Suchergebnisse

The study considers some of the key forces that have resulted in a marked divergence, at least until recently, in the fortunes of two candidate countries, Poland & Turkey, on the path to European Union membership. The more rapid progress made by Poland in this regard is explained on the basis of the systematic interaction of domestic political forces & international influences that generates virtuous or vicious cycles in terms of EU membership. The reforming elites in Poland with the help of a highly vocal civil society & mobilization from below were able to display considerable unity & commitment toward satisfying EU norms. In contrast, the "power elite" in Turkish society failed to display a similar degree of unity & commitment. Popular mobilization on a similar scale was also lacking in Turkey. In addition, the more powerful signals provided by the EU itself has helped to ease the task of reformers in Poland, helping to produce a virtuous cycle in the process. [Reprinted by permission of Sage Publications Inc., copyright 2004 by the American Council of Learned Societies.]

Examines the impact of Prime Minister Ozal on Turkey's 1980s-1990s neoliberal economic transformation. His vision of democracy & democratic institutions is assessed in light of this transformation. Positive & negative aspects of his legacy are considered before tracing his political career & highlighting his credentials as a technocrat. The elements of a successful neoliberal economic transformation are delineated, noting the relevance of leadership, & maintaining that Ozal's leadership was critical to the 1980s program. Unorthodoxies in his approach are described; his desire for a rapid & uninterrupted reform implementation led to a weak legal infrastructure & bureaucratic restructuring that resulted in little appropriate tradition & culture, allowing for corruption. Taking 1989 as a natural turning point, the key elements of the 1990s phase of neoliberalism are then discussed, beginning with the liberalization of the capital account, a miscalculation that proved to be Ozal's final act as prime minister. Corruption was rampant, but steps were taken to build the strong regulatory institutions required for effective implementation of the neoliberal program vis-a-vis privatization & banking reform. It is asserted that Ozal's legacy is best understood from a comparative perspective, & in this light, various examples of neoliberal populism, eg, of Carlos Menem in Argentina (1989-1999), are provided. J. Zendejas

Ultranationalist political parties of the far Right have been an endemic feature of European politics in recent years. This article investigates the rise of the Nationalist Action Party (MHP) in Turkey, a party that has a number of characteristics in common with its European counterparts. The objective of the article is to illustrate a paradox. These types of parties tend to display a considerable degree of adaptability & exhibit a tendency to move in a more moderate direction. They shed some of their violent & extremist leanings in the process as they try to transform themselves from closed communities or networks to mass parties of national standing. This apparent moderation should not disguise, however, the key underlying weakness of such parties, namely their limited commitment to the core values of liberal democracy & political pluralism. Indeed, such parties can continue to play an important negative role in terms of their ability to block the process of democratic deepening in nascent democratic regimes. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.

The article seeks to place Turkish & Greek relations with the EU in historical perspective. A certain dose of realism is introduced to the debate concerning the future of Greek-Turkish-EU relations following the initial wave of optimism generated by the 1999 Helsinki (Finland) summit. The highly entrenched positions held by key actors in the domestic politics of the two Aegean countries constitute formidable barriers to progress. The asymmetry caused by Greece's early incorporation into the EU as a full member continues to pose a major obstacle to the resolution of long-standing tensions between the two countries in such key spheres as the Aegean Sea & the Cyprus disputes. 29 References. Adapted from the source document.

Politically, Turkey constitutes an unusual case where Islamists have been allowed to share power, as a dominant partner in a coalition government, in a broadly open & a strongly secularist political environment. Hence, it provides an interesting context in which to investigate the complex issue concerning the relationship between Islamism & liberal democracy. This article investigates the processes leading to the transformation of Islamists in Turkey from "moderate fundamentalists" to a milder & more liberal posture in the recent period & attempts to assess the consequences of this phenomenon for the future of the democratic order. A major objective is to highlight some of the paradoxical developments encountered in the process, attempting to consolidate democracy in the current international order within the parameters of neoliberal globalization. 1 Table, 2 Figures. Adapted from the source document.

The current state of relations between Turkey & the European Union (EU) is investigated. An analysis of Turkey-European relations throughout the 20th century illustrates the cyclical nature of such relations. Factors that contributed to the EU's rejection of Turkey for membership in 1997 & its support for Turkey's membership in 1999 are discussed; specific attention is directed toward changes in Germany's & Greece's attitudes toward Turkey over the 2-year period. Scrutiny of the 1999 Helsinki Summit revealed that EU political elites reversed their tendency to exclude Turkey for membership based on cultural & civilizational criteria; nevertheless, it is suggested that Turkey must address human rights violations & democratic misconduct to comply with the social democratic vision of Europe's future. It is concluded that the EU should increase financial resources to Turkey & demonstrate greater sensitivity to the nation's political problems in order to accelerate change within Turkey & thereby improve Turkey's prospects for membership. J. W. Parker

The level of success achieved by Turkey's neoliberal economic policy during the 1980s & 1990s is investigated. An overview of the nation's economic performance during the 1980s & 1990s is presented, emphasizing economic growth, export performance, macroeconomic stability, investment, & income distribution. It is contended that Turkey's 1994 economic crisis was primarily produced by unsustainable fiscal disequilibrium; specific problems with public expenditure levels & gross public revenues are cited as engendering such fiscal imbalance. The state's economic programs for encouraging economic growth during the mid-1990s are studied. Whereas the 1994 economic crisis was caused by poor domestic management, the 1998-99 economic decline was largely the result of external factors. Although growing income inequalities between classes, comparatively low foreign direct investment rates, & political instability all threaten the nation's current economy, several developments that provide hope for realizing economic growth are mentioned. In addition, Turkey's prospects for establishing economic relations with the US are also contemplated. 3 Tables, 7 Figures. J. W. Parker

Examines the conditions under which the Welfare Party became a national force in Turkey, stressing the role of economic & cultural globalization. It is argued that globalization-related factors contributing to the increasing salience of political Islam generally & the rise of the Welfare Party specifically have included disruption of Left-Right political schemes, diminishing authority of the national state in certain areas, economic dislocation & restructuring, abandonment of the poor by national secular movements, cultural homogenization & reactions against it, & changes in identity politics. Internal causes are also considered, including the Turkish military's tactic of using Islam to weaken the Left as well as the Welfare Party's particular combination of modern & antimodern platform planks, ability to distinguish itself from other parties, & grassroots mobilization strategies. Implications for democratic consolidation in Turkey & lessons for social democrats in Turkey & elsewhere are briefly discussed. E. Blackwell

The rise of BRICs presents a major challenge to the existing global order. A second category of emerging powers, which may be labelled near-BRICs, have also displayed increasing pro-activism in recent years in terms of influencing the regional balance of power politics, in addition to their growing presence in international organisations and global affairs. It is in this context that we aim to examine Turkey as a striking example of a 'near-BRIC' power, a country that has adopted an increasingly assertive and independent style of foreign policy with aspirations to establish itself as a major regional actor. Using the Turkish experience as a reference point, this paper aims to understand the extent to which near-BRIC countries possess the economic capacity, sustainable growth performance and soft-power capabilities needed to establish themselves as significant regional and global actors. The recent Turkish experience clearly highlights both the potential and the limits of regional power activism on the part of emerging powers from the 'global South'. Adapted from the source document.