mitigate the destabilizing effects: Support for political competition strengthens the peace-enhancing effects by promoting meaningful choice and enabling the peaceful allocation and withdrawal of political power. Fostering institutional constraints limits the discretionary power of the executive and enforces a commitment to democratic rules.These results can provide guidance to policy-makers when engaging in post-conflict situations:Donors should actively accompany post-conflict democratisation processes with substantial democracy support. They should not refrain from offering such support until stability has already proven to be sustain¬able, since it can make an important contribution towards strengthening peace and help in avoiding destabilising effects.When facing trade-offs between stability and democracy in post-conflict situations, donors should bear in mind that prioritising stability is not less risk-prone than a gradualist approach, which promotes both stability and democracy in an iterative way. Thus, prioritising stability should not be the obvious choice in post-conflict situations. Instead, donors should carefully scrutinise the political dynamics before applying either strategy and recall that a gradualist approach offers considerable potential for strengthening peace sustainably.Engaging in a context of post-conflict democratisation, donors should provide substantial support both for political competition and for institutional constraints.

Evidence exists that democracies are particularly stable, yet also that processes of democratisation are highly susceptible to conflict, especially if democratisation occurs in the aftermath of violent conflict. New research from the German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE) indicates that external democracy support can help mitigate the destabilising effects of post-conflict democratisation. Since the 1990s, democracy support has been integral to most peacebuilding efforts. Supporting free and fair elections or a vibrant media seems well-suited for fostering peace: Democratic institutions can actively deal with societal conflicts, in sharp contrast to authoritarian regimes, which often rely on repression. However, altering power relations through more political competition can also trigger power struggles, which newly emerging democratic institutions may have difficulty containing. Therefore, questions arise regarding countries that have embarked on a process of democratisation after civil war: Can democracy support help to mitigate destabilising effects, or does it reinforce them? If it can foster peace, how should it be designed in order to avoid renewed violence?The wisdom or folly of supporting democracy to build peace after civil war has caused controversy, yet has rarely been tested empirically. This briefing paper summarises findings from DIE research that addresses this gap. The results demonstrate that:External democracy support that accompanies post-conflict democratisation can help to foster peace after civil war. Importantly, it does not trigger renewed violence.Analysing the effects of two donor strategies to deal with trade-offs between stability (preventing renewed violence) and democracy shows that prioritising stability over democracy does not contain fewer risks than gradualist support, in contrast to widespread assumptions. In fact, the prioritising strategy can also fail, and even be counterproductive.The competitive elements of a democratic system explain both why it can help to avoid, or provoke, renewed violence. Democracy support facilitating "controlled competition" can mitigate the destabilizing effects: Support for political competition strengthens the peace-enhancing effects by promoting meaningful choice and enabling the peaceful allocation and withdrawal of political power. Fostering institutional constraints limits the discretionary power of the executive and enforces a commitment to democratic rules.These results can provide guidance to policy-makers when engaging in post-conflict situations:Donors should actively accompany post-conflict democratisation processes with substantial democracy support. They should not refrain from offering such support until stability has already proven to be sustain¬able, since it can make an important contribution towards strengthening peace and help in avoiding destabilising effects.When facing trade-offs between stability and democracy in post-conflict situations, donors should bear in mind that prioritising stability is not less risk-prone than a gradualist approach, which promotes both stability and democracy in an iterative way. Thus, prioritising stability should not be the obvious choice in post-conflict situations. Instead, donors should carefully scrutinise the political dynamics before applying either strategy and recall that a gradualist approach offers considerable potential for strengthening peace sustainably.Engaging in a context of post-conflict democratisation, donors should provide substantial support both for political competition and for institutional constraints.

