In mass media research there has been a repeated call for (1) abandoning simple two-variable stimulus-response models of television effects, and (2) efforts to integrate research from different fields. This article offers such a perspective, bringing together research on relationship-relevant television content, viewing effects and interpersonal relationships. A total of 51 couples participated in a study to determine if television viewing is related to discussions of the relationship-relevant issues between spouses. As hypothesized, the contingent condition of marital definitions held by spouses predicted the amount of discussion between marital partners about family and relational issues. Such a condition presupposes that the way individuals define their relationships affects how they process the information on interpersonal relationships portrayed on television. Specifically, those who are emotionally distant from their spouses were more likely to discuss relational and family issues as a consequence of television viewing.
The main thesis of the paper is that the big wave of strikes during July-September 1980 in Poland can be interpreted as an opposition of society against the etatist formula of the social life forced by the authorities. A general picture of etatism is presented in the first part of the paper. Also main organizational pillars of this formula (the Party, central and local administration, business organizations, co-operatives, trade unions, youth organizations, and mass media) are analyzed. Emphasis is given to the acceleration of the processes of organizational concentration and monopolization in the 1970s. The second part of the paper is devoted to the process of refusal of this formula by Polish society; from non-cooperation to active resistance. The third part is concerned with changes in State-controlled and Party-controlled organizations and with the process of self-organization of the society. All the above-mentioned organizations are taken into account.
Community action: diversity and ambiguityThe present article tries to outline the diversity and the internal tensions in community action by examining various forms of community consciousness (revolutionary, radical, defensive, reformist) and various kinds of leadership activity (protest, organizational, pragmatic). The existence of several kinds of leadership combined with multiple possibilities of action produces splintered activity which is reinforced by its dependence in the political arena and by political restraints. Community action in the process of political decision-making has little impact on the determination of the rules of the game, which are controlled by the government, and on the legitimate and public definition of the issues, which are set, in part, by the mass media. Concerted community action is thus held to be a precarious social movement whose particular conditions of origin, situation, and the peripheral position in society of its community agents determine its heterogeneous, critical, and Utopian dimensions.
An outline of the diversity & internal tensions in community action is presented by examining various forms of community consciousness (revolutionary radical, defensive, reformist) & various kinds of leadership activity (protest, organizational, pragmatic). Data were gathered on community action groups which first appeared in Quebec, & especially Montreal, in the 1960's. The existence of several kinds of leadership combined with multiple possibilities of action produces splintered activity which is reinforced by its dependent position in the political arena & by political restraints. Community action in the process of political decision-making has little impact on the determination of the rules of the game, which are controlled by the government, & on the legitimate & public definition of the issues, which are set, in part, by the mass media. Concerted community action is a precarious social movement whose particular conditions of origin & situation, & the peripheral position in society of its community agents determine its heterogeneous, critical, & utopian dimensions. 1 Table. Modified HA.
It will cause little controversy in the spring of 1975 to observe that the world is in a profound political and economic crisis, or that interdependence is a palpable and often unpalatable fact. Conflict over formerly latent issues is increasingly evident, as governments try desperately to cope with the effects of other governments' policies, as in the case of oil, or with resource shortages, as in the case of food. Many of the problems from which such issues arise–including also environmental degradation, inflation, and recession–have immediate impacts on people's daily lives. Unlike traditional foreign policy issues, they are not separate from domestic politics, and experienced largely through the mass media, but rather encountered daily on the job and at the market. Domestic and foreign policies are closely intertwined, and important domestic interests are threatened by events abroad. It is becoming clear that ties between national economies can transmit economic evils as well as economic goods.
In the development of a child, pol'al sentiment precedes factual knowledge. The Sch is neither the source of the child's group att's nor an effective counterweight to them. The pol'al conflicts of the past & those of the present in which his own group is strongly involved have enormous influence on the mind of the child. His sense of these conflicts comes to the child from his own home & from the mass media rather than from the Sch. It is from this sense that group loyalty is developed & this loyalty is responsible for irrational soc animosities. Friction & conflict of interest will always exist between groups as they will always exist between individuals. The young should be taught that pol'al animosity exists in all of us & is a natural result of history, but that it is one thing to harbor intense feelings of hatred & quite another to translate that feeling into anti-social acts. J. A. Fishman.
