Suchergebnisse

"Die Studierendenproteste in Österreich werden in diesem Beitrag einer feministischen Kritik unterzogen. Wir schauen uns dazu die Selbstbeschreibung des Protests als basisdemokratisch an und beleuchten die Schattenseiten dieser 'neuen' Organisationsform sowie die für die Bewegung zentralen Kommunikationsstrukturen, die durch das Internet entstanden sind. Um das weitreichende Problem des Sexismus zu verdeutlichen, ziehen wir unsere Erfahrungen in der Bewegung heran, die mitunter von vielfältiger sexistischer Gewalt geprägt waren. Diese Verbindung von theoretischer und erfahrungsgestützter Kritik führt uns zu dem Schluss, dass die demokratischen Versprechungen von Basisdemokratie, Repräsentationsverweigerung und Web 2.0. sich in ihr Gegenteil verkehren, wenn gesellschaftliche Herrschaftsverhältnisse nicht reflektiert und bekämpft werden." (Autorenreferat)

This paper investigates the relationship between social remittances and land-use change in the context of South–South migration. Focusing on the cyclical movement of Filipino oil palm workers between the Philippine province of Palawan and the Malaysian State of Sabah, we show how migrants transmit social remittances, such as ideas of prosperity associated with oil palm development and knowledge of production practices and land impacts of oil palm plantations. These social remittances affect farmers' decisions to engage in oil palm development within the migrants' home province, possibly transforming subsistence agricultural systems into large-scale, monocrop plantations. We argue that such land development outcomes are an understudied aspect of how migration affects developing countries, especially in the context of South–South migration. Research findings also suggest how migrants' social remittances are transmitted, diffused, and utilized at broader social and political units, beyond return migrants' households and immediate communities in Palawan. Decision outcomes, however, are variable, with households and communities either engaging in or opposing oil palm development, depending on how social remittances are interpreted.

This dissertation illuminates the practical and symbolic conditions of appropriation of general assemblies (assemblées générales – AG) by striking students in the second half of the 2000s in France. This mode of organization has been part of their contentious repertoire since the 1960s. It tries to understand the recurrence of ways of action from a mobilization to another, that is, how actors come to resort to one of them instead of others they know, how they learn how to practice it and how they slightly transform it in the process. It is mostly based on an ethnographic investigation about the mobilizations of three higher education sites between 2006 and 2010. The uses of AG are shaped by internal conflicts among the social, political and union groups which are involved in the space of these mobilizations, so that their success stems from both the symbolic entreprise of justification ot them in the sake of "democracy"by minority currents, and their plasticity. Indeed, they play a whole set of roles – which sometimes have nothing to do with "democratic" norms. They are promoted by activists to whom they give the feeling that they influence a mass of students, especially as they belong to organizations which are far from being able to mobilize as many members. ; La thèse s'attache à rendre compte des conditions pratiques et symboliques d'appropriation par les étudiants grévistes de la seconde moitié des années 2000 en France d'une forme d'organisation, l'assemblée générale (AG), qui fait partie de leur répertoire contestataire depuis les années 1960. Il s'agit ainsi de comprendre comment des formes d'action se reproduisent d'une mobilisation à l'autre, c'est-à-dire comment des acteurs en viennent à avoir recours à l'une plutôt qu'à d'autres qu'ils connaissent, comment ils en font l'apprentissage et comment ils la transforment à la marge en la pratiquant. Elle s'appuie principalement sur une enquête ethnographique menée sur les mobilisations qu'ont connu trois sites universitaires entre 2006 et 2010. Les usages ...

Abstract. Mass communication is multi‐dimensional. One often overlooked alternative medium of mass communication, when it is systematic and not random, is public art ‐ murals, graffiti, wall painting and posters. The linking of art and politics has precedents in Basque culture. It is the thesis of this article that public art is an important factor in the political communication process in the Basque region, that Basque nationalists, especially radical Basques revolving around the ETA movement, have used public art as one source for increasing visibility, raising consciousness, and building a mass based movement. What is particular about Basque nationalism is that it is a cultural‐political movement, a reawakening from a 'culture of silence' induced by the Franco regime. Today, public art is an accepted channel for communicating the gamut of socio‐political issues relevant to the social conflict in the Basque homeland.