The article analyzes the phenomenon of digital interference with national political systems in the conditions of the modern information society and the evolution of the Internet as a space of political communications. It is shown that digital intervention is relevant but at the same time a complex multidimensional phenomenon of contemporary politics. In many respects, the potential of the digital interference phenomenon is closely related to the substantive and functional features of the functioning and transformation of the contemporary Internet, which has been actively used when changing political regimes in many countries. The initiatives of countries to form the sovereign national segments of the Internet space are, on the one hand, an attempt to protect their political systems from external influence and invasion, to ensure their own political stability, and on the other hand, they pose risks to the democratic potential of the Internet. The article substantiates the thesis that the phenomenon of interference with elections in actual practice often becomes not so much an objective process as an instrument of information warfare, mass political propaganda and discredit of political opponents, a manipulative tool that can be actively used not only by authoritarian regimes with a low level of democratic development. It is noted that differences in understanding and defining the essence of the Internet by various countries give rise to a significant potential for political conflicts on a global scale. This leads the author to conclude that it is necessary to form institutions that are able to prevent and regu- late information conflicts in the Internet space, as well as reduce global political risks (including risks associated with potential interference in the electoral process of sovereign states), forming a collective responsibility in the functioning of the global Internet. ; Artykuł analizuje zjawisko ingerencji cyfrowej w krajowe systemy polityczne w warunkach współczesnego społeczeństwa informacyjnego oraz ewolucję Internetu jako przestrzeni komunikacji politycznej. Wykazano, że interwencja cyfrowa to istotne i jednocześnie złożone, wielowymiarowe zjawisko współczesnej polityki. Pod wieloma względami potencjał zjawiska zakłóceń cyfrowych jest ściśle związany z merytorycznymi i funkcjonalnymi cechami działania i transformacji współczesnego Internetu, który jest aktywnie wykorzystywany przy zmianie ustrojów politycznych w wielu krajach. Inicjatywy krajów zmierzające do utworzenia suwerennych krajowych segmentów przestrzeni internetowej są – z jednej strony – podejmowaną w celu zapewnienia sobie stabilności politycznej próbą ochrony swoich systemów politycznych przed wpływami zewnętrznymi i inwazją, a z drugiej strony, stanowią ryzyko dla demokratycznego potencjału Internetu. Artykuł uzasadnia tezę, że w praktyce zjawisko ingerencji w wybory często staje się nie tyle obiektywnym procesem, co narzędziem wojny informacyjnej, masowej propagandy politycznej i dyskredytacji przeciwników politycznych oraz narzędziem manipulacji, które może być aktywnie wykorzystywane nie tylko przez reżimy autorytarne o niskim poziomie rozwoju demokratycznego. Podkreślono, że różnice w rozumieniu i definiowaniu istoty Internetu przez różne kraje powodują znaczny potencjał konfliktów politycznych w skali globalnej. Prowadzi to autora do wniosku, że konieczne jest utworzenie instytucji zdolnych do zapobiegania konfliktom informacyjnym w przestrzeni internetowej i ich regulowania, a także do ograniczania globalnego ryzyka politycznego (w tym ryzyka związanego z potencjalną ingerencją w proces wyborczy suwerennych państw) i formowania zbiorowej odpowiedzialności za funkcjonowanie globalnego Internetu.

Pasca pengesahkan Peraturan Daerah Istimewa Nomor 2 Tahun 2015 Tentang Tata Cara Pengisian Jabatan Gubernur dan Wakil Gubernur Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta oleh DPRD, memicu sebuah persoalan. Pasal 18 huruf m terkait syarat yang harus dipenuhi oleh Calon Gubernur dan Wakil Gubernur adalah harus menyerahkan salah satunya Daftar Riwayat Hidup Istri. Dengan ini berarti, secara tersirat calon Gubernur DIY adalah harus seorang laki-laki. Keraton Yogyakarta langsung merespon dengan mengeluarkan Dhawuh Raja serta mengangkat Puteri pertama Sultan Hamengku Buwono X sebagai Puteri Mahkota Kasultanan Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat. Pengangkatan tersebut dianggap bertentangan dengan paugeran Kraton dan Perdais No. 2 Tahun 2015 terkait Tatacara Pemilihan Gubernur dan Wakil Gubernur. Tujuan penelitian adalah untuk mengetahui pandangan politik Anggota DPRD DIY terhadap wacana suksesi di Kraton Yogyakarta. Metode Penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode penelitian deskriptif kualitatif, dengan melakukan wawancara pada pimpinan fraksi di DPRD DIY. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa padangan politik fraksi di DPRD Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta terbagi menjadi tiga dalam memandang regulasi tersebut, menyetujui suksesi, menolak suksesi, dan Perdais, dan pandangan abstain terhadap wacana suksesi. Kesimpulannya adalah, tujuh fraksi yang ada di DPRD Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta, mempunyai penafsiran masing–masing terhadap UUK dan Perdais, hal ini akan menilbulkan persoalan, ketika melakukan pengisian jabatan gubernur dan wakil gubernur dalam mekanisme politik yang ada di DPRD Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta.After the ratification of the Special Region Regulation No. 2 of 2015 concerning Procedures for Filling in the Position of the Governor and Deputy Governor of the Special Region of Yogyakarta by the DPRD triggered a problem. Article 18 letter m related to the conditions that must be fulfilled by the candidates for Governor and Deputy Governor are that they must submit the curriculum vitae of their wife. By this, it is implied that the candidate for Governor of DIY must be a man. The Yogyakarta Palace responded immediately by issuing Dhawuh Raja and appointed Sultan Hamengku Buwono X's first Princess as the Crown Princess of the Ngayogyakarta Hadiningrat Sultanate. The appointment was considered to be in contradiction with the court palace and Special Region Regulation No. 2 of 2015 concerning Procedures for the Election of Governors and Deputy Governors. The purpose of this study was to determine the political views of the members of the Yogyakarta Special Region Parliament on the succession discourse in the Sultan's Palace. The research method used was a descriptive qualitative research method, by conducting interviews with the leaders of the factions in the Yogyakarta Special Region Parliament. The results showed that the political views of the factions in the DPRD the Special Region of Yogyakarta were divided into three in viewing the regulation, approving succession, rejecting succession, and Perdais, and abstaining from the discourse of succession. The conclusion is that the seven factions in the DPRD of the Special Region of Yogyakarta have their respective interpretations of the UUK and Special Region Regulation, this will cause problems, when filling the positions of the governor and deputy governor in the political mechanism in the DPRD of the Special Region of Yogyakarta.

