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PO polls have been used in Poland since 1956 as a means of gaining information to guide social policy. Polls carried on by the Public Opinion Research Center gained uninhibited responses even to politically sensitive questions. The sociologists who conducted these polls were useful to a government unable to obtain information by other means; Polish sociology includes non-Marxist work, & is largely free of imposed dogma. A variety of recent polls are reviewed, suggesting overall that Polish PO is taken into account whenever reforms are considered. The more recent polls have revealed a growing rejection of official positions presented through propaganda & the mass media. It is apparent from these data that Poles identify with family & nation, but not with any intermediate institution, including the state apparatus. W. H. Stoddard.

By now most of you are aware of the severe cuts in federal funding for the social and behavioral sciences and for the humanities proposed by the Reagan Administration.At the National Science Foundation, while support for the natural sciences is slated to increase, the proposed budget for the social and economic sciences calls for a 65 percent reduction.At the National Institute of Mental Health (ADAMHA), the Administration proposes to eliminate all social research, which is expected to include research on the family, socialization of children, effects of separation and divorce, evaluation of prevention efforts with children, effects of mass media on behavior of children. In addition, the definition probably will include social policy research, research on race and ethnic relations, studies of community structure and change and studies of social institutions.

Black Theology is a painful phenomenon in the history of the Church. Painful not because of what it says—although it certainly does not deal in soft phrases—but because it has emerged in an America that, since the arrival of the Pilgrims in the seventeenth century, has claimed to be a Christian country. Black Theology is a judgment on American Christianity in particular and Christianity in general. Ideally there would be no reason for Black Theology. It was forced into existence by the particularities of American history.Black Theology as an academic concern can be dated from July 31, 1966, when the National Committee of Negro Churchmen issued a statement asking for power and freedom from the leaders of America, for power and love from white churchmen, for power and justice from Negro citizens, and for power and truth from the American mass media.

WE LIVE IN A TERRORISTIC AGE. FEW, EVEN AMONG THE MOST favoured and secure, can fail to be haunted by the ugly sights and ghastly dreams of terroristic murder, massacre, and torture and the suffering of the innocents. Numerous international organizations and the mass media at least agree in characterizing our era as one 'full of dismal terror'. There have been repeated calls for serious scientific study of the nature and causes of terrorism culminating in the recent decision of the UN General Assembly to establish a special committee for this purpose. Many students of politics will suspect that the creation of 'study committees' by such organizations as the UN and the Socialist International will simply serve to reflect the self-interest of the national participants, or that they will simply turn into propaganda exercises.

This paper attempts to extend the investigation of geographic space preferences, focussing particularly on their development and their change from childhood to adulthood, and on the flows of information from which such images are formed. The data used is from Lagos and Western Nigeria. First, the area, the participants, and the questionnaire are explained. Then the space preferences of the area (from five locations) for four age groups from thirteen to twenty-three are described, and the differences between the groups are mapped. The changes over time in these space preferences are discussed, and linked to ideas on the flows of information which help form perception surfaces. The mass media, migration, travel experience, and family membership are discussed. The paper concludes with some hypotheses on the nature of space-learning.

Data are presented confirming the hypo that the indoctrination, retention, or shift of party loyalties is signif'ly related to family & other primary bonds. Results do not explain patterns of support in particular elections which require explanations more immediately pol'al, but show that voters differ widely in susceptibility to pol'al influence depending on the homogeneity of family pol'al interest & 'life-style' (occup, income, educ, & religion), & on the influences of associated primary groups. Disagreements among the several primary groups to which a voter belongs are among the important sources of party irregularity & defection. Republican voters appeared to conform more strongly than Democrats to family influence, but firm generalizations cannot be warranted. Primary group memberships cannot account for all the variance in pol'al belief & affiliation, but other influences will have to be considered (econ interest, status needs, mass media, etc). IPSA.

"Die Arbeit bzw. die Mitwirkung von Kindern an Foto-, Film- und Fernsehproduktionen etabliert sich - dem Trend aus den USA folgend - auch in Deutschland immer mehr. Kinder jeder Altersgruppe finden sich zunehmend im Werbemarkt und der Filmbranche. Grundsätzlich wird die Beschäftigung von Kindern durch das Jugendarbeitsschutzgesetz geregelt. Dies wird allerdings der Komplexität der Erfahrungen sowie dem Schutzanspruch und den Interessen der Kinder am expandierenden Markt nicht länger gerecht. Unter Bezug auf neuere rechtliche Regelungen in Nordrhein-Westfalen und Einbeziehung empirischer Erhebungen wird die Autorin zeigen, dass durch angemessene pädagogische Begleitung und entsprechende rechtliche Regelungen nicht nur den Risiken besser begegnet werden kann, sondern auch neue Beteiligungs- und Bildungschancen sowie Raum für die Persönlichkeitsentwicklung entstehen." (Autorenreferat)

People increasingly rely on Internet and web-based information despite evidence that it is potentially inaccurate and biased. Therefore, this study sought to assess people's perceptions of the credibility of various categories of Internet information compared to similar information provided by other media. The 1,041 respondents also were asked about whether they verified Internet information. Overall, respondents reported they considered Internet information to be as credible as that obtained from television, radio, and magazines, but not as credible as newspaper information. Credibility among the types of information sought, such as news and entertainment, varied across media channels. Respondents said they rarely verified web-based information, although this too varied by the type of information sought. Levels of experience and how respondents perceived the credibility of information were related to whether they verified information. This study explores the social relevance of the findings and discusses them in terms of theoretical knowledge of advanced communication technologies.

