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Introduction: Posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is a common and potentially debilitating condition faced by many military service members (SM) that has far reaching effects on individuals and their families. Partners' perceptions of SM's PTSD symptoms and their subsequent attributions regarding the causal nature of those symptoms play a significant role in the partner's appraisal of their relationship which may affect the support they provide the SM (e.g., Renshaw et al., 2014). The current study follows a cohort of 152 Iowa National Guard partners over the course of their respective SM's deployment to Afghanistan in support of OEF. Method: Archival data was used for the analyses. Questionnaires were administered before and after deployment to partners which assessed relationship satisfaction. Post-deployment questionnaires also assessed attributions and perceptions of PTSD symptoms. Regression analyses explored whether partner attributions moderated the relationship between partners' perceived SM PTSD symptoms and their satisfaction within the relationship. A second set of similar hierarchical regressions were conducted controlling for pre-deployment levels of relationship satisfaction. Additional, exploratory cross-sectional analyses were conducted to determine predictors of internal/external partner attributions by regressing partner attribution total scores onto two PTSD symptom cluster models. Results. Bivariate correlations revealed that internal partner attributions were negatively associated with partner relationship satisfaction at post-deployment, while external attributions did not demonstrate a significant relationship. Although both cross-sectional external and internal attribution regression models were significant, neither internal nor external attributions moderated the relationship between partners' perceived PTSD symptoms and relationship satisfaction when analyzed. When incorporating pre-deployment levels of relationship satisfaction, internal attributions moderated the relationship between partners' perceived PTSD symptoms and relationship satisfaction, so that the negative relationship between perceptions of SM PTSD symptoms and relationship satisfaction were strongest when partners made less internal attributions and became weaker when they made more. Once again, external attributions did not moderate this relationship. Pre-deployment levels of relationship satisfaction significantly predicted post-deployment relationship satisfaction in both models. Conclusion. This is the first study of its kind to incorporate pre-deployment relationship satisfaction ratings when exploring the potential effects of partners' attributional tendencies on their appraisal of their relationship. Although replication is warranted, these findings broadly demonstrate that certain partner attributions may have an influence on the level of satisfaction they derive from their relationship immediately following a deployment. Additionally, relationship satisfaction levels prior to deployment appear to be an important predictor of relationship satisfaction following deployment. As such, military units may benefit from screening SMs and their partners to better identify relationships in need of additional resources prior to and during deployment (e.g., couples counseling, psychoeducation). Future research examining the influence of partner relationship satisfaction on their willingness to provide social support is warranted.

Following the WHO declaration for COVID-19 as a pandemic, this disease has caused an international crisis with a severe impact on economic and health care systems. After the first cases reported in China, the disease has progressively widespread worldwide where all affected countries has adapted specific safety protocols and tried to find new therapies in order to face this new disease. The final objective is to evaluate the overall impact of stringency measures taken from Albanian and Italian governmental authorities in relation to daily cases of COVID-19 in each country. This is a descriptive paper where the data collected in Albania and Italy according to authority-based stringency measures were compared with their output; temporary trend of daily cases. Officially Albania reported the first COVID-19 case in 8th of March in an Albanian citizen just arrived from Italy, meanwhile in Italy the first cases dated January 31st were a Chinese couple in Rome who had travel from Wuhan City. Both governments took action by applying different closer measures; thereby Blavatnik School of Government has introduced the Oxford COVID-19 Government Response Tracker (OxCGRT) in order to quantifying numerically these actions. According to OxCGRT, Albania and Italy present similar level of stringency indicator, but epidemiological curve of daily cases is totally different in shape. Italian curve corresponds to a typical outbreak, while Albania curve seem like any endemic disease in the population. In front of this pandemic, the Albanian curve might be cut off as a result a small number of tests carried out by Albania authorities, 6906 tests/million population, which is far lower than tests performed by Italian authorities, which is 11 times fold (79908 test/million population). Toward end of May the number of COVID-19 were dropped so both governments planned to relief closure measures by opening most of public and economic activities. In front of the fear that COVID-19 could rise up again, as a result of virus transmission amongst people that was observed in Albania, while in Italy continued with the low and decreasing trend of disease cases. Data and their comparison though different indicators or index, shows that stringency measures could contribute on a temporary diminution of new cases of COVD-19, but if not are accompanied with individual protection measures, and/or special vulnerable groups it might be a missing opportunity because the general population might lose what was achieved during national quarantine. On the other hand, taking in consideration low public spending per capita in Albania (307 USD, 2014), moving from "hummer" toward "dance" phase, managing and supporting health system is critical. Public health services should be mainly the entitled authorities to monitor data and come up with specific and efficient measures in order to prevent an increase of cases on the overall population.Keywords: Albania, Italy, stringency index, epidemic, COVID-19; Pandemic;