In today's world of intense ideological conflict at the elite level, the nature of mass belief systems has changed dramatically since the last time Converse's famous levels of conceptualization (Campbell et al., 1960; Converse, 1964) were coded in 2000. This paper shows that the percentage with well-developed belief systems based on a clear understanding of public policy choices has increased substantially since then. It also introduces a new category termed "policy wonks" to reflect a sub-category that Converse only referred to in passing but which is now quite common. Unlike respondents whom I classify as "concept ideologues" in this paper, policy wonks do not employ overarching concepts such as liberalism/conservatism or the scope of government. Rather, policy wonks just refer to at least three public policy stands when asked what they like and dislike about the major parties and presidential candidates. Although it was very rare for citizens in the 1950s to show a clear belief system based on the specific choices of government action, today's highly intense and polarized policy debates have made programmatic-oriented belief systems quite common. A close examination of policy wonks shows that they are just as politically knowledgeable and consistent on issue dimensions as concept ideologues (i.e., those who employ ideological terms). Hence, policy wonks possess a well-defined belief system based on employing an understanding of public policy, thereby befitting Converse's criteria for classification at the top level of conceptualization. The substantial increases in both concept ideologues and policy wonks accounts for virtually all of the increase since the 1980s in respondents whose partisanship matches their ideology (i.e., conservative Republicans and liberal Democrats). Not only are respondents at the top of levels of conceptualization more numerous than they used to be, but being more consistent than they used to be has led to a marked increase in the overall correspondence between partisanship and ideology. On the other hand, the decrease in ideologically inconsistent partisans (i.e., liberal Republicans and conservative Democrats) has occurred across all conceptualization levels. Thus, party polarization is a combination of: 1) better-developed belief systems increasing ideological-partisan consistency; and 2) partisan sorting decreasing partisans who are out step with their party's ideological stance.Past research has shown that Republicans are substantially more likely to be ideologues whereas Democrats are much more inclined to conceptualize politics in terms of group benefits. This pattern was quite evident in the 2008 and 2012 American National Election Study (ANES) responses that I personally coded. However, two developments occurred in 2016 that dramatically reshaped the partisan nature of belief systems. First, the Bernie Sanders wing of the Democratic Party evidenced a great deal of ideological thinking, thereby pushing Democrats to a record percentage at the top level of ideological conceptualization. Second, the voters who supported Trump in the Republican primaries were much less likely to be ideologues or policy wonks than those who supported more traditional Republican candidates. These developments combined to make Democrats and Republicans more similar than ever before in terms of ideological conceptualization in 2016.

After the 2016 presidential election, the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) was among a number of advocacy focused nonprofit organizations that experienced a surge in donations. Nonprofit advocacy organizations play an important role in informing and engaging the public, and setting agendas for what issues become prominent and are deemed important in American public life. From its position as a powerful and well-established organization, analyzing how the ACLU communicates to members about the civil liberties conflicts within the current administration is a fruitful exploration of potentially effective organizational communication, as well as an important insight in to a key political influencer in the United States. It was found that ACLU email communications to members function persuasively because they are consistent with the overarching hero myth narrative of the organization. The literature demonstrates that narratives are key components of communication. According to the narrative paradigm, humans understand reality through communicating stories that make sense to them and support their experiences. Organizations also use stories to similarly understand and communicate their work. The most persuasive stories are those that ring true to most people. Myths are stories that follow accepted archetypal structures that almost everyone is familiar with (e.g., good wins over evil, hard work pays off). A narrative analysis of the plot, characters, and settings was used to analyze eleven ACLU emails sent to members in regards to the Justice Kavanaugh confirmation hearings and contrasted with the "About" section of the ACLU website. It was found that in both the "About" information and the set of emails the ACLU uses the hero myth, where the organization is engaged in a just battle for what is good, in this case liberty and freedom. It was found that the emails engage members by persuasively inviting them to cast themselves as characters in the hero myth along side the organization and take action offline (by donating money or calling their elected officials) in the same way that their characters jump into the excitement of the fight. ACLU member emails persuaded supporters to view their action as meaningful through inviting them to see themselves in the hero myth. This research helps to fill a gap in the organization communication literature regarding narratives used externally in member communications. Not only is a narrative analysis a unique approach when applied to external communications, but it also provides a deeper understanding of how organizational narratives can function persuasively. This research also helps to provide more information about the communication strategies of ACLU and similar organizations, which are also underrepresented in the literature. Advocacy nonprofits in general but especially the ACLU play a powerful role in American politics and public life. So notably, the way they frame issues has a broader impact on public understanding of current events. The ACLU reinforces broad cultural narratives, like the hero myth, by drawing on those stories in their member communications, contributing to the understanding of issues of justice and the legal system as a battle scene or a fight, or a struggle between good and evil. This analysis is important because the ACLU is an influential actor in communicating the stories that citizens believe, both in the sense of myths and current events.

