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This paper relates the institutionalization of intersectionality and the critics about the lack of its genealogy inspired by the intellectual and activist trajectories of women of color. The text suggests that the loose of radicalness responds to four dynamics of institutionalization of intersectionality. These are: 1) the forget of the genealogy of colour and the ethos of social justice, 2) an epistemological shift to the discipline and standardization, 3) the hegemony of the global North's scientific productions as opposed to those of global South and 4) the politics of innovation and the diversity market within a neoliberal context. ; Esta nota pone en relación la institucionalización de la interseccionalidad y el progresivo desapego de las trayectorias activistas e intelectuales de las mujeres de color que la inspiraron. El texto sugiere que esta pérdida de radicalidad es la consecuencia lógica de cuatro dinámicas de institucionalización de la interseccionalidad, que son: 1) el olvido de la genealogía de color y el ethos de la justicia social, 2) un desplazamiento epistemológico hacia la disciplina y la estandarización, 3) la hegemonía de las producciones científicas del Norte global frente al Sur global y 4) la política de la innovación y los mercados de la diversidad en un contexto de gobernanza neoliberal.

Synthetic dyes were commonly used in textile industries such as Jumputan fabric industries in South Sumatera. Most of these industries were categorized as a home industry without a wastewater treatment plant, so the wastewater is released directly into waterbody. In general, the wastewater contains synthetic dyes, which are harmful to the environment and human body. Therefore, the wastewater needs to be treated before its release into the environment. Reactive Red 2 (RR2) is one of important synthetic dyes usually applied for colouring textile materials such as Jumputan fabric. The RR2 was used as a pollutant model in this research. The objective of the study is to compare the removal of RR2 by using Fenton/TiO2, Fenton/UV, and Fenton/TiO2/UV methods. Furthermore, the optimum conditions obtained were applied for the treatment of wastewater from Jumputan fabric industry. As a conclusion, the highest RR2 degradation of 100% was reached by using the Fenton/TiO2/UV method after 5 minutes of reaction. It was discovered that the optimum conditions were found when using [Fe2+]/[H2O2] molar ratio of 1:80, pH of 3, and TiO2 concentration of 0.4% (w/v). However, the application of the condition to the Jumputan wastewater treatment leads to Chemical Oxygen Demand (COD) removal of 94% within 120 minutes of reaction.

As majoritarian electoral politics and religious conservatism are rising in the major multi-ethnic South Asian countries, such as India and Pakistan, the events of mob lynching, ethnic clashes and targeting non-plural and minority communities are becoming more frequent. This article analyses which cleavages of marginalisation make some ethnic groups prone to violent social movements vis-a-vis others. Theoretically, through social constructivism and horizontal inequality, the study argues that socioeconomic condition, religion and language are the three broad cleavages that influence political behaviour of ethnic groups. Explicating the theory about underlying versus facilitating conditions of ethnic–civil conflicts, this article examines the prerequisites of ethnic conflicts. Thereafter, it evaluates which single cleavages and combinations of the aforementioned cleavages increase the probability of conflict occurrence in the Indian subcontinent. The argument is empirically evaluated on a sample of 60 ethnic groups of the Indian subcontinents over the period of 1947–2013. We find that groups affected by reinforcing cleavages of religious and economic marginalisation, and religious, economic and lingual marginalisation have engaged in active violence over the period of our study. Additionally, the reinforcing cleavages of language and economy, and language and religion are associated with sporadic violence. Apart from the combined effects, we find that the ethnic groups facing economic disadvantage alone can also engage in violence.

Abstract
Informality, associated with street vendors, is now seen as a generalised mode of metropolitan urbanisation. Street vendors form an important part of several economies around the world and are seen as a vital source of livelihood and employment opportunity for the low-skilled, lower-income class of the population. A closer understanding of profiles of street vendors and the nature of complexities present in the business of street vending—studied through the supply chain processes of product procurement and distribution—helps one in observing an entwined relationship between what are perceived as "informal" or "formal" in the urban ecosystem. This study on street vendors working across Kolkata emphasises the need to adopt an inclusive view to urban "informal" arrangements, providing a comprehensive picture in identified local market spaces. Our research focuses on two critical aspects: (a) capturing samples of oral account(s) from merchants/vendors operating in local markets across Kolkata, and (b) gauging the supply-chain (inventory) process of products procured and sold by street vendors in these markets. The observations made from the field help highlight the complexities present in studying urban supply-chain processes—especially street vending businesses—that form the core of most urban metropolises in cities (such as Kolkata) and are representative of the Global South.