Abstrak: Konstitusi sebagai dasar negara memberikan petunjuk bahwa bangsa Indonesia seluruhnya memiliki hak yang sama, lihat pada pasal 27 (1) UUD 1945, termasuk posisi perempuan dan laki-laki. Namun dominasi budaya partiarki memposisikan perempuan sebagai subaltern dari laki-laki. Bagi paradigma Feminisme Legal Theory hukum merupakan produk laki-laki, sehingga menjadi barometer produk hukum adalah laki-laki, seperti penentuan upah dalam UU ketenagakerjaan, UU terkait Lingkungan dan UU tentang perkawinan. Belakangan ada peristiwa menarik yaitu ketika Mahkamah Konstitusi mengabulkan permohonan Judicial Review terkait batas minimal usia perkawinan, dimana di UU perkawinan sebelum revisi ada perbedaan usia anak yang relatif cukup jauh, 16 tahun perempuan dan 19 laki-laki. Setelah adanya Putusan MK No. 22/Puu-Xv/2017, kemudian Pemerintah merevisi UU Nomor 1 Tahun 1974 tentang perkawinan menjadi UU No. 16 Tahun 2019 Tentang Perubahan Atas UU 1 Tahun 1974 ini mengatur batas usia untuk melakukan pekawinan, khususnya usia perempuan minimal 19 tahun bisa melakukan perkawinan, sama dengan laki. Apakah ini menandakan politik hukum Indonesia mengarah pada paradigma teori hukum feminisme atau Feminist Legal Theory (FLT). Sebenarnya masih banyak norma dalam undang undang yang bias gender, termasuk dalam UU No. 16 Tahun 2019. Adapun pendekatan dalam penelitian ini menggunakan statute approach dan conseptual approach.Kata Kunci: Paradigma Feminisme Hukum; Hukum Perkawinan; Perempuan Abstract: The constitution as the basis of the state indicates that all Indonesians have the same rights, see Article 27 (1) of the 1945 Constitution, including the position of women and men. However, the domination of patriarchal culture places women as a subaltern of men. For the paradigm of Feminist Legal Theory, the law is a product of men, so that it becomes a barometer that legal products are men, such as determining wages in labor laws, laws related to the environment, and laws on marriage. Recently, there was an interesting incident when the Constitutional Court granted the Judicial Review request related to the minimum age of marriage, wherein the Marriage Law before the revision there was a relatively different minimum age for marriage between the couples, 16 years old for girls and 19 for boys. After the Constitutional Court Decision No. 22 / Puu-Xv / 2017, then the Government revised Law No. 1 of 1974 on marriage to become Law No. 16 of 2019 concerning Amendments to Law 1 of 1974 regulates the age limit for marriage, especially women who are at least 19 years old can marry, same as men. It may indicate that Indonesian legal politics leads to the paradigm of feminist legal theory or Feminist Legal Theory (FLT). Many legal norms are gender-biased, including in Law no. 16 of 2019. The approach in this study uses a statute approach and a conceptual approach.Keywords: Legal Feminism Paradigm; Marriage Law; Women

En este ensayo se explica en qué consisten los conceptos género, adolescencia y violencia y cómo se vinculan entre sí. Resulta complejo estudiar la violencia de género durante el noviazgo y específicamente en esta etapa de la vida, motivo por el cual explicaré el enfoque de género y su finalidad, entendiendo esta categoría en su relación con el noviazgo entre los adolescentes, quienes evidencian las prácticas aprendidas, que "deben" llevar a cabo: como dejar de tener amigos del sexo opuesto porque la pareja se puede molestar, lo cual nos lleva a la violencia en el noviazgo, esto es, de acuerdo con Pereira (2012, pp. 55-56), cualquier acción o conducta basada en el género que cause muerte, daño o sufrimiento físico, sexual o psicológico a la mujer o el hombre a través de mecanismos de violencia, físicos y/o psicológicos.Palabras clave: Género, Noviazgo, Adolescencia, Violencia Adolescence, dating and gender violence: looks from the school space in Teocelo, VeracruzSummaryThis essay explains what the concepts of gender, adolescence and violence consist of and how they are linked together. It is complex to study gender violence during dating and specifically at this stage of life, which is why I will explain the gender approach and its purpose, understanding this category in its relationship with dating between adolescents, who evidence the practices learned, which they "must" carry out like stopping meeting friends of the opposite sex because the couple can get annoyed, which leads to violence in dating, that is, according to Pereira (2012, pp. 55-56 ), any gender-based action or conduct that causes death, harm or physical, sexual or psychological suffering to women or men through mechanisms of violence, physical and / or psychological.Keywords: Gender, Dating, Adolescence, Violence Adolescence, relation amoureuse et violence de genre : regards à partir l'espace scolaire à Teocelo, VeracruzRésuméDans cet essai on explique en quoi consistent les concepts genre, adolescence et violence et comment ils se lient parmi eux. Il résulte complexe d'étudier la violence de genre au cours de la relation amoureuse et spécifiquement dans cette étape de la vie, motif pour lequel j'expliquerai l'approche de genre et sa finalité en comprenant cette catégorie dans sa relation avec la relation amoureuse parmi les adolescents, qui mettent en évidence les pratiques apprises qui « doivent » mener à bien : ne plus avoir des amis du sexe opposé à cause de l'embarras du partenaire, ce qui nous mène à la violence dans la relation amoureuse, en d'autres mots, selon Pereira (2012, pp. 55-56), n'importe quelle action ou conduite basée dans le genre qui provoque mort, dégât ou souffrance physique, sexuelle ou psychologique envers la femme ou l'homme à travers des mécanismes de violence, physiques et/ou psychologiques.Mots clés: Genre, Relation amoureuse, Adolescence, Violence