The promulgation of the implementation of the Constitutional Court's decision is in the spotlight of other State Institutions that have repealed articles that have been canceled by the Constitutional Court in the new Law. Likewise with the authority of the Constitutional Court. In the process of presidential impeachment by the MPR there are indications that the Constitutional Court's Decision stating that the president and / or vice-president were proven guilty by the Constitutional Court can also be set aside, given the political process in the MPR which refers to the minimum decision-making conditions. The president is attended by at least ¾ of the total number of MPR members and is approved by at least 2/3 of the total members present. The research method used is a normative research method with the statue approach approach. Sources and Types of Legal Materials namely primary legal materials, secondary legal materials and tertiary legal materials related to this study. From the results of the study, the paradox of the presidential impeachment in the principle of the rule of law, the process of presidential impeachment according to the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia NRI is carried out by political and legal mechanisms. The Basic Strength of the Constitutional Court Decision in the Context of Presidential Decree In State Principles is Article 1 paragraph 3 of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia NRI "the state of Indonesia is a constitutional State" adjudicates at the first and last level that causes the Constitutional Court's decision to be final and binding for the MPR in impeaching the President and or Deputy PresidentKeywords: paradox, presidential election, principles rule of lawABSTRAKPromlematika implementasi putusan MK menjadi sorotan terhadap Lembaga Negara lain yangmemuculkan kembali pasal-pasal yang telah dibatalkan oleh MK dalam Undang-undang yang baru. Demikian juga terhadap wewenang MK Dalam proses pemakzulan presiden oleh MPR ada indikasi Putusan MK yang menyatakan presiden dan atau wakil presiden terbukti bersalah oleh MK dapat juga dikesampingkan, mengingat proses politik di MPR yang mengacu pada syarat pengambilan keputusan minimal syarat dukungan Pemakzulan Presiden dan/atau Wakil Presiden minimal dihadiri oleh sekurang-kurangnya ¾ dari jumlah anggota MPR dan disetujui oleh sekurang-kurangnya 2/3 dari jumlah anggota yang hadir. Metode Penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode penelitian normatif dengan metode pendekatan perundanng-undangan (statue Approach). Sumber dan Jenis Bahan Hukum yaitu Bahan hukum primer, Bahan Hukum Skunder dan Bahan Hukum Tersier yang berkaitan dengan penelitian ini. Dari hasil penelitian, terhadap paradoks pemakzulan presiden dalam prinsip Negara hukum, proses pemakzulan presiden menurut UUD NRI Tahun 1945 dilakukan dengan mekanisme polik dan hukum. Dasar Kekuatan Putusan MK dalam Konteks Pemakzulan Presiden Dalam Prinsip Negara adalah Pasal 1 ayat 3 UUD NRI Tahun 1945 "negara Indonesia adalah Negara hukum" mengadili pada tingkat pertama dan terakhir yang menimbulkan putusan MK bersifat final dan mengikat bagi MPR dalam melakukan Pemakzulan Presiden dan atau Wakil Pesiden.Kata kunci: paradoks pemakzulan presiden, pinsip negara hukum

The article is devoted to the study of the contract on service in the police as the basis for the emergence of labor relations of police officers. The article examines the norms of national legislation providing for the use of a contract as a basis for the emergence of labor relations, as well as scientific approaches to understanding the nature and characteristics of a contract. The definition of the "contract on service in the police" and the proposals for the improvement of national legislation in the field of service in the police are given. It is substantiated that the Labor Code of Ukraine stipulates in fact two grounds for the emergence of an employment relationship: an employment contract and a contract. Along with this it is proposed to highlight other reasons, namely the act of appointment; the act of election to office; the decision of the competition commission; a court decision on the conclusion of an employment contract; referral to work by a body authorized by the law at the expense of the established quota. It is stated that the scope of contracts is limited by the laws of Ukraine, that is, contracts can be concluded by employers only with those categories of employees that are clearly defined by law. Non-compliance with this rule is a ground for recognition in accordance with Art. 9 of the Labor Code invalid contractual working conditions, which worsen the position of the employee in comparison with the legislation of Ukraine. The thesis that the Labor Code of Ukraine primarily calls the contract a special form of employment contract, however, has been raised in the legal literature regarding this definition. The author makes arguments about the expediency of making changes to Art. 63 of the Law of Ukraine "On the National Police" ; Стаття присвячена дослідженню контракту про проходження служби в поліції як підстави виникнення трудових правовідносин поліцейських. Досліджуються норми національного законодавства, які передбачають застосування контракту як підстави виникнення трудових правовідносин, а також наукові підходи до розуміння сутності та ознак контракту. Надається визначення поняття «контракт про проходження служби в поліції» та пропозиції з удосконалення національного законодавства у сфері проходження служби в поліції. Обгрунтовано, що в Кодексі законів про працю України передбачено фактично дві підстави виникнення трудових правовідносин: трудовий договір та контракт. Поряд з цим пропонується виділяти й інші підстави, а саме акт призначення на посаду; акт обрання на посаду; рішення конкурсної комісії; судове рішення про укладення трудового договору; направлення на роботу уповноваженим законом органом у рахунок встановленої квоти. Зазначено, що сфера застосування контрактів обмежена законами України, тобто контракти можуть укладатися роботодавцями лише з тими категоріями працівників, які чітко визначені законом. Недотримання цього правила є підставою для визнання відповідно до ст. 9 КЗпП недійсними умов праці за контрактом, які погіршують становище працівника порівняно із законодавством України. Також наведена теза про те, що Кодекс законів про працю України передусім називає контракт особливою формою трудового договору, проте у юридичній літературі були висловлені заперечення стосовно такого визначення. Автор наводить аргументи стосовно доцільності внесення змін до ст. 63 Закону України «Про Національну поліцію».