This concluding article of the special issues summarizes the empirical results presented in the previous contributions within a comparative perspective, with particular attention to locate them within previous research on youth mobilizations. From the theoretical point of view, the articles, based on the research conducted in the context of the CRY_OUT project, have tried to bridge some concepts in youth studies and social movement studies. Using the concept of generations in a critical way, we have in fact aimed at deconstructing it by looking at the meaning given to generations by movement activists, to their self-perception in terms of generational identification, as well as their taste in terms of contentious frames and practices. Empirically, we have addressed, in particular, the mobilization of Millennials in anti-austerity protests on issues such as labor and also women's and gender rights, antiracism, environmental protests, and alternative cultural and/or recreational initiatives. Focusing on Europe, we have chosen some paradigmatic cases of protests in the United Kingdom, Southern European Italy and Spain, and Eastern European Poland. In light of the theoretical questions presented in the introduction, this article addresses, in turn, the conceptions of generations in movements, the self-assessment by Millennials, as well as some characteristics of their mobilizations in terms of organizational structures, repertories of action, and collective framing.

AbstractRecent attention to the phenomenon of 'beds in sheds'—outbuildings used illegally for residential accommodation—suggests that shelter informality is increasing in the UK. Reflecting concerns about its apparent proliferation, the issue has been increasingly prominent on government and media agendas, framed in terms of illegal immigration and rogue landlordism, with policy announcements accompanied by high‐profile police and border agency raids. While little firm evidence exists on the scale, nature and causes of this type of informal shelter provision, this paper takes as its starting point the discursive construction of informality in the specific context of the UK, exploring the role of key agentic and structural factors therein. It suggests that an emphasis on agency in government and media accounts may risk obscuring the structural factors (including state policies) involved in the production of informality, as well as the interaction between agency and structure. The case of shed housing demonstrates how informality is produced by a complex interplay of structural and agentic factors characteristic of many global Northern cities, captured by the notion of 'informality as practice' which derives from debates focusing on Southern cities. At the same time, it shows how discourses around informality may be mobilized in the service of specifically context‐driven ideological agendas, in this case relating to immigration and welfare.

This article stems from three years of fieldwork (2015–2017) in the context of a five-year-long, European-Research-Council-funded research project called INTIMATE—Citizenship, Care and Choice: The Micropolitics of Intimacy in Southern Europe, a comparative qualitative study that involves three countries (Italy, Portugal, and Spain) and studies intimate citizenship and the micropolitics of daily life of LGBTQ people. The article focuses specifically on the Italian case and shows how non-heterosexual women deal with the scarce legislative protection Italy grants. Our aim is to reflect upon the reciprocal influence of different axes from public and private spaces and on how they impact the micropolitics and the daily choices of our lesbian, bisexual, and pansexual participants. More specifically, considering the lack of legal and social recognition of lesbian experiences in Italy, we will focus on the different strategies of reaction, assimilation, and resistance employed by participants in their private and public life. The three-year-long fieldwork covered the period between the proposal of the bill on same-sex civil unions and the first year after Act 76/2016 came into force. This allows us to sketch a brief diachronic analysis of its functioning, in particular from the perspective of the very subjects it impacts.

In this article I analyze the practice and politics of classifying a tiger as a 'man-eater' in South India to explore what doing so reveals more broadly about the relations between animal life and the kinds of human life marked as expendable by the state. I draw on Achille Mbembe's theory of necropolitics in order to analyze how the Indian State attempts to manage human-wildlife relations in a contested plantation landscape of high priority for wildlife conservation. While there is a large literature theorizing wildlife and biodiversity conservation as the practice of biopolitics, I argue conservation, as both a typology of space and set of ideologically malleable practices, remains under-theorized as a form of necropolitics, the politics mediating death. I examine how the Indian State goes about reclassifying tigers from a strictly protected endangered species to killable—the process of making the 'man-eater'—in relation to how the state both values and devalues human and non-human life as a process rooted in colonial histories of accumulation by dispossession. This article responds to calls across political ecology and political geography to better theorize the role of non-human animals as essential subjects of inquiry in political contestations. It does so through exploring the spatial contours of deadly encounter between plantation workers and tigers in the plantation-conservation necropolis.