The negotiations between Colombian government and FARC-EP have taken a fundamental step which consist of changing the path from weapons to democracy. The analysis is focused in two moments: the first is founded in the dynamic of the war where is necessary the appropriation of the concept and practice of the couple friend-enemy that find its resolution in the destruction and death; the second describes the process of reintegration into society as a consequence of the agreement with the Colombian government and goes to assimilate the presence and action of the other as a possible contradictorbut also as the one who can and must share a space for social and peaceful coexistence. The theoretical orientation of the arguments comes from the thesis about cultural pause in the study of the foreigner in the conception of Alfred Schütz, in the frames in the autopoietic system created by Niklas Luhmann, the total institutions of Erving Goffman and the processes of role and ex-role examined by Helen Rose Fuchs Ebaugh, within the thesis of Hannah Arendt on plurality and difference as the essence of the political. The reading to paradigmatic change of friend-enemy from the FARC-EP, goes to interpretation of enunciated thesis with the purpose of contributing to the understanding of the complexity of the process that the organization experiences to be recognized in the civilian life and politics of Colombian democracy. ; La negociación del gobierno de Colombia con las FARC-EP ha dado un paso fundamental que consiste en cambiar el camino de las armas a la democracia. Dos momentos son focalizados en el análisis: el primero se encuentra en la dinámica de la guerra para la cual es decisiva la apropiación del concepto y práctica de la pareja amigo-enemigo que encuentran su resolución en la destrucción y la muerte; el segundo describe el proceso de reintegración a la sociedad, como consecuencia del acuerdo con el Gobierno colombiano, y pasa por asimilar la presencia y acción del otro como posible contradictor pero también con quien se puede, y se debe, compartir un espacio para la convivencia social pacífica. La orientación teórica de la argumentación se deriva de las tesis acerca de la pauta cultural en el estudio del extranjero en la concepción de Alfred Schütz, los marcos o frames en el sistema autopeiético ideado por Niklas Luhmann, las instituciones totales de Erving Goffman y los procesos de rol y exrol examinados por Helen Rose Fuchs Ebaugh, dentro de la tesis de Hannah Arendt sobre la pluralidad y la diferencia como esencia de lo político. La lectura al cambio paradigmático de amigo-enemigo por parte de las FARC-EP pasa por una traducción de las tesis enunciadas con el fin de contribuir a la comprensión de la complejidad del proceso que experimenta la organización para que sea reconocida en la vida civil y política de la democracia colombiana.

This study aimed to find out the political communication process occurring among the electorates in making decision of electing. In detail the source of information is known to be used for concerning the Pilgub DKI Jakarta of 2012, type of information obtained, and electing decision making among the Chinese Moslem community of Masjid Lautze Jakarta. Output of research was knowledge about the political communication process occurring until the electing decision making.This research referred to the conception that communication is a process of delivering message to exert effect (in this case the electing decision). The mass media effect theory was used as one of references in this research because the mass media pertained directly to the communicant in political communication process. The method used was qualitative one using in-depth interview technique for collecting data with 14 informants from the Chinese Moslem community of Masjid Lautze Jakarta. From the research it could be found that the dominant information source used to access the political information was mass media (television and newspaper), BBM (Black Berry Messenger), interpersonal communication media, group communication media, and other information source such as outdoor advertisement. Meanwhile in the term of information type, the information on Jokowi-Ahok couple became the most widely obtained one by the members of society. The electing decision was generally affected by such factors as mass media, interpersonal communication, group communication, organization, and observing Jakarta's condition directly. The opinion leader factor (ustadz and foundation leader) did not have influence in this research.Penelitian ini betujuan untuk mengetahui proses komunikasi politik yang berlangsung pada khalayak pemilih dalam pengambilan keputusan memilih. Secara detailnya diketahui sumber informasi yang digunakan untuk mendapatkan informasi mengenai Pilgub DKI Jakarta 2012, jenis informasi yang didapatkan, dan pengambilan keputusan memilih di kalangan warga muslim Tionghoa jama'ah Masjid Lautze Jakarta. Output dari penelitian ini adalah pengetahuan mengenai proses komunikasi politik yang berlangsung hingga samapai pada tahap pengambilan keputusan memilih. Penelitian ini mengacu pada pemahaman bahwa komunikasi adalah suatu proses penyampaian pesan yang akan menghasilkan efek (dalam hal ini keputusan memilih). Teori mengenai efek media massa digunakan sebagai salah satu acuan dalam penelitian ini karena media massa langsung bersinggungan dengan komunikan dalam proses komunikasi politik. Metode yang digunakan adalah kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data menggunakan in-depth interview pada 14 narasumber warga muslim Tionghoa Jama'ah Masjid Lautze Jakarta. Dari penelitian tersebut didapatkan sumber informasi dominan yang digunakan untuk mengakses informasi politik adalah media massa (televisi dan koran), BBM (Black Berry Massanger), media komunikasi interpersonal, media komunikasi kelompok, dan sumber informasi lainnya seperti iklan luar ruangan. Sedangkan untuk jenis informasi maka informasi mengenai pasangan Jokowi Ahok menjadi informasi yang paling banyak didapatkan oleh warga. Untuk keputusan memilih secara umum dipengaruhi oleh beragam faktor yaitu oleh media massa, komunikasi interpersonal, komunikasi kelompok/organisasi, dan melihat kondisi Jakarta secara langsung. Untuk faktor opinion leader (ustad dan pimpinan yayasan) justeru tidak berpengaruh dalam penelitian ini.