In an age of social media, activists are met with an abundance of opportunities to engage in things near and far. An activist engaged in environmental causes, for instance, might be presented with a photo from his brother's community garden next to a plea from Greenpeace to support wildlife in the Arctic. Should the small but home grown salad be evaluated in relation to the precarious situation of distant polar bears? Or is the familiar relationship to the brother and his garden a reminder that there are limits to the range of issues we can care for? Such challenges can be referred to as 'political dysmetropsia', borrowing the name of a group of visual illusions, which distort one's sense of size or depth. This paper presents a study of how activists handle political dysmetropsia in their social media practices. We draw on Thévenot's sociology of engagement to argue that engagement always raises questions about how the environment should be understood (Thévenot 2007, 2014). At the same time, we observe that social media give this challenge a specific shape. Social media-induced political dysmetropsia, we propose, is an urgent but overlooked challenge for contemporary social activism. Our contribution is to develop a conceptual framework for analyzing how activists handle this challenge. Thévenot proposes three different regimes of engagement ranging from the most familiar to the most public. Each of these regimes come with their specific engaged reality and specific engaged good, which means that the theory captures a world where the same things can seem small or large, far and near, depending on how they are engaged and in what moral register. Thévenot talks not of 'frames', which are culturally mediated, but of materially and morally supported 'cognitive formats' which are bound to specific regimes of engagement. A central focus lies on the appropriate formatting of both the communicated object and its environment. This points towards an analysis of the role of technical infrastructures like social media in activist engagement. Bennett and Segerberg (2012:745) take a step in this direction with their analysis of how political engagement is mutually constructed with communication technologies. The authors argue that social media allow for more personalized frames to coexist, changing earlier dynamics of social movement organizing where more rigid collective actions frames took center place (Benford and Snow 2000). We propose that the focus on formatting raises interesting questions about the conditions under which such personalized frames come about and play out. Instead of viewing them as "already internalized or personalized" (Bennett and Segerberg 2012:753), we analyse them as conditioned upon the environment of experience that a given communication infrastructure supports. We take Facebook's news feed as a case that demonstrates that even when activity happens through fixed technical formats, users are also presented with a highly complex and politically under-formatted environment due to the platform's agnostic relation to content. Activists meet an abundance of opportunities to engage in things near and far, and big and small issues, all mixed up and treated similarly by the social media platform. Drawing on Thévenot, we can say that both familiar and public ways of communicating are present side by side and even folded into one another. Each has their own way of establishing relevance and means of taking part in common matters. Based on observations and interviews with activist social media users, we identify four different tactics for handling political dysmetropsia on social media: contextualizing, purifying, translating and compositing. Contextualizing refers to the work of giving information and communication a context that clarifies the appropriate from of engagement. Purifying refers to the act of removing all complexity by imposing one dominate regime of action, exemplified by the politician profile where Facebook is turned into an official platform for public communication. Translating refers to converting things from one format to another, for example by publicly communicating embodied attachments through images – enacting what Thévenot refers to as a common-place. Finally, compositing is the tactic that most clearly takes advantage of the under-determined format and combines elements from different regimes. When a activist calls upon friends and loved ones to sign a petition against the exploitation of our planet s/he is playing on multiple registers and formatting engagement in a composite fashion.

This book examines the Mizrahi Jews (Jews from the Muslim world) in Israel, focussing on social and political movements such as the Black Panthers and SHAS. It charts the relations and political struggle between Ashkenazi-Zionists and the Mizrahim in Israel from post-war relocation through to the present day.