This study measures the cognitive moral development and tests its interaction with antecedent variables of prosocial behaviour such as fraud level, the status of person committing fraud and cohesiveness in affecting the willingness of internal auditors of local government (APIPs) to be a whistleblower. Quasi-experiment between subject design using pattern of 3×2×2×2 and 2×2 full factorial was employed in this research. The participants involved were internal auditors of 24 local governments in South Sulawesi which were divided into 18 groups. The data were analysed using ANOVA and t-test. The results of this study showed that based on the Cognitive Moral Development (CMD), majority of the internal auditors were categorised as pragmatic, the least number were autonomous, while accommodation was in between of both. Moreover, the intention of APIP to whistleblow was found high though insignificantly different among the three categories of CMD. Similarly, the different was insignificant among the variance of fraud level, the status of person committing fraud, and cohesiveness. The interaction between CMD and treatment variables resulted insignificant figure, except for the interaction between CMD and the fraud level which indicated significant result. Generally, it can be concluded that APIPs have a high intention to blow, but the intention will differ when their CMD interact with the fraud level and cohesiveness.

This study measures the cognitive moral development and tests its interaction with antecedent variables of prosocial behaviour such as fraud level, the status of person committing fraud and cohesiveness in affecting the willingness of internal auditors of local government (APIPs) to be a whistleblower. Quasi-experiment between subject design using pattern of 3×2×2×2 and 2×2 full factorial was employed in this research. The participants involved were internal auditors of 24 local governments in South Sulawesi which were divided into 18 groups. The data were analysed using ANOVA and t-test. The results of this study showed that based on the Cognitive Moral Development (CMD), majority of the internal auditors were categorised as pragmatic, the least number were autonomous, while accommodation was in between of both. Moreover, the intention of APIP to whistleblow was found high though insignificantly different among the three categories of CMD. Similarly, the different was insignificant among the variance of fraud level, the status of person committing fraud, and cohesiveness. The interaction between CMD and treatment variables resulted insignificant figure, except for the interaction between CMD and the fraud level which indicated significant result. Generally, it can be concluded that APIPs have a high intention to blow, but the intention will differ when their CMD interact with the fraud level and cohesiveness.

BACKGROUND: Unsafe injection practices contribute to increased risks of blood-borne infections, including human immunodeficiency virus, hepatitis B and hepatitis C viruses. The aim of this study was to estimate the prevalence of medical injections as well as assess the level of access to sterile injection equipment by demographic factors in low- and middle-income countries (LMICs). METHODS: We carried out a meta-analysis of nationally representative Demographic and Health Surveys (DHSs) conducted between 2010 and 2017 in 39 LMICs. Random effects meta-analysis was used in estimating pooled and disaggregated prevalence. All analyses were conducted using Stata version 14 and Microsoft Excel 2016. RESULTS: The pooled 12-month prevalence estimate of medical injection was 32.4% (95% confidence interval 29.3–35.6). Pakistan, Rwanda and Myanmar had the highest prevalence of medical injection: 59.1%, 56.4% and 53.0%, respectively. Regionally, the prevalence of medical injection ranged from 13.5% in west Asia to 42.7% in south and southeast Asia. The pooled prevalence of access to sterile injection equipment was 96.5%, with Pakistan, Comoros and Afghanistan having comparatively less prevalence: 86.0%, 90.3% and 90.9%, respectively. CONCLUSIONS: Overuse of medical injection and potentially unsafe injection practices remain a considerable challenge in LMICs. To stem the tides of these challenges, national governments of LMICs need to initiate appropriate interventions, including education of stakeholders, and equity in access to quality healthcare services.