The Covid-19 pandemic situation redefines the rules of social and relational behavior. These changes affect the economic, political, individual and family dimension. In particular, families experience new challenges, related to the new ways of working, reorganizing and sharing living spaces and the need to renegotiate the domestic and care roles previously delegated outside. These new conditions of cohabitation can lead to the emergence of conflicts, with important consequences for the psychological well-being of the subjects. This survey is part of a wider multidisciplinary research and focuses on the redistribution of gender roles in domestic and care activities, on family conflict and on the happiness level of respondents. The quantitative survey involved 550 married/cohabiting subjects (76.0% women). The data underline how despite women continue to devote more time to home and care activities than men, this is not perceived as a conflict. Despite the partners spend more time at home, the difference in gender roles within the family is confirmed. The conflict is perceived especially in couples with children in the age of 7-11 and 12-14. During the lockdown period, men and women perceive a lower condition of happiness, and in relation to the normative value (pre-pandemic period). Furthermore, there is a lower perception of happiness in those who experience conflict situations. ; L'emergenza Covid-19 sta ridefinendo regole di comportamento sociale ma anche relazionali, che hanno inevitabili ripercussioni a livello economico, politico, individuale e famigliare. In particolare, le famiglie si sono trovate a sperimentare nuove sfide, dettate dalle nuove modalità di lavoro, dalla riorganizzazione e condivisione più assidua degli spazi abitativi e dalla necessità di rinegoziare i ruoli domestici e di cura, che spesso venivano delegati all'esterno. Tali nuove condizioni di convivenza possono portare al sorgere di conflitti, con importanti conseguenze per la salute psicologica dei soggetti. Il presente lavoro fa parte di una più ampia ricerca multidisciplinare e si focalizza sulla ridistribuzione dei ruoli nelle attività domestiche e di cura ai tempi del covid-19, sul conflitto familiare e sui livelli di felicità dei soggetti. La ricerca quantitativa ha coinvolto 550 soggetti coniugati/conviventi (76.0% donne). I risultati mostrano come benché la donna continui a dedicare maggior tempo alle attività domestiche e di cura rispetto all'uomo, questo non sia percepito come motivo di conflitto. Nonostante, quindi, entrambi i partner stiano passando maggior tempo tra le mura domestiche, permane la differenza dei ruoli rivestiti all'interno della famiglia. Il conflitto è percepito soprattutto nelle coppie con figli nella fascia d'età 7-11 e 12-14. Per quanto riguarda la percezione di benessere, misurato attraverso il costrutto della felicità, nella situazione di quarantena, sia per le donne che per gli uomini, è inferiore rispetto ai valori normativi di riferimento (condizione pre-pandemica). Si registra, inoltre, una percezione di benessere inferiore in coloro che sperimentano situazioni conflittuali.

ABSTRACTThe construction of political news becomes important especially during the President's 2019 campaign period. Political reality becomes an issue that is always awaited by the public. The purpose of this research is to find out the framing conducted by the online media Kompas.com and Tempo.co in the hoax Ratna Sarumpaet news coverage of the political image of the Prabrowo-Sandiaga pair candidates based on analysis of Zhongdang Pan and Gerald M. Kosicki framing. The theory in this study is the Theory of Social Reality Construction. The research method used in this study is a qualitative method with analysis of Framing Zhongdang and Gerald M. Kosicki. The results of the study explain the online media Kompas.com and Tempo.co construct the reality of negative images of the Prabowo-Sandiaga couple related to the Ratna Sarumpaet hoax case seen from the choice of words, news perspective, language style used by showing the impact of the Prabowo-Sandiaga couple's involvement as negative opinions emerge in the eyes of the public. The implication in this research is that the media should use word selection and language style that is easily understood by the reader while prioritizing the balance of news in the journalistic code of ethics, and the use of layout in reporting and for researchers to conduct further research using Robert N. Entman's framing method to more emphasizing certain aspects of reality in the direction of framing a news. Keywords: Hoax Ratna Sarumpaet News, Citra Prabowo-Sandiaga, Social Reality Construction Theory ABSTRAKKonstruksi berita politik menjadi penting terutama pada masa kampanye Presiden 2019. Realitas politik menjadi isu yang selalu ditunggu masyarakat. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah mengetahui framing yang dilakukan oleh media online Kompas.com dan Tempo.co dalam pemberitaan berita hoax Ratna Sarumpaet terhadap citra politik capres pasangan Prabrowo-Sandiaga berdasarkan analisis framing Zhongdang Pan dan Gerald M. Kosicki. Teori dalam penelitian ini adalah Teori Konstruksi Realitas Sosial. Metode penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode kualitatif dengan analisis Framing Zhongdang dan Gerald M. Kosicki. Hasil penelitian menjelaskan media online Kompas.com dan Tempo.co mengkonstruksi realitas citra negatif terhadap pasangan Prabowo-Sandiaga terkait dengan kasus kabar bohong Ratna Sarumpaet dilihat dari pemilihan kata, sudut pandang berita, gaya bahasa yang digunakan dengan menunjukkan dampak dari keterlibatan pasangan Prabowo-Sandiaga seiring bermunculan opini-opini negatif di mata publik. Implikasi dalam penelitian ini adalah bagi media seharusnya menggunakan pemilihan kata dan gaya bahasa yang mudah dipahami pembaca dengan tetap mengedepankan keberimbangan berita di dalam kode etik jurnalistik, dan penggunaan tata letak dalam pemberitaan dan bagi peneliti agar melakukan penelitian selanjutnya dengan metode framing Robert N. Entman untuk lebih menonjolkan aspek-aspek tertentu dari realitas dalam bagaimana arah framing suatu berita.Kata Kunci: Berita Hoax Ratna Sarumpaet, Citra Prabowo-Sandiaga, Teori Konstruksi Realitas Sosial