"This book offers new and compelling insight into the emergent shared culture of the relationship between political actors and journalists in nine European democracies. It is a truly comparative account of the attitudes of 2,500 political communication elites between Helsinki and Madrid on various aspects of the media's role in politics and on the mutual relationship of politicians, political spokespersons and journalists. The study identifies national political communication cultures across Europe over the importance of journalists in advocacy and commentary, pressures on the media and perceived political influence. It also highlights that professional roles determine the perception of news-making, the interpretation of daily political life and the ethos of professional conduct and interaction."--
Well-established scholars from a variety of disciplines - including sociology, anthropology, media and cultural studies, and political sciences - use the social construction of death and dying to analyse a wide variety of meaning-making practices in societal fields such as ethics, politics, media, medicine and family.
Šiame straipsnyje yra tiriamas amperometrinis biojutiklis, kuriame biojutiklio atsakas yra stiprinamas chemiškai – sinerginiais substratais. Tokiuose biojutikliuose, be substrato, kurio koncentracija matuojama, naudojamas ir pagalbinis substratas, reikalingas substratų sinergetikai. Biojutiklis yra modeliuojamas naudojant nestacionarias netiesines reakcijos-difuzijos lygtis. Modeliuojami keturi biojutiklio sluoksniai: fermento sluoksnis, kuriame vyksta visos biocheminės reakcijos ir difuzija, dializėsmembrana ir difuzijos sluoksnis, kuriuose vyksta tik difuzija ir reakcijos, kuriose nedalyvauja fermentas, o ketvirtasis sluoksnis yra tirpalo dalis, kurioje palaikoma vienoda medžiagų koncentracija. Lygčių sistema sprendžiama skaitiškai, naudojant baigtinių skirtumų metodą. Tiriama biojutiklio atsako bei jautrio priklausomybė nuo substratų koncentracijų ir nuo difuzijos sluoksnio storio.Modelling Amperometric Biosensors with Synergistic Substrate AmplificationDainius Šimelevičius, Romas Baronas SummaryComputational modelling of a biosensor in which chemical amplification by synergistic substrates takes place was investigated in this study. In the biosensors of this type, in addition to the substrate (analyte), another auxiliary substrate is used. It is necessary to achieve the substrates synergy. The operation of the biosensor is modelled using non-stationary reactiondiffusion equations. The model involves four regions: the enzyme layer where the enzymatic reactions as well as the mass transport by diffusion take place, the dialysis membrane and the diffusion limiting region where the mass transport by diffusion and non-enzymatic reactions take place, and the convective region in which the analyte concentration is maintained constant. The equation system is solved numerically using the finite difference technique. The biosensor response dependency on substrate concentrations and the diffusion layer thickness, as well as the biosensor sensitivity dependence on the same parameters have been studied."line-height: 18px;">
The article states that journalistic broadcasting is intended to create public opinion or to develop an exact attitude of society towards certain phenomena and events of internal political and international life. The Ukrainian-Russian surzhyk is not only focused on the linguistic taste and contemporaries' sharp speech attention, but also on the position of cognition through its affiliation with another language, Russian in particular, because of its high frequency and semantic correction in accordance with fashionable communication. In the language of mass communication at the beginning of the XXI century, surzhyk often serves for the transmission of linguistic illiteracy, the absence of the language culture of the heroes of publications, as well as to attract the attention of readers to the person, events, phenomena referred to in the text. The Ukrainian-Russian surzhyk is basically the correspondence to well-known and widely used normative words. They are presented mainly in quotations of heroes of publications. It was found out that pejorative vocabulary means lexical units, the lexical meaning of which includes the connotative aspect (negative emotional sem), which expresses the negative attitude of a speaker to an addressee. That may be often vulgar, versatile, slang vocabulary. Researchers of pejorative vocabulary in the language of the press notice that the printed media texts are full of general neutrality of the narrative tone, but in recent times the use of lexemes with a negative assessment has significantly intensified. In the language of modern mass media among surzhykisms such thematic groups are distinguished: the words of politeness, tokens on the designation of food, names of household things, items of everyday use, personal things, also surzhykisms are used in the