Get inspired by the global South: Peasant-led ecodevelopment strategies in Nicaragua. R. Metereau * Summary The current context gives forces to alternative development pathways. Some still have to be invented; others just have to be reminded. The ecodevelopment heuristic framework draws some characteristics of self-reliant, culturally adapted and environmentally sustainable approaches of development. The Peasant-led cooperative movement in Nicaragua, organized in a multi-scale network, struggles for food sovereignty and poverty alleviation. In this struggle, peasant cooperative networks have been building their own alternative development pathways. This paper seeks to highlight the existence of an ecodevelopment project beyond the peasant-led cooperative movement. Following a qualitative data analysis, motivations for cooperation and collective action are identified. The resulting motivation panel demonstrate the presence of political and socio-ecological aims. Their structural significance for the cooperative movement is thus set out. ; Le contexte actuel favorise l'émergence de stratégies alternatives de développement. Certaines doivent encore être inventées ; d'autres doivent seulement être rappelées. Le cadre heuristique de l'Ecodéveloppement précise quelques caractéristiques d'une approche du développement reposant notamment sur l'autonomie, le respect des spécificités culturelles, la soutenabilité environnementale. Le mouvement coopératif mené par les paysans au Nicaragua, adossé à une organisation coopérative multi-niveau, lutte pour la souveraineté alimentaire et l'amélioration des conditions de vie. Dans cette lutte, les réseaux de coopératives paysannes construisent leurs propres trajectoires alternatives de développement. Cette communication vise à mettre en évidence l'existence d'un projet d'écodéveloppement porté par le mouvement coopératif paysan. Procédant à une analyse qualitative des données de terrain, les motivations à la coopération et à l'action collective sont identifiées. Le panorama motivationnel ainsi construit permet de révéler des motivations d'ordre politique et socio-écologique. Leur signification pour la structuration du mouvement coopératif et alors explicitée.

Исследуется проблема взаимодействия государства и гражданского общества как аспекта принципа разделения властей, лежащего в основе демократического развития. Обобщен некоторый исторический опыт развития западного общества в ХIХ-ХХI вв., позволяющий смоделировать формальную схему гражданского общества в виде нескольких уровней иерархической лестницы и выделить специфическое «делегирование» власти внутри самого гражданского общества, определить распределение функций в системе взаимоотношений личность гражданское общество государство.В западном обществе изменения в политическом сознании начались в 70-х-начале 80-х годов ХХ в., когда стали актуальны либерально-демократическая модель (основанная на «государстве всеобщего благосостояния») и модель «реального социализма».С перестройкой всей общественно-политической системы в СССР и странах Восточной Европы в них также возросло внимание к гражданскому обществу, к политической роли общественных движений.Одновременно обострилась и проблема теоретических положений понятия «гражданское общество», его роли в отношении личности и государства, в развитии демократии.Анализ опыта деятельности традиционных движений, составляющих основу гражданского общества, позволяет построить сложную систему взаимоотношений гражданина и власти, децентрализации власти, контроля над государством. Становится очевидной историческая преемственность развития партийно-политического механизма, новых демократических и консервативных движений, логическая связь различных форм общественной активности. Поэтому закономерно, что в силу своей специфики добровольческие движения становятся отражением стремления к самовыражению индивида и группы, к самоорганизации общественной жизни.Государство всемерно поощряет «индустриализацию» и «коммерциализацию» добровольческих союзов, их превращение в обычные бюрократические организации, что, в конечном итоге, упрощает контроль над ними и управление. Современное государство, сознательно отказываясь от части своих функций, все больше берет на себя роль фактора координирующего, управляющего и направляющего по отношению к гражданскому обществу. При этом используются самые разнообразные косвенные методы: законодательного оформления прав и обязанностей этих организаций, поощрительных финансово-кредитных, налоговых и организационных норм и правил, вплоть до прямого финансирования. ; There is an examination of the problem of the interaction between the state and civil society as an aspect of the principle of separation of power underlying democratic development. The author summarizes some of the historical experience of the development of Western society in the XIX-XXI centuries, allowing to simulate a formal scheme of civil society in terms of several levels of hierarchy and select a special «delegation» of power within civil society itself, to determine the distribution of functions in the system of relations between person civil society state.In Western society, changes in political consciousness began in the 70's-early 80-ies of the XX century, when they launched an actual liberal-democratic model (based on the «welfare state") and the model of «real socialism».With perestroika of the whole socio-political system in the USSR and Eastern Europe there also increased attention to civil society, the political role of social movements there.At the same time the problem of theoretical positions of the concept of «civil society» and its role in the relationship between the individual and the state, in the development of democracy exacerbated.Analysis of the experience of traditional movements that form the basis of civil society, allows one to build a complex system of relationships between citizen and government, decentralization of power, control over the state. It becomes obvious that the historical continuity of the development of party-political mechanism, new democratic and conservative movements, the logical connection between different forms of social activity do exist. So it is natural that because of their essence, voluntary movements are a reflection of the desire for self-expression of individuals and groups, for self-organization of social life.The state strongly encourages «industrialization» and «commercialization» of voluntary unions, turning them into mainstream bureaucratic organizations that, ultimately, makes it easier to control and manage them. The modern state, consciously foregoing part of its functions, increasingly assumes the role of a coordinating, managing and directing factor in relation to civil society. There are used a variety of indirect methods: the legal registration of rights and responsibilities of these organizations, remunerating financial-credit, tax and organizational rules and regulations, up to direct funding