The concept of gender-based violence does not explain an obvious situation of living together in the same home. When we link the rate of deaths due to gender-based violence we have to differentiate between couples who live together and those who do not. We understand that women are victims of gender-based violence in various contexts, without the condition of living together being met. Therefore, knowing the importance of the consequences such as vulnerability and helplessness that arise from a situation where the victim shares housing with her aggressor, our attention is directed towards the effectiveness of the measures taken by the authorities. To this end, we use the decision tree as a research tool in order to be able to interpret the usefulness of the information provided in the Statistical Portal of the Government Delegation against Gender Violence (Spanish Ministry of Equality) to help us understand the cause of the increase or decrease in the rate of women who die of gender violence in cohabitation, by assessing the relevance or lack of effectiveness of the measures taken in this regard. This research is framed within the quantitative paradigm, taking as an objective the interpretation of the data and the evaluation of the measures carried out, during the study period from 2009 to 2019, capable of helping to place the rate of deaths in cohabitation, in cases of deaths from gender violence, below 63.63%. ; El concepto de violencia de género no explica una situación obvia de convivencia en un mismo domicilio. Cuando vinculamos el índice de muertes por violencia de género tenemos que diferenciar entre parejas que conviven juntas de las que no lo hacen. Entendemos que las mujeres son víctimas de violencia de género en varios contextos, sin que se cumpla la condición de convivencia. De ahí que, sabiendo la importancia de las consecuencias como la vulnerabilidad y el desamparo que surgen de una situación donde la víctima comparte vivienda con su agresor, nuestra atención se dirige hacia la eficacia de las medidas adoptadas por las autoridades. Para ello utilizamos el árbol de decisión como herramienta de investigación con el objeto de poder interpretar la utilidad de la información proporcionada en el Portal Estadístico de la Delegación del Gobierno contra la Violencia de Género (Ministerio de Igualdad de España) para ayudarnos a entender la causa del incremento o la disminución de la tasa de mujeres víctimas mortales de violencia de género en cohabitación, por medio de la evaluación de la relevancia o falta de eficacia de las medidas tomadas al respecto. Esta investigación se enmarca en el paradigma cuantitativo tomando como objetivo la interpretación de los datos y la evaluación de las medidas llevadas a cabo, durante el periodo de estudio de 2009 a 2019, capaces de ayudar a situar el índice de muertes en cohabitación, en casos de víctimas mortales de violencia de género, por de debajo del 63,63%.

La violencia en las relaciones de pareja es una problemática social frecuente en las relaciones sociales, de igual manera, es común encontrar en estos escenarios que las víctimas de dicha violencia son las mujeres. En la relación de pareja encontramos dos extremos, dos personas que -debido a las dificultades de la convivencia-, pueden exteriorizar comportamientos violentos contra su pareja, pero no en todos los casos la víctima de la violencia es la mujer. De acuerdo con estadísticas recientes del Instituto Nacional de Medicina Legal y Ciencias Forenses, se ha encontrado un incremento en los índices de violencia en las relaciones de pareja donde las víctimas son hombres, por lo que se hace necesario analizar este fenómeno a través de los estudios de género y establecer si la violencia que padecen los hombres en el desarrollo de las relaciones de pareja, que se enmarca en la violencia intrafamiliar, puede o no ser violencia de género, estableciendo el objeto de protección de las normas que regulan la violencia intrafamiliar y la violencia de género en Colombia. Lo que se pretende con esta investigación es establecer si existe un sesgo de interpretación por parte del legislador en la regulación de violencia intrafamiliar contra los hombres y si es posible hablar de género en contra estos, cuando es el hombre el sujeto pasivo de las conductas violentas, con el fin de determinar si la aplicación de las normas vigentes se realiza de manera inequitativa entre hombres y mujeres víctimas de violencia. ; Violence in intimate relationships is a frequent social problem in social relationship. Similarly, it is common to find in these settings that the victims of such violence are women. In the relationship of a couple we find two extremes, two people who, due to the difficulties of living together, can display violent behaviors against their partner, but not in all cases the victim of violence is women. According to recent statistics from the National Institute of Legal Medicine and Forensic Sciences, an increase has been found in the rates of violence in intimate relationships where the victims are men, making it necessary to analyze this phenomenon through studies. of gender and establish whether the violence suffered by men in the development of intimate relationships, which is part of intra-family violence, may or may not be gender-based violence, establishing the object of protection of the norms that regulate intra-family violence and gender violence in Colombia. The aim of this research is to establish whether there is an interpretation bias by the legislator in the regulation of domestic violence against men and if it is possible to speak of gender against them, when man is the passive subject of violent behavior , in order to determine if the application of current regulations is carried out unequally between men and women who are victims of violence

