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Das Jahrbuch würdigt das 25-jährige Bestehen der »Deutschen Gesellschaft zur Erforschung des Politischen Denkens« (DGEPD). Es beinhaltet in diesem Zusammenhang einen Beitrag zu deren Gründungsgeschichte. Ein zweiter Schwerpunkt lenkt den Blick auf Methodenfragen. In vier Beiträgen wird die Relevanz hermeneutischer, historischer und philosophischer Ansätze für die Erforschung des politischen Denkens und seiner Funktion für die Gegenwartsgesellschaft, über Fach- und Schulgrenzen hinweg, verdeutlicht. Der dritte Teil erörtert das Spektrum des politischen Denkens in seiner ganzen Bandbreite von der griechischen und römischen Antike über Aufklärung und Romantik bis hin zu aktuellen Fragestellungen. Das Jahrbuch würdigt das 25-jährige Bestehen der »Deutschen Gesellschaft zur Erforschung des Politischen Denkens« (DGEPD). Es beinhaltet in diesem Zusammenhang einen Beitrag zu deren Gründungsgeschichte. Ein zweiter Schwerpunkt lenkt den Blick auf Methodenfragen. In vier Beiträgen wird die Relevanz hermeneutischer, historischer und philosophischer Ansätze für die Erforschung des politischen Denkens und seiner Funktion für die Gegenwartsgesellschaft, über Fach- und Schulgrenzen hinweg, verdeutlicht. Der dritte Teil erörtert das Spektrum des politischen Denkens in seiner ganzen Bandbreite von der griechischen und römischen Antike über Aufklärung und Romantik bis hin zu aktuellen Fragestellungen. Hans-Christof Kraus studierte Geschichte, Germanistik und Philosophie an der Georg-August-Universität zu Göttingen. 1992 Promotion im Fach Mittlere und Neuere Geschichte. Berufliche Tätigkeit und akademische Lehre an verschiedenen Forschungsinstitutionen und Hochschulen, u.a. in Berlin, München, Speyer, Stuttgart, Jena. 2002 Habilitation für das Fach Neuere und Neueste Geschichte an der Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität München. Seit 2007 Ordinarius und Lehrstuhlinhaber für Neuere und Neueste Geschichte an der Universität Passau. Mitglied u.a. der Historischen Kommission bei der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, der Kommission für die Geschichte des Parlamentarismus und der politischen Parteien, der Historischen Kommission zu Berlin, der Preußischen Historischen Kommission. Reinhard Mehring, Erstes und Zweites Staatsexamen, 1988 Promotion; 1991 Wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter an der Juristischen Fakultät der Universität Würzburg; 1993 Wissenschaftlicher Assistent am Institut für Philosophie der Humboldt-Universität Berlin, dort 2000 Habilitation; Tätigkeit als Privatdozent, Schuldienst; seit 2007 Professor für Politikwissenschaft und ihre Didaktik an der Pädagogischen Hochschule Heidelberg. Peter Nitschke, Dr. phil. habil., Studium der Neueren Geschichte, der Philosophie und der Politikwissenschaft an der Universität Münster (1981–89). Preisträger der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, hist.-philos. Klasse (1989). Habilitationsstipendiat der Fritz Thyssen Stiftung (1990–93), Gastprofessuren in Münster, Essen und am Kulturwissenschaftlichen Institut (1994–97). Universitätsprofessor für Wissenschaft von der Politik an der Universität Vechta seit 1997, Gründungsdirektor des Instituts für Sozialwissenschaften (2000), Vizepräsident für Forschung und Nachwuchsförderung (2002–04), Geschäftsführer der Deutschen Gesellschaft zur Erforschung des Politischen Denkens (DGEPD) seit 2007. Forschungsschwerpunkte in der Politischen Theorie und Ideengeschichte, der Europapolitik und der Globalisierung. Martyn P. Thompson is Associate Professor and Senior Political Theorist in the Department of Political Science. His main fields of interest are the history of political thought since the Renaissance, literature and politics, and contemporary German political philosophy. Professor Thompson has two doctorates, the first from the London School of Economics, the second (the Habilitation) from Tuebingen University. He has been a faculty member in the universities of London, Cambridge and Tuebingen. His honors include a Fellow Commonership at Churchill College, Cambridge University; Fellowships at the Huntington Library and the William Andrews Clark Library in California; and honorary life membership of the R.G. Collingwood Society. Professor Thompson founded the Deutsche Gesellschaft zur Erforschung des politischen Denkens in 1989. He was President of the International Conference for the Study of Political Thought from 1995 to 2002 and he was President of the Michael Oakeshott Association from 2008 to 2010. Prof. Dr. Barbara Zehnpfennig lehrt als Professorin für Politische Theorie und Ideengeschichte an der Universität Passau. Ihre Schwerpunktthemen sind antike Philosophie, amerikanisches Verfassungsdenken und Totalitarismus, letzterer speziell im Hinblick auf die Erforschung seiner ideologischen Grundlagen. Seit 2004 ist sie Vorsitzende der Deutschen Gesellschaft zur Erforschung des Politischen Denkens (DGEPD), seit 2006 Mitherausgeberin des »Jahrbuchs Politisches Denken«.