This research was aimed 1) to survey the needs, 2) to develop electronic book with QR code technology and interactive exhibition entitled “Media Literacy” for undergraduate students, 3) to examine the quality, 4) to examine the learning achievement and 5) to examine the satisfaction. The tools in this study consisted of needs survey form, electronic book with QR code technology and interactive exhibition entitled “Media Literacy” for undergraduate students, quality evaluation forms for contents and media presentation, learning achievement test, and satisfaction questionnaire. The sampling group in this study consisted of 40 third-year undergraduate students who enrolled in the ETM 314 Professional Experiences in Educational Technology and Mass Communication, Department of Educational Communications and Technology, Faculty of Industrial Education and Technology, King Mongkut’s University of Technology Thonburi in the first semester of the academic year 2019. They were chosen using purposive sampling method. There were 9 experts in contents, media presentation as well as measurement and evaluation. The statistical methods were percentage, mean score, standard deviation and t-test. The research findings showed that the sampling group expressed the highest level of needs ( = 4.68, S.D.= 0.47). The quality evaluation results showed that the quality of the contents was at a very good level ( = 4.73, S.D. = 0.42) and the quality of the media presentation was at a good level ( = 4.42, S.D. = 0.40). The learning achievement test results showed that their average post-test score was higher than their average pre-test score with statistical significance at the .05 level (t-test = 7.23). The sampling group expressed the highest level of satisfaction towards the media ( = 4.68, S.D. = 0.49). Therefore, the developed media could be distributed for further use.

Chile's social uprising in 2019 has raised a series of questions regarding its sources, manifestations, and prospects of re-stabilization. This study presents a critical examination of the representation made by mass media during the rebellion. Specifically, its main milestones and controversies are addressed. The analysis involves a comparison between the journalistic coverage made by opentelevision channels, with those published in newspapers with politicized editorial lines. The results indicate that their differences are mainly found in the normative assumptions underlying the identification of the origin of the social outbreak, the characterization of its proliferation, and the projection of restructuring alternatives. Such normative assumptions are expressed in the way facts are presented in their stories, including partisan bias. In the case of Chilean open television, the results suggest a concordance with the views and opinions of the national center-right newspapers. On this basis, we discuss the increase of media distrust in Chilean television, highlighting the need to democratize its perspectives towards achieving media pluralism. ; El 'estallido social' ocurrido en Chile durante el año 2019, ha suscitado una serie de interrogantes respecto a sus fuentes, manifestaciones y perspectivas de reestabilización. Este estudio presenta un examen crítico sobre la representación realizada por medios de comunicación de masas durante el transcurso de la rebelión. Concretamente, se atienden sus principales hitos y controversias.La ejecución del análisis involucra una comparación entre las coberturas periodísticas realizadas por cadenas de televisión abierta, con aquellas publicadas en periódicos con líneas editoriales politizadas. Los resultados indican que sus diferenciaciones se encuentran principalmente en las distinciones normativas subyacentes a la identificación del origen del estallido, caracterización de su propagación y proyección de alternativas de reestructuración. Tal normatividad se expresa en relativos énfasis y cegueras con que se presentan los hechos en sus tribunas. Y específicamente, en el caso de la televisión abierta chilena, se constatan adherencias manifiestas entre sus valoraciones y aquellas presentes en periódicos afines a la centro-derecha nacional. Desde ahí se discute sobre la caída en los indicadores de confianza en la televisión chilena, destacando la necesidad de democratizar sus perspectivas desde el pluralismo informativo

"Why do some democracies reflect their citizens' foreign policy preferences better than others? What roles do the media, political parties, and the electoral system play in a democracy's decision to join or avoid a war? War and Democratic Constraint shows that the key to how a government determines foreign policy rests on the transmission and availability of information. Citizens successfully hold their democratic governments accountable and a distinctive foreign policy emerges when two vital institutions--a diverse and independent political opposition and a robust media--are present to make timely information accessible. Matthew Baum and Philip Potter demonstrate that there must first be a politically potent opposition that can blow the whistle when a leader missteps. This counteracts leaders' incentives to obscure and misrepresent. Second, healthy media institutions must be in place and widely accessible in order to relay information from whistle-blowers to the public. Baum and Potter explore this communication mechanism during three different phases of international conflicts: when states initiate wars, when they respond to challenges from other states, or when they join preexisting groups of actors engaged in conflicts. Examining recent wars, including those in Afghanistan and Iraq, War and Democratic Constraint links domestic politics and mass media to international relations in a brand-new way"--

This book examines product placement and brand integration in U.S. television. Using examples from 1950s television sponsorship to The Real Housewives, Bjelskou illustrates how the commercialization of TV programing affects both formats and narratives and how these genres are in conversation with contemporary political and social environments.