For the past couple of years, Serbia has become a transit country for the ever increasing number of migrants from Africa and Asia, travelling towards the EU. As part of the process of approaching the EU – first achieving the liberalisation of the visa regime for entry into the Schengen area in 2009 and then getting the official status of a candidate member in 2012 – Serbia needed to harmonise its policies with those of the EU, especially in the areas of border control and migration management. As a result, Serbia adopted a series of laws and policies which effectively illegalise migrants. In this paper, we first look into how migrant "illegality" is produced by Serbian migration legislation and policy, and second, we look at the consequences of this illegalisation. The first set of consequences are those that are felt by migrants themselves, as they are its principle target. The second set of consequences affects those persons that come into contact with the illegalised migrants. We speak of contagiousness of illegalisation, which affects those people who are providing professional services to illegalised persons. Under the treat of possible criminalisation, pressure is put on them to conduct "legality" checks and thus reproduce borders far away from the actual state border. We look particularly at reproduction of borders in the area of accommodation of migrants, taking as a case study a Belgrade youth hostel. ; Током последњих неколико година Србија је постала транзитна земља за све већи број миграната који из Африке и Азије путују ка ЕУ. У оквиру процеса приближавања ЕУ – најпре путем постизања либерализације визног режима за улазак у зону важења Шенгенског споразума 2009. године, а онда и задобијањем статуса земље – кандидата за чланство у 2012. години – Србија је требало да усагласи своје политике са онима које постоје у ЕУ, нарочито у области контроле граница и управљања миграцијама. Као резултат овога, Србија је усвојила низ закона и практичних политика које ефективно илегализују мигранте. У првом делу рада посматрамо како се "илегалност" миграната производи законодавством и практичним политикама у Србији, а затим пратимо последице ове илегализације. Први низ последица представљају оне које осећају сами мигранти, као њихова примарна мета. Други низ последица су оне које утичу на особе које ступају у контакт са илегализованим мигрантима. У том смислу говоримо о заразности илегализације, будући да она утиче на људе који у складу са својом пословном делатношћу пружају услуге илегализованим особама. Под претњом могуће криминализације, на њих се ставља притисак да спроводе контролу "легалности" и тако репродукују границе далеко од стварних државних граница. На примеру једног београдског хостела посебно се фикусирамо на репродуковање граница у области обезбеђивања смештаја мигрантима. ; Тема броја: Истраживање миграција (ур. Мирослава Лукић Крстановић и Петко Христов) / Topic of the Issue: Research of Migrations (eds. Miroslava Lukić Krstanović and Petko Hristov)

Resumen – El artículo es producto del proyecto Visibilizando la Paternidad Adolescente en sectores de Pobreza, financiada por la Comisión Sectorial de Investigación Científica (CSIC) de la Universidad de la República. Dicha investigación fue avalada y respaldada por organizaciones públicas y privadas tales como: Ministerio de Desarrollo Social (MIDES); Aldeas Infantiles S.O.S. y Vida y Educación. El texto dialoga en ese espacio fronterizo entre saberes académicos, saberes técnicos y el saber cotidiano de adolescentes entrevistados. Pretendemos poner en común los resultados de esta investigación, de carácter exploratorio, sobre los sentidos y experiencias de la paternidad en la adolescencia pobre y suburbana. Especialmente desde la ética sexual que rige la vida de los entrevistados, en términos de cómo entienden su virilidad y su vida de pareja. Para ello nos hemos guiado por la intención de elucidar el problema estudiado, en términos de pensar y saber lo que se hace y piensa científicamente.Palabras Claves: paternidad; adolescencia; pobreza; ética sexual. Resumo – O artigo é produto do projeto Visibilizando a paternidade na adolescência pobre, financiado pela Comissão Setorial de Pesquisas Científicas (CSIC) da Universidade da República. Esta pesquisa foi apoiada por organizações públicas e privadas, tais como: Ministério do Desenvolvimento Social (Mides); Aldeias Infantis S.O.S. e Vida e Educação. O texto, portanto, dialoga nesse espaço de fronteira entre o conhecimento acadêmico, o conhecimento técnico e o conhecimento diário dos adolescentes entrevistados. Pretendemos, assim, compartilhar os resultados desta pesquisa, de caráter exploratório, sobre os sentidos e experiências da paternidade na adolescência pobre suburbana, abordando especialmente a ética sexual que rege as vidas dos entrevistados, em termos de como eles entendem sua virilidade e a vida com seu parceira. Para isso, fomos guiados pela intenção de elucidar o problema estudado, em termos de pensar e saber o que é feito e pensado cientificamente.Palavras-Chave: paternidade; adolescência; pobreza; ética sexual. Abstract – This article is a product of the project Visibilizing Adolescent Fatherhood in Poverty Sectors, financed by the Sectoral Commission for Scientific Research (CSIC) of the Universidad de la República in Uruguay. This research was endorsed and supported by public and private organizations such as: Uruguay's Ministry of Social Development (MIDES); Aldeas Infantiles S.O.S., and Vida y Educación. The article bridges the border space between academic knowledge, technical knowledge, and the daily knowledge of the teenagers interviewed. We intend to share the results of this exploratory research about the senses and experiences of fatherhood in poor and suburban adolescence, especially on the sexual ethic that governs the lives of the interviewees, in terms of how they understand their virility and their life as a couple. For this we have been guided by the intention to elucidate the problem studied, in terms of thinking and knowing what is done and think scientifically.Keywords: fatherhood; adolescence; poverty; sexual ethics.