Evidence exists that democracies are particularly stable, yet also that processes of democratisation are highly susceptible to conflict, especially if democratisation occurs in the aftermath of violent conflict. New research from the German Development Institute / Deutsches Institut für Entwicklungspolitik (DIE) indicates that external democracy support can help mitigate the destabilising effects of post-conflict democratisation. Since the 1990s, democracy support has been integral to most peacebuilding efforts. Supporting free and fair elections or a vibrant media seems well-suited for fostering peace: Democratic institutions can actively deal with societal conflicts, in sharp contrast to authoritarian regimes, which often rely on repression. However, altering power relations through more political competition can also trigger power struggles, which newly emerging democratic institutions may have difficulty containing. Therefore, questions arise regarding countries that have embarked on a process of democratisation after civil war: Can democracy support help to mitigate destabilising effects, or does it reinforce them? If it can foster peace, how should it be designed in order to avoid renewed violence? The wisdom or folly of supporting democracy to build peace after civil war has caused controversy, yet has rarely been tested empirically. This briefing paper summarises findings from DIE research that addresses this gap. The results demonstrate that: * External democracy support that accompanies postconflict democratisation can help to foster peace after civil war. Importantly, it does not trigger renewed violence. * Analysing the effects of two donor strategies to deal with trade-offs between stability (preventing renewed violence) and democracy shows that prioritising stability over democracy does not contain fewer risks than gradualist support, in contrast to widespread assumptions. In fact, the prioritising strategy can also fail, and even be counterproductive. * The competitive elements of a democratic system explain both why it can help to avoid, or provoke, renewed violence. Democracy support facilitating "controlled competition" can mitigate the destabilizing effects: Support for political competition strengthens the peaceenhancing effects by promoting meaningful choice and enabling the peaceful allocation and withdrawal of political power. Fostering institutional constraints limits the discretionary power of the executive and enforces a commitment to democratic rules. These results can provide guidance to policy-makers when engaging in post-conflict situations: 1. Donors should actively accompany post-conflict democratisation processes with substantial democracy support. They should not refrain from offering such support until stability has already proven to be sustainable, since it can make an important contribution towards strengthening peace and help in avoiding destabilising effects. 2. When facing trade-offs between stability and democracy in post-conflict situations, donors should bear in mind that prioritising stability is not less risk-prone than a gradualist approach, which promotes both stability and democracy in an iterative way. Thus, prioritising stability should not be the obvious choice in post-conflict situations. Instead, donors should carefully scrutinise the political dynamics before applying either strategy and recall that a gradualist approach offers considerable potential for strengthening peace sustainably. 3. Engaging in a context of post-conflict democratisation, donors should provide substantial support both for political competition and for institutional constraints. ; 2nd revised edition

The article analyzes the phenomenon of digital interference with national political systems in the conditions of the modern information society and the evolution of the Internet as a space of political communications. It is shown that digital intervention is relevant but at the same time a complex multidimensional phenomenon of contemporary politics. In many respects, the potential of the digital interference phenomenon is closely related to the substantive and functional features of the functioning and transformation of the contemporary Internet, which has been actively used when changing political regimes in many countries. The initiatives of countries to form the sovereign national segments of the Internet space are, on the one hand, an attempt to protect their political systems from external influence and invasion, to ensure their own political stability, and on the other hand, they pose risks to the democratic potential of the Internet. The article substantiates the thesis that the phenomenon of interference with elections in actual practice often becomes not so much an objective process as an instrument of information warfare, mass political propaganda and discredit of political opponents, a manipulative tool that can be actively used not only by authoritarian regimes with a low level of democratic development. It is noted that differences in understanding and defining the essence of the Internet by various countries give rise to a significant potential for political conflicts on a global scale. This leads the author to conclude that it is necessary to form institutions that are able to prevent and regu- late information conflicts in the Internet space, as well as reduce global political risks (including risks associated with potential interference in the electoral process of sovereign states), forming a collective responsibility in the functioning of the global Internet. ; Artykuł analizuje zjawisko ingerencji cyfrowej w krajowe systemy polityczne w warunkach współczesnego społeczeństwa informacyjnego oraz ewolucję Internetu jako przestrzeni komunikacji politycznej. Wykazano, że interwencja cyfrowa to istotne i jednocześnie złożone, wielowymiarowe zjawisko współczesnej polityki. Pod wieloma względami potencjał zjawiska zakłóceń cyfrowych jest ściśle związany z merytorycznymi i funkcjonalnymi cechami działania i transformacji współczesnego Internetu, który jest aktywnie wykorzystywany przy zmianie ustrojów politycznych w wielu krajach. Inicjatywy krajów zmierzające do utworzenia suwerennych krajowych segmentów przestrzeni internetowej są – z jednej strony – podejmowaną w celu zapewnienia sobie stabilności politycznej próbą ochrony swoich systemów politycznych przed wpływami zewnętrznymi i inwazją, a z drugiej strony, stanowią ryzyko dla demokratycznego potencjału Internetu. Artykuł uzasadnia tezę, że w praktyce zjawisko ingerencji w wybory często staje się nie tyle obiektywnym procesem, co narzędziem wojny informacyjnej, masowej propagandy politycznej i dyskredytacji przeciwników politycznych oraz narzędziem manipulacji, które może być aktywnie wykorzystywane nie tylko przez reżimy autorytarne o niskim poziomie rozwoju demokratycznego. Podkreślono, że różnice w rozumieniu i definiowaniu istoty Internetu przez różne kraje powodują znaczny potencjał konfliktów politycznych w skali globalnej. Prowadzi to autora do wniosku, że konieczne jest utworzenie instytucji zdolnych do zapobiegania konfliktom informacyjnym w przestrzeni internetowej i ich regulowania, a także do ograniczania globalnego ryzyka politycznego (w tym ryzyka związanego z potencjalną ingerencją w proces wyborczy suwerennych państw) i formowania zbiorowej odpowiedzialności za funkcjonowanie globalnego Internetu.