sphere of trade between the seller and the buyer; sometimes they have an ironic coloration, and so on. We consider that the surzhyk is a kind of Ukrainian national language that arose as a result of use of words of the Ukrainian and Russian languages by the speakers; it is created out of any norms and poses a threat to the national language. Surzhik has a number of objective prerequisites, the historical character associated with the Russian factor in particular. Many years of planting the Russian language could not but affect the purity of the Ukrainian language. ; В статье указано, что публицистическая речь призвана создавать общественное мнение или формировать определенное отношение общества к тем или иным явлениям и событиям внутриполитической и международной жизни. Украинско-русский суржик находится не только в фокусе языкового вкуса и обостренного речевого внимания современников, но и в позиции познания из-за его принадлежности к другому языку, в частности русскому, за его высокую частотность и семантическую корректировку в соответствии с модной коммуникацией. В языке средств массовой коммуникации начала XXI века суржик чаще всего служит для передачи речевой неграмотности, отсутствия культуры речи героев публикаций, а также для привлечения внимания читателей к лицу, событиям, явлениям, о которых идет речь в тексте. Украинско-русский суржик – это преимущественно соответствия к общеизвестным и широко используемым нормативным словам. Их подают в основном в цитатах героев публикаций. Выяснено, что пейоративная лексика – это лексические единицы, в структуру лексического значения которых входит конотативний аспект (отрицательная эмотивная сема), с помощью которого выражается отрицательное отношение говорящего к адресату. Часто это может быть вульгарная, просторечная, жаргонная лексика. Исследователи пейоративной лексики в языке прессы отмечают, что печатным медиа-текстам присуща в целом нейтральность повествовательного тона, но в последнее время употребления лексем с негативной оценкой значительно активизировалось. В языке современных средств массовой коммуникации среди суржикизмов выделены тематические группы: слова вежливости, лексемы для обозначения еды, названия бытовых вещей, предметов повседневного пользования, личных вещей, а также суржикизмы употребляют в сфере торговли между продавцом и покупателем, иногда они имеют ироническую окраску. Известно, что суржик – это разновидность украинского общенародного языка, который возник вследствие употребления говорящими слов украинского и русского языков; он создан вне всяких норм и представляет угрозу для национального языка. Суржик имеет целый ряд объективных предпосылок, в частности исторического характера, связанного с российским фактором. Многовековое насаждение русского языка не могло не сказаться на чистоте языка украинского. ; У статті зазначено, що публіцистичне мовлення покликане створювати громадську думку або виробляти певне ставлення суспільства до тих чи інших явищ і подій внутрішньополітичного й міжнародного життя. Українсько-російський суржик перебуває не тільки у фокусі мовного смаку та загостреної мовленнєвої уваги сучасника, але й у позиції пізнання через його належність до іншої мови, зокрема російської, через його високу частотність і семантичне коректування відповідно до модної комунікації. У мові засобів масової комунікації початку ХХІ століття суржик найчастіше слугує для передавання мовної неграмотності, відсутності культури мови героїв публікацій, а також для привернення уваги читачів до особи, події, явища, про які йдеться в тексті. Українсько-російський суржик – це переважно відповідники до загальновідомих і широковживаних нормативних слів. Їх подають здебільшого в цитатах героїв публікацій. З'ясовано, що пейоративна лексика – це лексичні одиниці, в структуру лексичного значення яких входить конотативний аспект (негативна емотивна сема), за допомогою якого виражається негативне ставлення мовця до адресата. Часто це може бути вульгарна, просторічна, жаргонна лексика. Дослідники пейоративної лексики в мові преси зауважують, що друкованим медіа-текстам притаманна в цілому нейтральність оповідального тону, але останнім часом вживання лексем з негативною оцінкою значно активізувалося. У мові сучасних засобів масової комунікації серед суржикізмів виділено тематичні групи: слова ввічливості, лексеми на позначення їжі, назви побутових речей, предметів повсякденного користування, особистих речей, а також суржикізми вживають у сфері торгівлі між продавцем і покупцем, подекуди вони мають іронічне забарвлення тощо. Уважаємо, що суржик – це різновид української загальнонародної мови, який виник унаслідок уживання мовцями слів української та російської мов; він створений поза будь-якими нормами й становить загрозу для національної мови. Суржик має цілу низку об'єктивних передумов, зокрема історичного характеру, пов'язаного з російським фактором. Багатовікове насаджування російської мови не могло не позначитися на чистоті мови української.