The legal framework for UN action in the DRC is analysed in order to determine the norms and rules guiding the effictive control of the tasks assigned to peacekeeping operations in the restoration and consolidation of peace. This thesis deals with supervision both from the introspective angle of the actors in the internal and from the reconstruction of the political system of the post-conflict state and its population. The laboratory character of MONUSCO in the practice of the protection of civilians, set as the highest priority of the mandate, explores two approaches to the maintenance of peace (legal and political). By invoking it , the Mission develops a remarkable hyperactivity through unusual initiatives, tools, tactics, mechanisms, civil and military posture. Due to their active participation in hostilities, the homogeneity of the status of peacekeepers presents ambiguities. Renewing the problematic of United Nations action in the post-conflict reconstruction of the state, this thesis questions the balance of legality - legitimacy of intervention through the internationalization of normativity. At the same time, it provides a new perspective : the plasticity of the concept of protecting civilians in the practice of the Mission. This research leads to the conclusion that the legal framework of the UN action is evolutionary, resolute and entrenched by international law but that the activities of the Mission are part of a network of norms and values which do not exclusively êrtain to international law. ; L'encadrement juridique de l'action onusienne en RDC est analysé dans le but de déterminer les normes et les règles qui guident l'effectivité du contrôle des tâches confiées aux OMP pour rétablir et consolider la paix. Cette thèse aborde l'encadrement sous l'angle introspectif des intervenants au conflit interne mais aussi de la reconstruction du système politique de l'Etat post conflit et de sa population. Le caractère de laboratoire de la MONUSCO dans la pratique de la protection des civils élevé en priorité absolue du mandat explore deux approches du maintien de la paix (juridique et politique). En l'invoquant, la Mission développe une hyperactivité remarquable par des initiatives, des outils, des tactiques, des postures civile et militaire, des mécanismes inédits. En raison de la participation active aux hostilités, le caractère homogène du statut des Casques bleus présente des ambiguïtés. Renouvelant la problématique de l'action des Nations Unies dans la reconstruction de l'Etat post-conflit, cette thèse interroge l'équilibre du couple légalité-légitimité de l'intervention à travers l'internationalisation des normativités. Parallèlement, elle analyse une perspective nouvelle : la plasticité du concept de protection des civils dans la pratique de la Mission. L'analyse de notre recherche aboutit à la conclusion selon laquelle le cadre juridique de l'action onusienne est évolutif, normatif, résolutoire et enchâssé par le droit international et que les activités de la Mission s'inscrivent dans un réseau des normes et valeurs qui ne sont pas exclusivement juridiques.

El objetivo del presente estudio fue evaluar los repertorios relacionales y las actitudes explícitas e implícitas de una muestra de colombianos frente a los candidatos presidenciales del año 2018, con el fin de aportar evidencia empírica en torno a las dinámicas conductuales que subyacen al ejercicio del voto como comportamiento jurídico y socialmente regulado. Para ello se contó con la participación de 876 ciudadanos colombianos, mayores edad, quienes mostraron sus actitudes explícitas frente a cinco candidatos (Gustavo Petro, Iván Duque, Humberto de la Calle, Germán Vargas y Sergio Fajardo) a través de un cuestionario de datos personales, sociodemográficos y de información política; posteriormente eligieron uno de diez Procedimientos de Evaluación Relacional Implícita (IRAP), en el que mostraron sus actitudes implícitas hacía una pareja de candidatos elegida. Los resultados mostraron correspondencias entre la preferencia electoral explícita, la intención de voto por un candidato y la adscripción al partido correspondiente al candidato; no obstante, las medidas implícitas evaluadas a través del IRAP mostraron que bajo algunas circunstancias, las preferencias e intenciones de voto no se relacionaron con actitudes explícitas favorables por un candidato, sino por actitudes negativas hacia el candidato contrincante. Los hallazgos de esta investigación se discuten en términos de sus implicaciones sobre el estudio de los procesos conductuales vinculados al comportamiento de voto, y sobre los campos de estudio de la psicología jurídica y política. ; The objective of this study was to evaluate the relational repertoires and the explicit and implicit activities of a group of Colombians against the presidential candidates of the year 2018, in order to provide empirical evidence around the behavioral dynamics that underlie the exercise of voting as Legal and socially regulated behavior. 