1 Corporate Excellence in Facilities: Why the Workplace is Important -- The Organization—Accommodation (O—A) Relationship -- Adding Value to the O—A Relationship -- The Unexamined O—A Relationship Is Not Worth Having -- Changing Building Design -- Economic and Social Pressures on the O—A Relationship -- Workspace: Asset or Liability? -- 2 Managing Environmental Quality: Current Trends in Office Occupancy -- What Does Facilities Management (FM) Mean Today? -- Integrating FM With Business Strategy -- The Impact on Space Use of Changing Trends in the Nature of Work -- Managing the Human Aspect -- Current Trends and the Human Aspect -- 3 Using Occupancy Feedback: A Strategy for Managing Workplace Improvements -- Health Risks in the Office -- The Productivity Debate -- Feedback from Building Occupants -- Total Quality and Customer Satisfaction -- Functional Comfort as a Strategic Planning Concept -- Managing Feedback from Building Occupants -- 4 Building-In-Use Assessment: An Occupancy Feedback System -- How Building-In-Use Assessment Works -- An Introduction to Building-In-Use Assessment -- Carrying Out Building-In-Use Assessment -- Applying BIU Results to Problem Solving -- Communication with Occupants -- Builidng-In-Use Assessment in Practice -- Using Feedback for Continuous Improvement -- 5 Building-In-Use Assessment of Building Systems: Air Quality, Thermal Comfort, and Building Noise Control -- Building Systems' Dimensions of Functional Comfort -- The Air Quality Dilemma -- The Thermal Comfort Paradox -- The Quandary of Building Noise Control -- How Building Systems Can Increase Functional Comfort -- 6 Building-In-Use Assessment of Planning and Design of Interior Space: Spatial Comfort, Privacy, and Office Noise Control -- Factors Influencing the Design of Space for Work -- The Spatial Comfort Crisis -- Building-In-Use Assessment of Spatial Comfort -- The Privacy Conundrum -- The Challenge of Office Noise Control -- The Future of the Individual Workplace -- 7 Building-In-Use Assessment of Lighting Comfort -- The Lighting Comfort Opportunity -- Building-In-Use Assessment of Lighting Comfort -- Human Factors in Lighting -- Lighting and Morale -- Windows and Daylighting -- Improving Lighting Comfort -- 8 Building Convenience and Building Amenities -- What Is Building Convenience? -- Building-In-Use Assessment of Building Convenience -- Measuring Building Convenience -- Building Amenities and the Future of Building Convenience -- 9 Occupants' Feedback as a Decision-Making Tool: Three Case Studies -- Organizational Learning Through the Acquisition of Feedback -- International Headquarters Offices: Conflicts Over Information Utilization -- National Telecommunications Company: Diagnostic Information as a Tool for Strategic Planning -- Commercial Real Estate Company: Using Feedback to Increase Competitive Advantage -- Devising Corporate Accommodation Strategy -- 10 The Politics of Occupants' Feedback: Issues in Implementation -- Applying Occupant Feedback -- Legal and Political Issues -- Improving Communication -- Environmental Empowerment: Are We Ready? -- 11 Optimizing Occupancy: Strategic Planning of the Organization—Accommodation Relationship -- Accommodation Strategy and the O—A Relationship -- Planning the Future of the O—A Relationship -- Corporate Accommodation as a "Strategic Functional Unit" -- Using Accommodation to Add Value to Products and Services -- Reengineering the Office as a Tool for Work -- Implementation of an "Integrated Workplace Strategy" -- Final Words -- Appendix: The Buiding-In-Use Databases and How They are Used.

This article suggests exploring how the anthropology of communication, the draft of which was formalised by Yves Winkin following his work on the 'invisible College' in Palo Alto, helps to enrich research in science of information and communication in the political field. The anthropological approach based on the 'New Communication' model seems necessary to understand the phenomena of incommunication that affect the fundamental relationship between governors and governors, particularly in France. The Yellow Gilets crisis makes it possible to illustrate and feed into this proposal, extending the analytical background defined by political communication specialists to all actors, institutions and processes involved in the political field. ; International audience This paper explores how the anthropology of communication, as formalized by Yves Winkin further to his work on the "invisible college" of Palo Alto, enhances research in information and communication sciences into the political field. The anthropological approach based on the "new communication" model seems essential to understanding the failure in communication besetting the fundamental relation between those who govern and those who are governed especially in France. The Gilets jaunes (yellow vests) crisis illustrates and drives this proposal by widening the scope of analysis defined by the specialists of political communication to encompass all the actors, institutions, and processes involved in the political field. ; This article suggests exploring how the anthropology of communication, the draft of which was formalised by Yves Winkin following his work on the 'invisible College' in Palo Alto, helps to enrich research in science of information and communication in the political field. The anthropological approach based on the 'New Communication' model seems necessary to understand the phenomena of incommunication that affect the fundamental relationship between governors and governors, particularly in France. The Yellow Gilets crisis makes it possible ...