The article deals with democratic and authoritarian orientation as one of the manifestation of political culture.The basis for the analysis were open data (an international rating of democracy, conducted by the Economist Intelligence Unit) and results of a study of the state of political culture which was conducted by the Institute of Sociology of the NAS of Ukraine. According to the Democracy Index of the Economist Intelligence Unit, Ukraine is a country with a "hybrid democracy", ranking 84th (out of 167 countries). The results of democratic and authoritarian orientation of the research which was conducted by the Institute of Sociology confirm the crisis of democracy. The proposed article describes the validation of indices of democracy and authoritarianism. The selected scales have proven their reliability and validity. Validisation of the scale took place in two stages. The tasks of the first stage included the construction of a theoretical model. In the second stage, there were analyzed: the interpretation of the scales, the consistency of the scale and investigation of the scale structure (Alpha Cronbach, exploratory factor analysis), index construction and validization.The results of indexes of the democracy orientation in Ukraine, developed countries and the authoritarian orientation indicate skepticism, which confirms the results of international studies. To date, Ukraine is characterized as a country with strong authoritarian orientation of people.The main factors that determine the attitude of the population of Ukraine to democracy are: disappointment with the general state of affairs, lack of patterns of democratic behavior, the low political awareness of their rights and levers of influence, mistrust of elections, paternalistic orientation, low civic responsibility and low trust to the main Institutes of power. ; У статті розглядається один із основних проявів політичної культури – демократичні й авторитарні установки населення. Базою для аналізу є відкриті дані – міжнародний рейтинг демократичних країн, проведений Economist Intelligence Unit, а також результати дослідження стану політичної куль- тури, проведеного Інститутом соціології НАН України.За даними індексу демократії Economist Intelligence Unit, для України на цей момент характерна «гібридна демократія», вона посідає 84-е місце (зі 167 країн). Результати дослідження демократичних та авторитарних установок, проведеного Інститутом соціології, підтверджують кризу демократії.У статті описується валідизація індексів установок щодо демократії й авторитаризму. Виділені шкали довели свою надійність і валідність. Перевірка шкали проходила у два етапи. До завдань першого етапу входила побудова теоретичної моделі. На другому етапі аналізувалися властивості отриманого конструкту: коректність інтерпретації шкал, перевірка узгодженості шкали й дослідження структури шкали (Альфа Кронбаха, експлораторний факторний аналіз), побудова індексу, перевірка валідності.Отримані результати індексів установок щодо демократії в Україні, в розвинених країнах та індексу авторитарних установок свідчать про досить скептичне ставлення до демократії, що підтверджує результати міжнародних досліджень. Натепер для України характерна досить велика під- тримка авторитаризму.Основними чинниками, що зумовлюють ставлення населення України до демократії, є розчарування загальним станом справ, відсутність патернів демократичної поведінки, політичного усвідомлення своїх прав і важелів впливу, недовіра до виборів, патерналістська орієнтація, низька громадян- ська відповідальність, а також низька довіра до основних інститутів влади.