At the time of the corona pandemic, the population has a great need for information. (Mass) Media try to provide the concerned citizens with answers to their pressing questions with the help of scientific actors and their expert knowledge. Scientific experts serve as an important source of information for journalists and for society. Therefore, it is of particular relevance to examine, which scientific actors are discussing scientific issues related to the Covid-19 pandemic publicly via media coverage. Of particular interest is a look at the scientific expertise of the so-called experts, because the quality of the available information stands and falls with it. Our study describes the journalistic selection of scientific experts in German news coverage on Covid-19 compared to other pandemics. We analyze, which experts get a chance to speak in media coverage, how diverse the spectrum of selected experts is and how their scientific expertise is to be assessed. Our findings show that the Covid-19 coverage is dominated by actors from the political executive and less than in previous pandemics by scientific experts. Further, the Corona debate is characterised by a greater diversity of expert voices than the previous pandemic debates and therefore less concentrated on a few individual scientists only. Further, the journalistic selection of scientific experts is biased in favour of those who have a high scientific expertise. On average, media coverage on the Covid-19 pandemic makes references to more reputable and acknowledged scientific experts compared to earlier ...
Рассматривается эволюция системы корпоративных стратегических коммуникаций в Республике Беларусь на основе анализа деятельности пресс-служб и отделов по связям с общественностью органов государственного управ¬ления. Выявляются особенности этой системы на этапе формализации и на современном этапе. Исследуется ре¬сурсное обеспечение деятельности пресс-служб, в том числе их кадровый потенциал. Выявляются основные формы и проблемы коммуникации пресс-служб со средствами массовой информации. Подвергается анализу использование пресс-службами государственных органов возможностей интернет-пространства, в том числе социальных медиа, в коммуникации со СМИ и общественностью. Обнаруживаются основные тенденции в деятельности пресс-служб государственных органов, предлагаются рекомендации для оптимизации этой деятельности. В целях изучения спе¬цифики современного периода применяются результаты наблюдения, фокус-группового исследования и экспертных интервью, организованных авторами настоящей статьи в ходе подготовки и реализации программ повышения квалификации «Современная пресс-служба» для руководителей и сотрудников органов соответствующих подраз¬делений государственного управления, проводимых на факультете повышения квалификации и переподготовки Института журналистики БГУ в 2014–2016 гг. Применяются также результаты опроса руководителей пресс-служб государственных органов, осуществленного сотрудниками кафедры технологий коммуникации Института журнали¬стики БГУ в марте 2017 г. = The evolution of the system of corporate strategic communications in the Republic of Belarus was examined on the basis of the analysis of press-services activities with the departments on public relations of state administration bodies. The peculiarities of this system at the stage of formalization and at the present stage were revealed. Resource support of activities of press services, including human resources was analyzed. The main forms of press services communication to mass media, as well as the main problems in this communication were discovered. The press services usage of state bodies in the sphere of communication with the mass media and the community and the usage of the Internet resources possibilities, including social media were analyzed. Basic trends in the activities of press services of state bodies were shown and the recommendations to its optimization were proposed. The results of observation, focus group research and expert interviews during the organization and carrying out of advanced training programs «Modern Press Service» for managers and employees of bodies of relevant government departments conducted at the Faculty of Advanced Studies and Retraining of the Institute of Journalism of BSU in 2014–2016, also as a survey of heads of press services of state bodies were used to study the specificity of the modern period. The survey was carried out by employees of the Department of communication technologies of the Institute of journalism of BSU in March 2017.
