Unlike many other social sciences, international relations (IR) spend relatively little time assessing the impact of the nineteenth century on its principal subject matter. As a result, the discipline fails to understand the ways in which a dramatic reconfiguration of power during the "long nineteenth century" served to recast core features of international order. This article examines the extent of this lacuna and establishes the ways in which processes of industrialization, rational state-building, and ideologies of progress served to destabilize existing forms of order and promote novel institutional formations. The changing character of organized violence is used to illustrate these changes. The article concludes by examining how IR could be rearticulated around a more pronounced engagement with "the global transformation.". Adapted from the source document.
1International Court of Justice — Provisional measures — Prima facie jurisdiction — International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, 1965 ("CERD") — Article 22 — Whether the Court having prima facie jurisdiction ratione materiae — Distinction between "national origin" and "nationality" under CERD — Whether procedural preconditions to the Court's jurisdiction met — Prior negotiation — Exhaustion of CERD-based procedures — Plausibility — Whether the acts of which Qatar complained were plausibly acts of racial discrimination — Irreparable prejudice — Urgency — Whether evidence submitted by Qatar proving that the rights claimed were under a real and imminent risk of irreparable prejudice — Reports of international organizations as evidence — Unilateral undertaking — Statement of 5 July 2018 by UAEInternational Court of Justice — Provisional measures requested by respondent State — Whether extending to protection of procedural rights — Procedural rights arising under Article 22 of CERD — Right to obtain compliance with provisional measures indicated earlier — Prima facie jurisdiction — Provisional measures for non-aggravation and non-extension of the dispute — Whether capable of being indicated only if provisional measures for protection of rights also indicatedInternational Court of Justice — Preliminary objections — Whether Court having jurisdiction under Article 22 of International Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, 1965 — Whether discrimination based on nationality prohibited by CERD — Whether Qatar's claim of discriminatory measures by United Arab Emirates falling within scope of CERD Treaties — Interpretation — Scope — International Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, 1965 — Article 1(1) — Meaning of "national origin" — Whether including current nationality — Object and purpose of treaty — Travaux préparatoires — Whether CERD intending to prohibit discrimination based on nationality — Whether Qatar's claim of discriminatory measures by United Arab Emirates falling within scope of CERDHuman rights — International Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, 1965 — Article 1(1) — Meaning of "national origin" — Whether including current nationality — 2Whether discrimination based on nationality prohibited by CERD — Whether Qatar's claim of discriminatory measures by United Arab Emirates falling within scope of CERDNationality — Nature of citizenship — Bond between State and citizen — Whether distinct from "national origin" — International Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination, 1965, Article 1International tribunals — United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination — Weight to be given to practice of Committee — Jurisprudence of regional human rights courts — Relevance — Whether discrimination based on nationality prohibited by CERD
The Goldwater Nichols Act of 1986 was the most comprehensive and important defense reorganization legislation since its initial establishment in 1947. It has administrated the way the United States has organized, planned, and conducted military operations for the last thirty years. Despite this, a strong opposition movement organized primarily by Navy Secretary John F. Lehman, almost endangred the adoption of the mentioned above law. This opposition also included members of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, prominent Senators and Congressman, and Secretary of Defense Casper Weinberger.
A ten year retrospective of the Act's passage at the National Defense University (NDU) in 1999 detailed its six most significant achievements. The Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, as an individual, was designated the principal military advisor to the President and other senior officials. The Chairman was assigned new responsibilities in the areas of strategic planning, logistics, net assessments, joint doctrine, and joint programs and budgets. A Vice Chairman position, outranking the other chiefs was created to assist the Chairman and act as the Chairman in his or her absence. The Joint Staff was expanded beyond 400 members and placed directly under the control of the Chairman. The power and influence of the deployed unified commanders was also increased by providing them authority over subordinate commands in their areas of responsibility, especially regarding joint training, force organization, and force employment. Finally, the Joint Specialty Officer program was mandated. This program was designed to ensure the services assigned some of their highest quality officers to joint duty."1 Nearly all in attendance at the 1999 NDU event concluded that passage of the legislation was a universal good.