International audience For most observers—both Indonesian and foreigners, journalists and academics—the 2014 Indonesian presidential elections, gave rise to a Homeric battle between two candidates, representing two radically different versions of the same criticism of the political life in the archipelago. Trapped in its contradictions—an institutionally perfect democracy but largely confiscated by a nepotism marked by the political culture of the Suharto regime—the Reformasi seemed poised in 2014 to surrender to a retrograde populism vertigo, embodied by Prabowo Subianto. However, economic growth, freedom of expression and the emergence of a new generation of local politicians offered, timely, a progressive alternative to this disillusionment. Born in a poor family, the charismatic governor of Jakarta, Joko Widodo (Jokowi), became, in July 2014, the seventh President of the Indonesian Republic. The very high expectations raised by his election, however, were partly disappointed. Jostling the habits of the narrow political elite, Jokowi had to face powerful resistances, even within his own party. This forced him to establish a delicate and contested hierarchy in the implementation of his political program. ; Aux yeux de la plupart des observateurs – qu'ils soient indonésiens ou étrangers, journalistes ou universitaires – les élections présidentielles de 2014 en Indonésie, donnèrent lieu à un affrontement homérique opposant des candidats représentant deux versions radicalement différentes d'une même critique de l'évolution politique de l'Archipel. Parvenue au bout de ses contradictions – une démocratie institutionnellement irréprochable mais largement confisquée par un népotisme tout empreint de la culture politique du régime Suharto – la Reformasi semblait prête, en 2014, à s'abandonner aux vertiges du populisme rétrograde qu'incarnait Prabowo Subianto. Cependant, la croissance économique, les acquis de la liberté d'expression et surtout l'émergence, dans le cadre de la décentralisation, d'une génération capable ...

International audience Livelihood diversification is one of the essential climate adaptation strategies with positive outcomes on household's standard of living. Therefore, the identification of factors that are necessary for livelihood diversification are crucial. Within a gender perspective, this study analysed the determinants of livelihood diversification among farmers in the northern regions of Ghana. A multistage sampling procedure was used to select 619 farmers and the data was analysed using multivariate probit regression for the pooled and separately for the gender groups. The livelihood diversification strategies identified were crop diversification, crop-livestock diversification, crop-trade diversification, crop-agro-processing diversification and crop-professional/skilled employment. The multivariate probit results showed that socioeconomic, institutional factors, climate factors, and household assets have significant influence on each diversification strategy. The assumption of gender difference in the factors that influences livelihood diversification is appropriate since some factors which influence specific livelihood diversification for females do not have significant effect on males. Improving the financial assets, social and human assets of farmers is important to enhance the diversification of farmers. There is also the need to improve awareness of farmers on climate shocks in order to enhance diversification decisions.

Despite the long history of Chinese-Arab interactions since the seventh century, modern Chinese scholarship on the Arab world has a much shorter story. The global historical context that led to such a situation is the Western dominance in knowledge production. Most Chinese scholars research on issues related to the West and/or China-Western interactions. Only a small proportion of researchers cast their eyes on the "other East"—the Arab world. Consequently, Arab/Arabic studies occupies a marginal space in Chinese academies. In addition, although Edward Said had fiercely argued more than forty years ago in Orientalism that subtle but persistent Eurocentric prejudice against Arab-Islamic peoples and their culture perpetrates Western misunderstanding about the region, such biased representations were sometimes uncritically transferred by Chinese scholars when they were acquiring knowledge about the region via translations of Orientalist accounts written in English. Another major obstacle is the inherent linguistic and orthographic difficulties involved. Although some researchers have made great endeavors to overcome such challenges, most publish only in Chinese. As a result, their findings are not widely known. This article, therefore, scrutinizes and contextualizes modern Chinese scholarship on the Arab world in order to introduce it to a wider international audience, especially for those who are keenly observing the increasing Chinese-Arab engagements in the twenty-first century. In addition to providing synoptic overviews of major institutions, scholars, and their representative works, the article also critically analyzes the historical contexts that led to the initial formation, subsequent divergent developments in Chinese-language academies on both sides of the Taiwan Strait, and the present challenges of the respective state of the fields.