The research problematizes the political singularity of the Ejército Zapatista de LiberaciónNacional (EZLN) throughout the last three decades in Mexico. The "intensity of autonomy" is highlighted, based on the apparent contradiction between indigenous autonomies and the relationship with the Mexican State. The case of the postulation of an indigenous candidate, representing the National Indigenous Congress, is recovered to explain the course of the 2018 presidential elections in order to analyze the power of the action and its intentions. The trajectory of the movement supporting candidates for government positions in the last twenty years is also detailed in order to give an account of the coherence of the movement in relation to the autonomy proposal. The Zapatist movement is considered for critical theory as an antagonist emergent of politics that exposes the limits of Mexican institutionality. In this sense the perspective of Ernesto Laclau is theoretically worked on. At the same time, through a hemerographic recovery, the constitutive moments in which the movement and the government held meetings of dialogue and negotiation are revealed, with their consequent outcome in order to justify the assertion about autonomy as an unintended consequence of the State action. Then, the communal hegemony concept is also proposed in order to think the social and political relations around the zapatist autonomy. Finally, the episteme zapatista is studied in terms of knowlwdges that are expressed practically. We understand that this definition questions the role that the Social Sciences play in their commitment to explain social reality and suggests ways of linking to recreate a situated discipline. ; La investigación problematiza la teoría y praxis de un movimiento social de composición indígena de reconocida trayectoria en la región latinoamericana, a través de una trama compuesta por tres líneas de análisis. En primer lugar, se indaga en la aparente contradicción existente entre la autonomía indígena del Ejército Zapatista de Liberación Nacional (EZLN) en relación al Estado, y su reciente propuesta de presentación de una candidatura presidencial a las elecciones de 2018 en Mexico. A través de una recuperación hemerográfica y un recuento de la producción teórica sobre el tema, se relevan los momentos constitutivos en que el movimiento zapatista y el gobierno realizaron encuentros de diálogo y negociación, con su consecuente desenlace. Asimismo se detalla la trayectoria de apoyo del movimiento a candidatos a cargos gubernamentales en los últimos veinte años de modo de dar cuenta de la coherencia del movimiento en relación a la propuesta de autonomía que sostienen y el carácter de su vinculación con el sistema político. En segundo lugar, en miras a dar cuenta de la perspectiva exterior sobre el movimiento, se analizan las críticas que intelectuales y sectores de izquierda han realizado a la propuesta revolucionaria del EZLN para finalmente relevar los saberes que la praxis zapatista ha desarrollado cuestionando las ideas revolucionarias tradicionales e innovando en una episteme propia. Su definición cuestiona el rol que las Ciencias Sociales juegan en su apuesta por explicar la realidad social y sugiere caminos de enlace para recrear una disciplina situada.

This article aims to analyze the political and journalistic discussion that aroused a motion presented in the Legislative Assembly in 1954. At that moment, it was proposed to provide by law, a possible place of five, for a woman on the board of an autonomous institution. Although the Constitution protected the right of women to hold public office, stereotyped arguments prevented that proposal from materializing. The critical analysis of discourse was used as the main methodological tool. The newspapers, Diario de Costa Rica and La República, constitute the primary source of the present study, with its election it was sought to obtain a balanced perspective of the events because the political polarization that characterized that period was transferred to the press. The corpus is made up of news, chronicles and interviews with women and men deputies. The minutes of the sessions of the Legislative Assembly that collect the discussion were also analyzed. In the course of the research, it was found the presence, in the collective thought, the belief that the approval of women citizenship in the Political Constitution (1949) would guarantee women's access, immediately and without restrictions, to positions of high responsibility. This argument hindered for decades, women's effective access to political decision-making positions. The article qualifies as "an incipient affirmative action" the motion presented by the deputy Mario Echandi Jiménez, as it constitutes a precedent of what would be known at the end of the 20th century as positive discrimination actions. ; Este artículo analiza la discusión política y periodística que suscitó una moción presentada en la Asamblea Legislativa de Costa Rica, en 1954, que pretendía que se dispusiera por Ley, un puesto de cinco posibles, para una mujer en la junta directiva de una institución autónoma. Aunque para entonces, la Constitución Política amparaba el derecho de las costarricenses de ocupar cargos públicos, en el plenario legislativo salieron a la luz argumentos estereotipados que impidieron que esa propuesta se concretara. Se recurrió al análisis crítico del discurso como principal herramienta metodológica. Los ejemplares de Diario de Costa Rica y La República constituyen la fuente primaria del presente estudio, con su elección se buscó obtener una perspectiva equilibrada de los eventos debido a que la polarización política de la época, se trasladó a la prensa. El corpus lo conforman noticias, crónicas y entrevistas efectuadas a diputadas y diputados. También se analizaron las actas de las sesiones de la Asamblea Legislativa. En el curso de la investigación se identificó la creencia de que la aprobación de la ciudadanía en la Constitución Política (1949) garantizaría el acceso de las mujeres, de manera inmediata y sin restricciones, a cargos de alta responsabilidad. Este argumento obstaculizó por décadas el acceso efectivo de mujeres a puestos de decisión política. El artículo denomina la moción presentada por el diputado Echandi Jiménez como "una incipiente acción afirmativa", debido a que constituye un precedente de lo que se conocerían como acciones de discriminación positiva a finales del siglo XX.

