Book Reviews : Public Good and Political Authority, A Pragmatic Proposal. By WILLIAM J. MEYER. (Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat Press Corp., 1975. Pp. 141. $9.95.)
In: The Western political quarterly, Band 29, Heft 3, S. 475-475
ISSN: 1938-274X
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In: The Western political quarterly, Band 29, Heft 3, S. 475-475
ISSN: 1938-274X
In: The Western political quarterly, Band 24, Heft 1, S. 206-207
ISSN: 1938-274X
In: The Western political quarterly, Band 23, Heft 1, S. 211-211
ISSN: 1938-274X
In: The Western political quarterly, Band 21, Heft 1, S. 152-153
ISSN: 1938-274X
In: The Western political quarterly, Band 19, Heft 3, S. 560-562
ISSN: 1938-274X
In: The Western political quarterly, Band 18, Heft 3, S. 699-700
ISSN: 1938-274X
In: The Western political quarterly, Band 16, Heft 4, S. 997-998
ISSN: 1938-274X
In: The Western political quarterly, Band 14, Heft 2, S. 593-594
ISSN: 1938-274X
In: The Western political quarterly, Band 10, Heft 1, S. 225-226
ISSN: 1938-274X
In: The Western political quarterly, Band 9, Heft 2, S. 526-527
ISSN: 1938-274X
In: The Western political quarterly, Band 6, Heft 4, S. 853-854
ISSN: 1938-274X
The essence of the concept of «political opposition», its broad and narrow meaning are defined in the article. The principles of the political opposition in different political regimes, its role and characteristics of interaction with the authorities are considered. It the article indicated that system or non-system nature of the opposition depends on the type of political regime in which it operates. The factors of opposition's intensification in Central and Eastern Europe are investigated. The role of the political opposition in the formation of social movements as a powerful forces in the fight against the ruling regime are analyzed. The peculiarities of the opposition in transition period are characterized. The main opposition movements and their importance in the transition from authoritarianism to democracy are viewed. The modern functions of political opposition in Central and Eastern European countries are considered in this article.Key words: opposition; transformation of political systems; anti-communist movements; political pluralism; democratization; reform; protest; revolution. ; Визначено суть поняття «політична опозиція», проаналізовано його широке і вузьке значення. Досліджено засади діяльності політичної опозиції за різних політичних режимів, її роль і особливості взаємодії з владою. Зазначено, що системний чи позасистемний характер опозиції залежить від типу політичного режиму, у якому вона функціонує. З'ясовано фактори активізації позасистемної опозиції в країнах Центрально-Східної Європи, а також роль політичної опозиції у формуванні суспільних рухів як потужної сили у боротьбі з правлячим режимом. Висвітлено специфіку опозиційної діяльності у перехідний період. Проаналізовано основні опозиційні рухи та їхнє значення в процесі переходу від авторитаризму до демократії; з'ясовано сучасні функції політичної опозиції в країнах Центрально-Східної Європи.Ключові слова: опозиція; трансформація політичних систем; антикомуністичні рухи; політичний плюралізм; демократизація; реформи; протест; революція.
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The study provides information on social media participation in relation to social responsibility in voting. The results showed that sociodemographic factors have no bearing on the likelihood of democratic engagement because the elections affect all citizens of the country. Moreover, TikTok has a positive effect on the odds of election participation among young adults. As for social media interaction, it was found that bad interactions led to lower odds of participation. Political agendas such as agriculture, education, and law & order also led to lower odds of participation. The research utilized a survey questionnaire consisting of three sections which were sociodemographic factors, social media campaign factors, and voting behaviors of the young adult Filipino participants.