I argue that due to bigger population, larger geographical size, and more government funding, Arab/Arabic studies in mainland China is more developed than that in Taiwan, though scholars based on the mainland are facing more pressure on censorship and self-censorship. Both fields, however, were pioneered by the same group of Chinese Hui Muslim scholars who went to study at al-Azhar University in Egypt in the 1930s and the 1940s, not unlike cosmopolitan Muslims around the world at the time who traveled to Cairo for multiple and complex reasons. When they returned, institutionalizing Arab/Arabic-Islamic studies in Chinese academies became one of their most visible and long-lasting legacies. Contingencies in their lives, mainly job opportunities upon graduation, played an important role in their later bifurcated career trajectories. The process during which these Hui Azharites ceased to be "cosmopolitan Muslims" and instead became "Chinese Arabists" reflects an important transformation in Chinese-Arab interactions during the Cold War politics. Later generations of scholars developed systematic pedagogies on teaching Arabic to native Chinese speakers by publishing Arabic-Chinese dictionaries as well as textbooks and grammar books. Their role as cross-cultural intermediaries is significant and widely impactful. These little-known scholars deserve to be recognized for their intellectual pursuits.

Early childhood education is crucial for children's cognitive, emotional, and social development. It has a long-term impact because the first years of life are a period of extensive growth and evolution, in part because of the many changes that occur in the brain. Evidence demonstrates that high quality educational programs are those that take advantage of the potential of early childhood to develop fundamental skills for lifelong learning. Therefore, investing in high quality early childhood education and care programs should be part of the foundation for strengthening human development policies and programs. Having access to quality educational opportunities during childhood contributes to improving social equity and closing inequality gaps, especially for the most disadvantaged children. In this study, early childhood education is defined as the stages, levels or programs of formal and non-formal education offered to children from birth to the time of enrolment in the first grade of primary school. A considerable amount of research has been conducted on the status of international early childhood education and best practices with recommendations that enrich decision making. However, in Central America and the Dominican Republic there is a lack of research that provides a regional overview of the topic and evidence to inform decision making in politics – hence the importance of this work. ; La educación durante la primera infancia es crucial para el desarrollo cognitivo, emocional y social de las personas y tiene un impacto de largo plazo puesto que, en los primeros años de vida, constituye un período de amplio crecimiento y evolución; en parte, por los numerosos cambios que se producen en el cerebro. La evidencia revela que los programas educativos de buena calidad son los que aprovechan las potencialidades de la edad infantil para desarrollar habilidades fundamentales para el aprendizaje a lo largo de la vida. Por ello, invertir en buenos programas de educación y cuido de la primera infancia debe ser parte de una base fundamental de las políticas y programas de desarrollo humano. Tener acceso a oportunidades educativas de calidad durante la infancia contribuye a mejorar la equidad social y a cerrar las brechas de desigualdad, especialmente en la niñez más desfavorecida. En esta investigación se define a la educación en la primera infancia como las etapas, niveles o programas de educación formal y no formal que se ofrecen a la niñez desde el nacimiento hasta antes de iniciar el primer grado de primaria. Se han desarrollado numerosas investigaciones que dan cuenta de la situación internacional en la educación de la primera infancia y de las mejores prácticas con recomendaciones que enriquecen la toma de decisiones. Sin embargo, en Centroamérica y República Dominicana se carece de investigación que ofrezca un panorama regional del tema y evidencias que informen políticas específicas, de ahí la importancia de este trabajo.

La sobreactivación informativa que la pandemia ha provocado en las Redes Sociales de la gobernanza internacional describe un escenario marcado por la polarización y el populismo político. Twitter se convierte en una plataforma de referencia para la comunicación no mediada. El uso de esta herramienta como parte de la estrategia de los líderes políticos reactiva la alarma de las organizaciones mundiales ante el incremento de la desinformación. Metodología: con el objetivo de conocer qué marcas identifican el discurso populista y qué efectos producen en la esfera pública, se aplica una metodología de triple enfoque (cuantitativo-cualitativo-discursivo) sobre los tuits publicados durante el primer periodo de alarma de la COVID-19 por Donald Trump (@realDonaldTrump), presidente de Estados Unidos y Boris Johnson (@BorisJohnson), primer ministro del Reino Unido. Discusión y Conclusiones: Los resultados revelan la presencia de la falacia como marca del discurso populista, la proyección de los mensajes de Twitter en los medios de comunicación y una influencia en la audiencia social, causa probable de la desafección ciudadana ante la política. ; The information overactivation that the pandemic has caused in the social networks of International Governance describes a scenario marked by polarization and political populism. Twitter becomes a reference platform for unmediated communication. The use of this tool as part of the strategy of political leaders reactivates the alarm of global organizations in the face of increased disinformation. Methodology:in order to know which brands identify populist discourse and what effects they produce in the public sphere, a triple approach methodology (quantitative-qualitative-discursive) is applied on tuits published during the first COVID-19 alarm period by Donald Trump (@realDonaldTrump), United States president and Boris Johnson (@BorisJohnson), United Kingdom president. Discussion and conclusions:the results reveal the presence of fallacy as a hallmark of populist discourse, the projection of Twitter messages in the media and an influence on the social audience that could be the cause of citizendisaffection with politics. ; Introdução: A super ativação de informações que a pandemia causou nas Redes Sociais de políticos a nivel internacional descreve um cenário marcado pela polarização e pelo populismo político. O Twitter passa a ser uma plataforma de referência para comunicação não mediada. O uso dessa ferramenta como parte da estratégia dos dirigentes políticos reativa o alarme das organizações mundiais diante do aumento da desinformação. Metodologia: com o objetivo de saber quais marcas identificam o discurso populista e quais os efeitos que produzem na esfera pública, uma metodologia de tripla abordagem (quantitativo-qualitativa-discursiva) é aplicada aos tweets publicados durante o primeiro período de alarme do COVID-19 por Donald Trump (@realDonaldTrump), presidente dos Estados Unidos e Boris Johnson (@BorisJohnson), primeiro-ministro do Reino Unido. Discussão e Conclusões: Os resultados revelam a presença da falácia como marca do discurso populista, a projeção de mensagens do Twitter na mídia e influência no público social, provável causa do descontentamento do cidadão com a política.