The article deals with democratic and authoritarian orientation as one of the manifestation of political culture.The basis for the analysis were open data (an international rating of democracy, conducted by the Economist Intelligence Unit) and results of a study of the state of political culture which was conducted by the Institute of Sociology of the NAS of Ukraine. According to the Democracy Index of the Economist Intelligence Unit, Ukraine is a country with a "hybrid democracy", ranking 84th (out of 167 countries). The results of democratic and authoritarian orientation of the research which was conducted by the Institute of Sociology confirm the crisis of democracy. The proposed article describes the validation of indices of democracy and authoritarianism. The selected scales have proven their reliability and validity. Validisation of the scale took place in two stages. The tasks of the first stage included the construction of a theoretical model. In the second stage, there were analyzed: the interpretation of the scales, the consistency of the scale and investigation of the scale structure (Alpha Cronbach, exploratory factor analysis), index construction and validization.The results of indexes of the democracy orientation in Ukraine, developed countries and the authoritarian orientation indicate skepticism, which confirms the results of international studies. To date, Ukraine is characterized as a country with strong authoritarian orientation of people.The main factors that determine the attitude of the population of Ukraine to democracy are: disappointment with the general state of affairs, lack of patterns of democratic behavior, the low political awareness of their rights and levers of influence, mistrust of elections, paternalistic orientation, low civic responsibility and low trust to the main Institutes of power. ; У статті розглядається один із основних проявів політичної культури – демократичні й авторитарні установки населення. Базою для аналізу є відкриті дані – міжнародний рейтинг демократичних країн, проведений Economist Intelligence Unit, а також результати дослідження стану політичної куль- тури, проведеного Інститутом соціології НАН України.За даними індексу демократії Economist Intelligence Unit, для України на цей момент характерна «гібридна демократія», вона посідає 84-е місце (зі 167 країн). Результати дослідження демократичних та авторитарних установок, проведеного Інститутом соціології, підтверджують кризу демократії.У статті описується валідизація індексів установок щодо демократії й авторитаризму. Виділені шкали довели свою надійність і валідність. Перевірка шкали проходила у два етапи. До завдань першого етапу входила побудова теоретичної моделі. На другому етапі аналізувалися властивості отриманого конструкту: коректність інтерпретації шкал, перевірка узгодженості шкали й дослідження структури шкали (Альфа Кронбаха, експлораторний факторний аналіз), побудова індексу, перевірка валідності.Отримані результати індексів установок щодо демократії в Україні, в розвинених країнах та індексу авторитарних установок свідчать про досить скептичне ставлення до демократії, що підтверджує результати міжнародних досліджень. Натепер для України характерна досить велика під- тримка авторитаризму.Основними чинниками, що зумовлюють ставлення населення України до демократії, є розчарування загальним станом справ, відсутність патернів демократичної поведінки, політичного усвідомлення своїх прав і важелів впливу, недовіра до виборів, патерналістська орієнтація, низька громадян- ська відповідальність, а також низька довіра до основних інститутів влади.

En el presente trabajo se analiza el "constitucionalismo ciudadano" que inteligentemente comporta una inequívoca elección por el gobierno del Derecho que emana de la Ley fundamental del Estado. Se desarrolla en el sistema jurídico colombiano la relación entre la ciudadanía y el poder judicial en un caso de interpretación de la Constitución Política de Colombia, y se profundiza en la sentencia de su Corte Constitucional que dictó una decisión judicial obturando la segunda reelección presidencial de Álvaro Uribe Vélez, al resolver declarar inexequible en su totalidad la Ley 1354 de 2009, por siete votos contra dos. Se califica a esta decisión judicial como una de las resoluciones que, en el inventario general, puede ser computada como de las más relevantes que se han pronunciado en la historia de la jurisdicción de la América del Sud. El constitucionalismo ciudadano, un cultivo abnegado de la Ley fundamental, alumbra la factibilidad de una participación determinante e inclusiva de cada ser humano en la búsqueda y afirmación de una ciudadanía plena. La sentencia en análisis significa un verdadero contrapeso, una especie de "gobierno de los jueces" demoledor e injustificado. Ella misma, con afán de constitucionalidad, negó y prohibió el instrumento racional y pacífico de reforma, el sufragio de los ciudadanos que integran el pueblo, único presupuesto ontológico del Derecho constitucional. Contra la emergencia que produjo "la sentencia" se ensaya esta tesis, cuyas proposiciones capitales se construyen y justifican, en todo el recorrido de este estudio, con las propias piezas de la Ley fundamental colombiana de 1991. ; In the present work we analyze the "citizen constitutionalism" that intelligently involves an unequivocal election by the government of Law that emanates from the fundamental Law of the State. The relationship between citizens and the judiciary is developed in the Colombian legal system in a case of interpretation of the Political Constitution of Colombia, and deepens in the sentence of its Constitutional Court that issued a judicial decision sealing the second presidential reelection of Alvaro Uribe Vélez, in deciding to declare unconstitutional in its entirety Law 1354 of 2009, by seven votes against two. This judicial decision is qualified as one of the resolutions that, in the general inventory, can be considered as one of the most relevant that has been pronounced in the history of the jurisdiction of South America. Citizen constitutionalism, a selfless cultivation of the fundamental Law, illuminates the feasibility of a decisive and inclusive participation of each human being in the search and affirmation of a full citizenship. The judgment in analysis means a real counterweight, a kind of "government of the judges" devastating and unjustified. She herself, with a desire for constitutionality, denied and banned the rational and peaceful instrument of reform, the suffrage of the citizens that make up the people, the only ontological budget for constitutional law. Against the emergency that produced "the sentence" is tested this thesis, whose capital propositions are built and justified, throughout the course of this study, with the own pieces of the Colombian fundamental law of 1991. ; Facultad de Ciencias Jurídicas y Sociales