Da sempre le società crescono e si evolvono sotto la pressione dei nuovi rapporti di potere che de-costruiscono le proprie istituzioni per poi costruirne di nuove, affinché gli individui possano convivere nonostante valori e interessi contrastanti. Le società si possono dire tali nel momento in cui costituiscono uno spazio pubblico. Nella società industriale tale spazio pubblico era costruito intorno all'istituzione dello Stato-Nazione che sotto la spinta del sindacato e della lotta di classe, hanno dato vita ad uno spazio pubblico istituzionale basato sul legame con il sistema politico democratico, una magistratura indipendente e una società civile legata allo Stato. Con il passare del tempo e dopo i processi di globalizzazione e lo sviluppo delle nuove tecnologie è stato messo in discussione lo Stato-Nazione come espressione di spazio pubblico. Con ciò non si vuole affermare che lo Stato-Nazione sia scomparso ma che la sua legittimità è andata scemando mettendo in luce una governance globale, mentre i governi continuano a restare nazionali. Il risultato è una crisi della legittimità politica che vede il principio di cittadinanza entrare in conflitto con quello dell'auto-determinazione. Le società continuano a funzionare sotto il profilo sociale e politico, spostando il processo di formazione dell'opinione pubblica dalle istituzioni politiche all'universo della comunicazione, che è incentrato principalmente intorno ai mass-media. Si tratta di una prospettiva che è estesa anche alle dinamiche storiche di contro-potere, dato che emergono nuove forme di cambiamento sociale e una politica alternativa che utilizza le opportunità offerte dai mass-media. In conclusione lo spazio pubblico viene definito nello spazio della comunicazione. Quest'ambito è sempre più contrastato, in quanto apre una nuova era che vede il fiorire di un nuovo modello di società, dove i detentori del potere stanno cercando di riaffermare il proprio dominio, a seguito del riconoscimento della sempre minore capacità, da parte delle istituzioni di recepire progetti e istanze dei cittadini di tutto il mondo; si tratta di fissare nuove forme di dominio che utilizzano principalmente i media. In queste circostanze si assiste a una nuova fase di costruzione del potere nello spazio della comunicazione, dove i potenti sono sempre più spinti dall'esigenza di raccogliere la sfida lanciata dai network di comunicazione orizzontale. Lo spazio pubblico emergente, fondato sulla comunicazione rispetta l'esito di un episodio della più antica battaglia: quella per la nostra libertà di pensiero.
Последние три года тема венчурного финансирования технологических проектов в России приобрела особое место в информационном поле страны. Благодаря усилиям президента и премьер- министра страны центральные средства массовой информации спровоцировали деловые издания, а также и другие СМИ на освещение темы модернизации страны и развития отечественных технологий как основы предстоящей модернизации. Слова венчурные инвестиции, венчурные фонды и инноград Сколково потихоньку становятся нарицательными. Однако очевидно, что перед тем как что-то получить новое и перспективное от отечественных технологий предстоит долгий и напряженный этап вкладывания в эту тему не только лучший интеллектуальный капитал страны, но и значительные финансы. Последнее в сфере венчурного инвестирования имеет значительную специфику и сильное отличие от традиционного банковского финансирования или даже прямого финансирования. В настоящей статье автор показал перспективы получения венчурного финансирования под технологические проекты в России. Постарался показать основные группы инвесторов на этом поле и подчеркнул отличия между ними. Поскольку финансирование технологических проектов имеет свою специфику, были показаны пути, по которым следует пройти соискателям инвестиций и государству, чтобы процесс поиска «умных денег» не превратился в хождение по мукам. Также отдельно отмечается роль государства в развитии венчурного финансирования в стране и угрозы медленных решений в некоторых вопросах для достижения поставленной цели — модернизации России и диверсификации промышленности. ; During three years the topic of VC financing of technology projects in Russia becomes the key part in the country mass media. Due to President and Premier of Russia mass media push business and other media to show the topic of innovation and modernization of Russian economy and development of national technologies. The words of VC investments, VC funds, techno polis Skolkovo have becoming to common nouns. But it is obvious that before you get something essential you are forced to spend a lot of time, money and intellectual capital. As for VC financing this business has its own specificity in comparison with bank and private equity financing too. In this article we try to show opportunities for the Russian start-ups to rise VC financing. We try to show two groups of investors in VC business and differences between them. Since financing of start-ups projects of technology has its own specificity we tried to show the ways for innovators and government to raze smart money for the projects. Finally we tried to show the key part of government in developing VC financing in the country and all the threats of slow decisions in this ways to get the main goal of national economy modernization and diversification.
On the example of Ukraine during the Yanukovich presidency (2010-2014) this article explores which factors support journalists' agency in relation to censorship pressure in a competitive authoritarian regime. It shows that a critical mass of journalists existed who reacted to censorship pressure with rejection. Based, first of all, on 31 semi-structured interviews, we examine the working conditions of prominent national journalists and analyse how they describe their role and motivations. We argue that the nature of competitive authoritarianism offers journalists opportunities for critical reporting, but that it is individual characteristics of journalists - including professional ethics, networks, and job mobility - which define whether and how the respective opportunities are used.