Introduction Many studies on identity-based bullying focused on only one kind of bias or one specific subgroup. Thus, little is known about youths belonging to multiple minority categories that could be particularly at risk for discrimination and bullying. This research fills this gap by investigating the well-being, the perceived discrimination, and peer victimization of those multiple minority groups. Method 769 young people from 16 to 25 years old (mean age = 19) completed an anonymous paper or online questionnaire. Participants were asked about their group membership (gender, ethnicity, sexual orientation, weight (BMI), and disability) and their perceived discrimination and victimization. They were recruited in comprehensive, vocational, apprenticeship, and special education, as well as through social media. Results Multivariate analyses indicated that disability, gender, sexual orientation, and weight were all independently related to victimization, while only disability and sexual orientation were related to perceived discrimination. No effect of ethnicity emerged. The relationship between peer victimization and subjective well-being was mediated by perceived discrimination. Furthermore, belonging to multiple minority groups increases significantly perceived discrimination and victimization of youths. Conclusion Because belonging to minority groups increases the feeling of discrimination and victimization, schools and politics should find ways to prevent both kinds of violence simultaneously. Moreover, studies should investigate more deeply the link between these phenomena. For instance, understanding if identitybased bullying is really driven by prejudice or if negative stereotypes are simply an easy way to instill dominance and facilitate moral disengagement. Selected references Bucchianeri, M. M., Eisenberg, M. E., & Neumark-Sztainer, D. (2013). Weightism, racism, classism, and sexism: Shared forms of harassment in adolescents. Journal of Adolescent Health, 53(1), 47-53. Freitas, D. F., Coimbra, S., Marturano, E. M., Marques, S. C., Oliveira, J. E., & Fontaine, A. M. (2017). Resilience in the face of peer victimisation and discrimination: The who, when and why in five patterns of adjustment. Journal of Adolescence, 59, 19-34. Garnett, B. R., Masyn, K. E., Austin, S. B., Miller, M., Williams, D. R., & Viswanath, K. (2014). The intersectionality of discrimination attributes and bullying among youth: An applied latent class analysis. Journal of youth and adolescence, 43(8), 1225-1239. Puhl, R. M., Andreyeva, T., & Brownell, K. D. (2008). Perceptions of weight discrimination: prevalence and comparison to race and gender discrimination in America. International Journal of Obesity, 32(6), 992. Russell, S. T., Sinclair, K. O., Poteat, V. P., & Koenig, B. W. (2012). Adolescent health and harassment based on discriminatory bias .American Journal of Public Health, 102(3), 493-495. Sinclair, K. O., Bauman, S., Poteat, V. P., Koenig, B., & Russell, S. T. (2012). Cyber and bias-based harassment: Associations with academic, substance use, and mental health problems. Journal of Adolescent Health, 50(5), 521-523.