This study aims to examine the effect of using e-filing, the use of e-billing and administrative fines on individual taxpayer compliance in Badung Regency. Non-compliance with taxpayers can lead to reduced tax potential that can be netted. The transition to a technology-based tax reporting system is expected to help improve tax compliance. The method of data collection in this study is a survey method with questionnaire techniques. The population in this study was 126,477 taxpayers and the sample in this study were 100 taxpayers registered at North Badung KPP and South Badung KPP. The variable use of e-filing is measured by perceptions of usability and perceptions of ease of use. Variables for using e-billing are measured by perceptions of usability and ease of use. Administrative penalty variables are measured by four indicators, namely the function of tax sanctions, sanctions for tax violations, sanctions according to the level of violations and the application of sanctions according to regulations. The analysis technique used is multiple linear regression analysis. The results of the study show that e-filing has a positive effect on taxpayer compliance, e-billing has a positive effect on taxpayer compliance and administrative fines have a positive effect on taxpayer compliance.

The article considers the transmissions and effects of a digital letter, and its implications for multi-situated—as opposed to a multi-sited—anthropology. Multi-situated moves beyond multiple sites as supplementary contexts to the life flows of people, materials, and ideas, to consider multi-ontological, dynamic, and temporally contingent situations constitutive of such movements in the making, that are embedded and/or enfolded along several intersecting planes on- and offline. The public letter was written collaboratively in May 2012 by activists in Britain, agreed to and signed off by supportive British members of Parliament among others, and addressed to the then prime minister of India and the chief minister of the state of Tamil Nadu. The letter's contents pertained to the Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant in south India, with concerns about mandatory procedures in the construction of a nuclear power station, and democratic and human rights abuses against nonviolent protestors. By focusing on the emergence, travels, and receptive trajectories of the letter, the article makes a case for the increasing need to encompass aspects of digital anthropology not as a discrete subdiscipline, but as an integral part of core anthropological focus and method for the study of "onlife" entanglements—what effectively has become the digitalia of everyday life.

Objective/context: This article analyzes of ethnographic, geographical and cartographic discourses around transportation infrastructure plans and projects in the Andean-Amazonian foothills of southern Colombia. Specifically, it shows how the colonial and postcolonial vision of the foothills as a physical and symbolic frontier between a "civilized" and a "savage" world has been instrumental in the conception and execution of such plans and projects, and, more broadly, in the control and appropriation of the Amazonian region. Originality: Usually, historical works on the Colombian nation-building have adopted a monolithic and centric vision of infrastructure because development has historically been confined to a limited portion of the national territory. On the contrary, this article focuses on the role of regions considered "frontiers", "peripheries" or "margins" in the construction and legitimation of a hegemonic state project. Methodology: The research is based on the analysis and contrasting of primary sources such as travelers' accounts, cartographic representations, and missionary and government archives. Conclusions: By establishing historical continuity in the discourses and infrastructure practices of the Andean-Amazonian foothills, we can conclude that these are part of a long-standing tradition in which the foothills is seen as a frontier, and roads and highways are viewed as "civilizing" infrastructure of the Amazonian space. © 2019, Universidad de los Andes, Bogota Colombia. All rights reserved.

In the beginning of the pontificate of Innocent III (1198–1216) the necessity of creating a large coalition for a better organization of the Fourth Crusade convinced the pope to establish diplomatic relations with Bulgaria and Serbia, and to support Hungarian expansion in Bosnia. His aim was to surround Constantinople with a ring of states loyal to the Roman Church, thus forcing the empire to participate in the crusade. In order to achieve this result, Innocent was more than willing to put aside his concerns for strict religious orthodoxy and allow the existence, to a certain extent, of non-conforming practices and beliefs in the lands of South-eastern Europe. While this plan was successful at first, and both Bulgaria and Serbia recognized pontifical authority in exchange for political legitimization, the establishment of the so-called Latin empire of Constantinople in 1204 changed the picture. Its relations with Bulgaria were extremely conflicted, and the threat posed by Bulgaria to the very existence of the empire forced again Innocent III to a politics of compromise. The survival of the Latin empire was of the greatest importance, since Innocent hoped to use it as a launching point for future crusades: yet, he tried until possible to maintain a conciliatory politics towards Bulgaria as well.