876 Colombians participated, adults, who suffer from their explicit attitudes towards five candidates (Gustavo Petro, Iván Duque, Humberto de la calle, Germán Vargas and Sergio Fajardo), participated through a data questionnaire personal, sociodemographic and political information; subsequently they chose one of ten Implicit Relational Evaluation Procedures (IRAP), in which they had their implicit attitudes made a couple of eligible candidates. The corresponding results correspond to the explicit electoral preference, the intention to vote for a candidate and the affiliation to the party corresponding to the candidate; nevertheless, the implicit measures evaluated through the IRAP that affect some circumstances, the limitations and intentions of voting are not related to explicit favorable attitudes by a candidate, but for negative attitudes towards the opposing candidate. The findings of this research are discussed in terms of their implications on the study of behavioral processes linked to voting behavior, and on the fields of study of legal and political psychology. ; CRAI-USTA Bogotá ; orcid:0000-0002-9646-9860 ; https://scholar.google.com/citations?user=psB0kvkAAAAJ&hl=es ; http://scienti.colciencias.gov.co:8081/cvlac/visualizador/generarCurriculoCv.do?cod_rh=0001048902 ; https://scienti.colciencias.gov.co/gruplac/jsp/visualiza/visualizagr.jsp?nro=00000000004420 ; http://unidadinvestigacion.usta.edu.co

Die vorliegende Arbeit beschäftigt sich mit dem grundrechtlichen Schutz der Familie im Kontext gleichgeschlechtlicher Partnerschaften. Die (Grund-)Rechte Homosexueller in Europa haben in relativ kurzer Zeit einen bemerkenswerten Konsolidierungsprozess erfahren. Diese Ausweitung des grundrechtlichen Schutzes ist vorwiegend der dynamischen Anwendung der Grundrechte durch die obersten europäischen Gerichtshöfe geschuldet. Insbesondere der EGMR und seine Auslegung des Art 8 EMRK im Lichte heutiger Gegebenheiten haben diesen Prozess vorangetrieben.Zudem beeinflusst diese Auslegung auch den unionsrechtlichen Schutz der Familie iSd Art 7 GRC maßgeblich (vgl. Art 52 Abs 3 GRC).Der Fall Coman wurde im Juni 2018 vom EuGH entschieden. Bf sind der rumänische Staatsbürger Relu Adrian Coman und der US-amerikanische Staatsbürger Robert Clabourn Hamilton. Das gleichgeschlechtliche Paar ließ sich 2010 in Brüssel trauen. Nach der Eheschließung beantragten sie in Rumänien einen Aufenthaltstitel für Herrn Hamilton, um sich dort gemeinsam niederzulassen. Als Ehegatte eines Unionsbürgers würde ihm ein solcher grundsätzlich nach der FreizügigkeitsRL der EU zustehen. Die rumänischen Behörden lehnten den Antrag mit der Begründung, dass das nationale Recht die gleichgeschlechtliche Ehe nicht vorsehe, ab. Der Fall ging bis zum rumänischen VfGH, welcher die Auslegung des Ehegattenbegriffs der FreizügigkeitsRL dem EuGH (erstmals) zur Vorabentscheidung vorlegte. Dieser entschied zugunsten der Bf.In dieser Arbeit wird die Rs Coman einer Grundrechtsprüfung anhand des Rechts auf Achtung des Familienlebens iSd Art 7 GRC unterzogen, um sodann die Schlüsse ziehen zu können, inwiefern sich die Grundrechte und insbesondere der Schutz der Familie auf die rechtliche Situation gleichgeschlechtlicher Paare auswirken können. Vorangestellt ist eine Analyse der einschlägigen grundrechtlichen Bestimmungen sowie der Judikatur des EuGH und EGMR bzgl. der Rechte homosexueller Paare. ; This paper treats the human rights protection of the right to respect for family life with regards to same-sex partnerships. (Fundamental) rights of homosexuals in Europe have experienced a considerable consolidation process within a short period of time. This development is expected to continue in the future. The strengthening of human rights, especially in regard to the right to respect for family life under Art 8 ECHR is due to the ECtHRs dynamic interpretation thereof. In accordance with Art 52 (3) CFR this manner of interpretation has significant impact on the fundamental rights protection of the family under European Union law, namely Art 7 CFR.In June 2018 the CJEU rendered a verdict in the case of Coman. This trial dealt with the issue whether according to European Union law the term "spouse" encompasses same-sex spouses as well. In this particular case, the Romanian citizen Mr. Coman married his long-term partner, an US-American citizen, Mr. Hamilton, in Brussels. Subsequently, the couple decided to move to Romania. However, local Romanian authorities denied Mr. Hamiltons residence permit; arguing that same-sex marriages were unconstitutional under national law. In general, a third-country national married to a citizen of the EU is to obtain the same residence permit as their spouse; as granted under Directive 2004/38/EC. The CJEU ruled that the term "spouse" for the purpose of effective application of the right to freedom of movement encompasses same-sex spouses, irrespective of national law. This thesis analyses the case of Coman from the perspective of the right to respect for family life under Art 7 CFR. In order to assess to which degree fundamental rights, in particular the protection of the family, affect the legal situation of same-sex partnerships in Europe. ; von Nina Hoffmann ; Zusammenfassung in Deutsch ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung des Verfassers/der Verfasserin ; Karl-Franzens-Universität Graz, Diplomarbeit, 2019 ; (VLID)4565892