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Ovaj se rad bavi jezičnom politikom i društvenim promjenama koje su se dogodile u Hrvatskoj za vrijeme i nakon rata koji je trajao od 1991. do 1995. godine. Počinjem opisom povijesne pozadine, rata i devedesetih godina 20. stoljeća, koje je obilježila velika količina jezičnog purizma i preskriptivizma u Hrvatskoj te stvaranje postjugoslavenskih država u kojima je pripadanje naciji predstavljalo ključ za definiranje državljanstva. Istraživanjem odnosa između promjena u jezičnom i društvenom poretku, problematiziram više tema. Tvrdim da je zakonski okvir prava manjinskog jezika osnažio i legitimizirao nacionalistički imaginarij, stvarajući daljnje društvene podjele i učvršćujući hijerarhije koje među nacionalnim kategorijama promoviraju određeni nacionalisti. Iz tog razloga, tvrdim da nekritičko odobravanje ili promoviranje lingvističke različitosti mogu biti opasni. Nadalje, u aktivističko-antropološkom smislu, razlažem moguće razloge zbog kojih su znanstvenici društvenih i humanističkih znanosti rijetko sudjelovali u sociolingvističkim raspravama koje se tiču novog hrvatskog standardnog jezika. Tvrdim da bi takvim raspravama u znatnoj mjeri doprinijelo sudjelovanje znanstvenika humanističkih i društvenih znanosti, jer bi se stvorila veza između sociolingvistike i ostalih grana humanističkih i društvenih znanosti te bi se tako odmaknuli od, prema mojem sudu problematične, politike usredotočene na "identitet". ; This paper focuses on language policy and social changes which have taken place in Croatia during and since the 1991-5 war. I first describe the historical background, the war and the nineties being marked by excesses of linguistic purism and prescriptivism, alongside the formation of post-Yugoslav states in which national belonging was key to defining citizenship. Through examining the relationship between changing linguistic and social orders, I raise a number of issues for discussion. I argue that the legal framework of minority language rights has consolidated and legitimated a nationalist imaginary, increasing social divisions and reinforcing hierarchies asserted by some nationalists between national categories. For this reason, I suggest that the uncritical endorsement of or promotion of linguistic diversity can be dangerous. Second, in an activist-anthropological vein, I discuss possible reasons why academics trained in the social sciences and humanities have rarely participated in sociolinguistic debates concerning the new Croatian standard. I suggest such discussions could greatly benefit from interventions by social scientists, so as to bring sociolinguistics into contact with other strands of the social sciences and humanities and move away from what I believe to be a problematic policy focus on "identity".
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The Glorious Thirties period in France is characterized by a progressive change in public policies. But this period is as well marked by a double process held by protester discourses : on the one hand, a politicisation of the urban question, and on the other hand, an urbanization of left-wing political positions. This thesis deal with the instrumentality of urban space in political ideology. What is the position of urban space in political ideology ? Which real part does it strategically take ? The simultaneous emergence of ideas such as "life surroundings", "everyday life", "participation", urban "auto-gestion", and considerations on "Urban Revolution" and "Class-struggle's urbanization" take part in the theoretical background of this double process. These ideas lead the city to become a stake for discourses and practices. Moreover, in Marxist and revolutionary ideology, the city is the key means for changing society. Among the leftists, some of the avant-gardes and the French "New Left", the dialectic between criticized space and saving space allows us to analyze the city status of an instrumental space. ; La période dite des trente glorieuses se marque, en France, par un changement progressif de paradigme dans les politiques urbaines. Mais celle-ci se caractérise aussi par un double glissement porté par les discours contestataires : d'une part, une " politisation ", voire une radicalisation des réflexions sur la ville, et, d'autre part, une " urbanisation " des positions politiques, notamment à gauche. Cette thèse aborde l'instrumentalisation de l'espace au sein de l'idéologie politique : quelle place y occupe celui-ci et comment la pensée s'en empare ? Quel est son statut véritable en termes stratégiques ? L'émergence concomitante des notions de " cadre de vie ", de " vie quotidienne ", de " participation " et d'autogestion " urbaines ", les réflexions autour de la " révolution urbaine " et de " l'urbanisation la lutte des classes ", servent en quelque sorte de cadre théorique d'arrière plan à ces ...
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