This work is an advance of the research process on the intellectual reception of the written work of Paulo Freire in the professional reviews of the Argentine Social Work between the years 1969 and 1973. The vital trajectory of the Brazilian pedagogue Paulo Freire is an essential data to the conditions of production and dissemination of his ideas and even of their reception in the field of Argentine social work. The 1969 Social Service Congress in Santiago de Chile was the high point of the relationship between Freire's educational ideas in the professional field and the radicalized politics of the organizations of the Latin America's new left. The trips of the Brazilian intellectual to Argentina, and the exchanges through international seminars and congresses were the vehicles for the circulation of pedagogical ideas, in which the categories of 'conscientization', 'praxis' and 'liberation' are introduced in a mixture of Catholic and populist readings and readers in the process of political radicalization. We investigate the dissemination of Freirean thought in professional reviews Hoy en el Servicio Social and Selecciones del Servicio Social, identify the intellectuals who read the work of the Brazilian pedagogue, and analyze the appropriations in a web of meaning. This work stops on the instrumentalization of Freirean ideas in the intellectual debate of Social Work in professional reviews to contribute to the knowledge of the history of the discipline in our country. ; Este trabajo es un avance del proceso de investigación sobre larecepción intelectual de la obra escrita de Paulo Freire en las revistas profesionales del Trabajo Social argentino entre los años 1969 y 1973. La trayectoria vital del pedagogo brasileño Paulo Freire es un dato esencial a las condiciones de produccióny difusión de sus ideas e incluso de su recepción en el campo del trabajo social argentino. El congreso de Servicio Social en Santiago de Chile del año 1969 fue el punto álgido de la relación entre las ideas educativas de Freire en el campo profesional y la política radicalizada de las organizaciones de la nueva izquierda conosureña. Los viajes del intelectual brasileño a la Argentina, y los intercambios mediante seminarios y congresos internacionales fueron los vehículos de la circulación de las ideas pedagógicas, en las cuales las categorías de 'concientización', 'praxis' y 'liberación' se introducen en una trama de lecturas y lectores católicos y populistas en proceso de radicalización política. Indagamos la difusión del pensamiento freireano en las revistas profesionales (Hoy en el Trabajo Social - Selecciones del Servicio Social), identificamos los intelectuales que leen la obra del pedagogo brasileño y analizamos las apropiaciones en una trama de sentido. Este trabajo se detiene en la instrumentalización de las ideas freireanas en el debate intelectual del Trabajo Social en las revistas profesionales para realizar un aporte en el conocimiento de la historia de la disciplina en nuestro país.

By the end of 2019, more than 11,000 world scientists declared Planet Earth is facing a climate emergency, which signals the failure of the global climate agenda (GCA). Since it took off thirty years ago, emissions have continued to increase at the planetary level. We add to the literature focusing on the economic and political dimensions shaping the GCA. In particular, we examine its economic growth roots under the umbrella of sustainable development (SD) or green growth to shed some light on whether the rules driving the world economy are shaping it. Such rules are built on the growth ideology fuelling the current extractivist socioeconomic metabolism, which in turn lies behind the socioecological crisis. We review the main international climate-focused events and document a shift in the guiding principles of climate politics from the 1980s onwards under which growth is no longer viewed as a driver of climate change (CC) but as its solution. We argue that the strategy to promote growth-based SD represents the main cause of policy failure. Indeed, the result is a policy that is highly reliant on technological solutions and market-based instruments and leads to the belief that green growth is both possible and the solution to CC. Such a belief restricts the debate to the economy's 'decarbonisation' and CC adaptation and overlooks other important socio-political aspects involve in climate action. ; A finales de 2019, más de 11.000 científicos declararon que afrontamos una emergencia climática que obliga a actuar con urgencia, lo que muestra el fracaso de la agenda climática global (ACG). Desde sus inicios hace treinta años, no se ha revertido la tendencia creciente de las emisiones globales. Este artículo contribuye al debate existente en torno al análisis de la influencia de factores económicos y políticos sobre el diseño de ACG examinando su objetivo de crecimiento económico. Buscamos aclarar si las reglas del juego económico mundial, sustentadas en la ideología del crecimiento, impulsora del actual metabolismo socioeconómico extractivista que subyace a la crisis socioecológica planetaria, determinan dicha agenda. Así, revisamos los principales eventos internacionales en torno al cambio climático (CC) y documentamos un giro en los principios de la política climática a partir de los años ochenta del siglo pasado, según el cual el crecimiento dejó de verse como la causa del CC para verse como su solución. Argumentamos que el hecho de promover un desarrollo sostenible basado en el crecimiento explica el fracaso de la política climática. Y es que esto resulta en una política demasiado optimista hacia las soluciones tecnológicas y los instrumentos de mercado que lleva a creer que el crecimiento verde es posible y la solución al CC, lo que limita la acción a la "descarbonización" de la economía y la adaptación al CC ignorando otros aspectos sociopolíticos relevantes.