The subject of the article is the influence of international US military campaigns on the adoption of Goldwater-Nichols Act.
This article tends to examine the background which led to the adoption of Goldwater Nichols Act, the opposition of the Marines and Navy against the aforementioned Act. The goal is to analyze the main changes brought in by the Goldwater-Nichols Act and their impact on the development of the US military. The phenomena concern "Joint Forces" and the increase of effective cooperation between the departments. The key provisions, which strengthened the position of the Secretary of Defense and outlined its role in the chain of command, will be evaluated.
Keywords: Goldwater-Nichols Act, reorganization, conflict, Joint Chiefs of Staff, Department of Defense, unified commanders
This thesis is an analysis of Thailand's foreign policy under Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva (2008-2011). It examines Thai foreign policy towards Cambodia, Malaysia, and Myanmar in the context of political transition in Thailand. It seeks to answer the following research questions: Were there any aspects of the Abhisit administration's foreign policy that differed significantly from that of his predecessors? What were the major factors, both domestic and external, that impacted on Abhisit's foreign policy decision-making? In answering these two questions, this thesis uses neoclassical realism as a theoretical framework to analyse Abhisit's foreign policy. This thesis comprises three case studies: the conflict between Thailand and Cambodia over the Preah Vihear temple, Abhisit's Malaysia policy in relation to the separatist insurgency in southern Thailand, and Abhisit's policy towards democratisation in Myanmar. Through the analysis of the three case studies, this thesis concludes that throughout the Abhisit administration, despite rhetorical differences, continuity was the hallmark of Thailand's relationships with neighbouring countries. Furthermore, this thesis argues that Abhisit's foreign policy was largely influenced by domestic political considerations, rather than external factors. In other words, although external or international pressures were significant, they were not the primary determinants of Abhisit's foreign policy. Specifically, a prolonged confrontation between the pro- and anti-Thaksin forces, the persistence of the Thai military's influence on politics, the continued separatist violence in southern Thailand, and Thai economic interests in Cambodia, Malaysia, and Myanmar were the major factors influencing Abhisit's foreign policy decision-making. In terms of external factors, the competing nationalisms in the region, the political circumstances in Cambodia, Malaysia, and Myanmar, and the inherent weakness of ASEAN cohesion were the primary factors influencing relations between Thailand and its neighbouring countries.
The entry into force of the International Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities means that State Parties shall adapt their legislation and regulation to the social model designed in the international text. The present work aims to identify the general challenges faced by Qatar in that task. After presenting the keys to understanding the requirements of the Convention, the paper underlines the necessity of a cultural change in addition to a legal one. In this way, Qatar shares with other State Parties theoretical, legal, social and economic problems. Specifically, the current medical model in Qatar policies should be replaced with the conventional social model. This implies the elimination of discrimination based on disability, the universal accessibility, the legal capacity for persons with disabilities and their right to live independently. A priority is to generate an associative movement around disability.
PurposeThe paper's aim is to explore female academics' publication aspirations and constraints in a less researched area of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE).Design/methodology/approachThe research data presented in this paper is part of a larger cross-European project involving semi-structured interviews conducted with Early Career Researchers (ECR) (PhD+ 8 years) from Social Sciences and Humanities (SSH) from seventeen European countries.FindingsThe findings show how ECR women from the CEE region in SSH encounter difficulties when trying to publish, which obstacles add to a strong economic and geopolitical dependence. Findings reveal that female ECRs use various publications strategies to enhance their scientific career and engage in the neoliberal model of academia, but mostly stay in their local scientific communities, without building internationally recognized scientific careers. Thus, they do wish for a global recognition, but they opt for a safer and more accessible choice of publishing in their local scientific communities.Originality/valueKnowledge which academic women from the CEE region produce (mostly in their local languages) stays in their local and isolated enviroments, creating an imbalanced knowledge advancement in a international academic arena which recognizes only publications written in English and in renowed journals.