Introduction Many studies on identity-based bullying focused on only one kind of bias or one specific subgroup. Thus, little is known about youths belonging to multiple minority categories that could be particularly at risk for discrimination and bullying. This research fills this gap by investigating the well-being, the perceived discrimination, and peer victimization of those multiple minority groups. Method 769 young people from 16 to 25 years old (mean age = 19) completed an anonymous paper or online questionnaire. Participants were asked about their group membership (gender, ethnicity, sexual orientation, weight (BMI), and disability) and their perceived discrimination and victimization. They were recruited in comprehensive, vocational, apprenticeship, and special education, as well as through social media. Results Multivariate analyses indicated that disability, gender, sexual orientation, and weight were all independently related to victimization, while only disability and sexual orientation were related to perceived discrimination. No effect of ethnicity emerged. The relationship between peer victimization and subjective well-being was mediated by perceived discrimination. Furthermore, belonging to multiple minority groups increases significantly perceived discrimination and victimization of youths. Conclusion Because belonging to minority groups increases the feeling of discrimination and victimization, schools and politics should find ways to prevent both kinds of violence simultaneously. Moreover, studies should investigate more deeply the link between these phenomena. For instance, understanding if identitybased bullying is really driven by prejudice or if negative stereotypes are simply an easy way to instill dominance and facilitate moral disengagement. Selected references Bucchianeri, M. M., Eisenberg, M. E., & Neumark-Sztainer, D. (2013). Weightism, racism, classism, and sexism: Shared forms of harassment in adolescents. Journal of Adolescent Health, 53(1), 47-53. Freitas, D. F., Coimbra, S., Marturano, E. M., Marques, S. C., Oliveira, J. E., & Fontaine, A. M. (2017). Resilience in the face of peer victimisation and discrimination: The who, when and why in five patterns of adjustment. Journal of Adolescence, 59, 19-34. Garnett, B. R., Masyn, K. E., Austin, S. B., Miller, M., Williams, D. R., & Viswanath, K. (2014). The intersectionality of discrimination attributes and bullying among youth: An applied latent class analysis. Journal of youth and adolescence, 43(8), 1225-1239. Puhl, R. M., Andreyeva, T., & Brownell, K. D. (2008). Perceptions of weight discrimination: prevalence and comparison to race and gender discrimination in America. International Journal of Obesity, 32(6), 992. Russell, S. T., Sinclair, K. O., Poteat, V. P., & Koenig, B. W. (2012). Adolescent health and harassment based on discriminatory bias .American Journal of Public Health, 102(3), 493-495. Sinclair, K. O., Bauman, S., Poteat, V. P., Koenig, B., & Russell, S. T. (2012). Cyber and bias-based harassment: Associations with academic, substance use, and mental health problems. Journal of Adolescent Health, 50(5), 521-523.

Do International Monetary Fund (IMF) programs and conditions make harm to labor rights in program-participating countries? Critics of the IMF contend that participation in an IMF program is detrimental to workers' rights as the IMF tries to impose pro-business labor policies via conditionality when a country has no choice but to participate in a program. Countering the criticisms, the IMF management has stepped up its rhetoric on how IMF programs try to promote inclusive growth, providing productive employment, and protecting the most vulnerable population within a country. In this paper, we argue that while the IMF might have tried to make IMF programs more beneficial to workers, those efforts are too little to reverse the overall negative effects on labor rights in both short term and long term. This is not only because of direct policy changes mandated in IMF programs but also because of indirect consequences of liberalization of the economy. We demonstrate that IMF programs with stricter labor-market conditions have more detrimental effects on both de jure labor rights and de facto labor practices. Our analysis also highlights the importance of domestic politics and shows that negative overall effects of IMF programs can be offset when a participating government is leftist or when a country adopts a proportional representation system. ; ¿Los programas y las condiciones del Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI) perjudican los derechos laborales de los países que participan de los programas? Los críticos del FMI sostienen que participar de los programas de dicha institución es perjudicial a los derechos laborales, ya que el FMI intenta imponer políticas laborales proempresa a través de condicionalidades en ocasiones en las que un país no tiene otra opción que participar de un programa. En contraposición, la gestión del FMI ha reforzado su discurso en cuanto a la manera en que los programas del FMI intentan impulsar el crecimiento inclusivo, a través del empleo productivo y la protección de la población más vulnerable dentro de cada país. En este artículo, sostenemos que, si bien es posible que el FMI pueda haber intentado que sus programas resulten beneficiosos para los/as trabajadores/as, sus esfuerzos no son suficientes para revertir los efectos negativos que tienen sobre los derechos laborales, tanto a corto como a largo plazo. Esto no solo se debe a los cambios directos en las políticas que se exigen en los programas del FMI, sino también a las consecuencias indirectas de la liberalización económica. Demostramos que los programas del FMI que imponen condiciones laborales y económicas más estrictas causan mayor cantidad de efectos perjudiciales, tanto en derechos laborales de iure como en prácticas laborales de facto. Asimismo, nuestro análisis destaca la importancia de la política local y expone que los efectos negativos generales de los programas del FMI pueden ser compensados cuando el gobierno participante es de izquierda o cuando un país adopta un sistema de representación proporcional.

This thesis presents mainly the findings of Germany's minority policy in Romania. In doing so, the research concentrates on the German minority and considers the extent to which this minority plays a role in German-Romanian relations. Regarding the German minority, the main aspect is on its bridge function between these two countries. In addition, this study looks at which German companies, foundations and educational institutions are active. Within this scope, the activities and the network they have built up with other Romanian institutes, foundations and political parties have been considered. Furthermore, several concepts in the field of minority studies in international relations are used in this thesis as a theoretical basis and the concept of diaspora is discussed in details in order to better understand the bridge function of the Germans of Romania. As a method, an empirical fieldwork was conducted in which different experts from various GermanRomanian foundations were interviewed. The outcome of this research shows that through its minority policy in Romania, Germany is able to establish close relations with the Romanian state. In this context, the activities of German foundations and institutions are important tools for Germany's minority policy in order to build up a large network in Romania. Also, the preservation of German Romanian culture is strongly supported by Germany from the post-communist period onwards. Additionally, from a political point of view the German political foundations have had a privileged role. These political foundations play a particularly critical role in the education of potential politicians and academics who can take important positions in the Romanian politics in the long term. ; Bu tez, temel olarak Almanya'nın Romanya'daki azınlık politikasına dair bulgular sunmaktadır. Araştırma bunu yaparken Alman azınlığa odaklanmakta ve bu azınlığın Alman-Rumen ilişkilerinde ne ölçüde rol oynadığını değerlendirmektedir. Alman azınlıkla ilgili olarak araştırmadaki temel bakış açısı Alman azınlığın bu iki ülke arasında köprü işlevi gördüğü üzerinedir. Ayrıca bu çalışmada hangi Alman şirketlerinin, vakıflarının ve eğitim kurumlarının Romanya'da aktif olduğu da incelenmektedir. Bu kapsamda, diğer Rumen kurumlar, vakıflar ve siyasi partilerle kurdukları faaliyetler ve ağ da dikkate alınmıştır. Bunların yanı sıra, tezde uluslararası ilişkilerde azınlık çalışmalarındaki çeşitli kavramlar teorik birer temel olarak kullanılmış ve Romanya'daki Almanların iki taraf arasında nasıl bir köprü işlevi kurduğunu anlamak için diaspora kavramına odaklanılmıştır. Yöntem olarak ise çeşitli Alman-Rumen vakıflarından farklı uzmanlarla görüşülerek ampirik bir saha çalışması gerçekleştirilmiştir. Araştırmanın bulguları, Almanya'nın Romanya'daki azınlık politikası yoluyla Romanya devletiyle yakın ilişkiler kurabildiğini göstermektedir. Bu bağlamda Romanya'daki Alman vakıflarının ve kurumlarının faaliyetleri Almanya'nın azınlık politikası açısından Romanya'da geniş bir ağ oluşturulması bakımından önem arz etmektedir. Ayrıca AlmanRumen kültürünün korunması, komünizm sonrası dönemden itibaren Almanya tarafından güçlü bir şekilde desteklenmiştir. Buna ilaveten, siyasi açıdan bakıldığında Alman'daki bazı siyasi vakıfların Romanya'da ayrıcalıklı bir rolünün olduğu tespit edilmiştir. Zira bu vakıflar, Romanya'da uzun vadede önemli pozisyonlara gelmesi muhtemel politikacıların ve akademisyenlerin eğitiminde kritik bir rol oynamaktadır.

Ukrainian society has undergone various transformations over the past twenty years. Adverse economic conditions and ineffi cient income distribution policies deterred the for mation of a large middle-income group, which should become the basis of the middle class. Developed countries, which in the last century reached the peak growth of the number and importance of the middle class, today indicate the process of "blurring" of this social group against the background of growing inequality. Against the background of global trends, Ukraine is facing a double blow — the income distribution, which is already shift ed towards low incomes, leaves no chance for positive changes in the social structure of society. Th e a im of the article is to establish trends in the formation of the middle-income group in Ukraine over a twenty-year period and assess the prospects for the formation of the middle class in the future, taking into account today's Ukrainian realities and global trends. Th e novelty of the work is the analysis of a long series of dynamics to establish the trends of the middleincome group according to the classical approaches for international comparisons and according to the purely Ukrainian approach. In addition, micromodeling of incomes (expenditures) for 2020, taking into account the macroeconomic situation, allows us to assess the impact of the coronavirus crisis and quarantine measures on changes in the number of middle-income groups and the prospects of the middle class in Ukraine. Within the article classical methods of analysis of long series of data, in particular, the index method (basic and chain indices) are used for studying the dynamic changes in the formation of midd leincome groups. In order to assess the size of the middle-income group in 2020, the method of micromodeling is used: the 2020 microdata is modeled on the basis of the 2019 microdata (microfi le of the household living condition survey) and macro forecast data for the current year. Analysis of the dynamics of incomes, expenditures and various property character istics of the middle-income group over the past twenty years does not show positive trends. Quite the contrary, in Ukraine there is an impact of the global trend of "blurring" of the middle-income group as the basis of the middle class, with its specifi c features in consumer and investment behavior. Th e events of the last year also do not inspire optimism — by the end of the year the general decline in living standards and the growth of poverty is expected. In such conditions, the main burden of the crisis is expected to fall on the middle-income group. Th e article also considers the problem of the importance of forming the middle class for society and the feasibility of forming politics to this goal.