A decade ago, the German Advisory Council to the Federal Government on Global Environmental Change (Wissenschaftlichen Beirats der Bundesregierung für Globale Umweltveränderungen - WBGU) published its main report. This attempt to take stock in 2011 made an impact and provided orientation on both a national and international scale. The WBGU report did not hold back: It aimed to show the urgent need for change in terms of sustainable development through the interplay of politics, economy, society and nature. The central message was: We need a "social contract for a Great Transformation", and it must be implemented by 2021. How is the report to be assessed today? We will summarise the positions of the WGBU report, cite its merits, and comment on them critically and constructively. Our approach examines the five main themes of the report: the global social contract; global governance using the example of the Paris Climate Agreement; acceptance by those involved and affected; the urgency of economic, political and social action; and the concept of the Great Transformation. In our critique, we suggest ways to constructively elaborate on the ideas laid out in the WBGU report, ideas that were not thought through to the end. Our focus lies particularly on how to deal with time and the concept of the Great Transformation. In doing so, we will also address the significance of technical advances, innovation and our own ignorance. The title of the report uses the term "Great Transformation" which acts as a leitmotif throughout. Put forth by Karl Polanyi (1941/44), this term, as used in the WBGU's parlance, is intended to address the far-reaching changes that a regulatory state would have to undertake, along with the participation of the global citizenry, in order to overcome the ecological crisis of the coming decades. In our conclusion, we argue that the idea of a uniformly planned and comprehensively attainable transformation of the current situation is inadequate. Instead, we have observed that different actors in different places have worked at different speeds not on a Great Transformation but on a multitude of social-ecological transformation processes. The effectiveness of such movements - which often emerge spontaneously - has grown to the present day. This gives us hope.

Under which conditions did introduction of women's suffrage occur before theFirstWorldWar (early), and when only after theSecondWorldWar (late)? This article analyses necessary and sufficient conditions to explain both early and late introduction of women's suffrage in 14WesternEuropean countries usingRokkan's cleavage theory, which distinguishes between four cleavages: religious, ethnic‐linguistic, class and sectoral. In addition to testingRokkan's cleavage theory, this study adds a structural dimension to agency‐based studies on the role of the women's movement, which helps to explain why some such movements had much earlier success than others. Finally, this article advances the democratisation literature that takes the timing of the introduction of male suffrage as a proxy for the timing of the introduction of women's suffrage, as the timing of the introduction of male suffrage does not necessarily mean early introduction of women's suffrage. Based on fuzzy‐set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA), the article shows that the absence of an ethnic‐linguistic cleavage is a necessary condition for early introduction of women's suffrage. Moreover, the fuzzy‐set analysis highlights that the absence of a religious cleavage combined with a class cleavageora sectoral cleavage combined with the absence of a class cleavage is sufficient for early introduction of women's suffrage. Concerning late introduction of women's suffrage, it is the combination of a class cleavage with a religious cleavageorthe presence of an ethnic‐linguistic cleavage in the absence of a sectoral cleavage that prove to be sufficient.

Social development initiatives of rural and poor urban women in Africa are efforts that redress the post‐colonial economic development planning oversights of many African nations. Grass roots movements are responsive initiatives that have provided rural women with bottom‐up management and planning opportunities focused on quality of life issues for themselves, their families, the community, and, ultimately, the nation. Since 1982, Country Women's Association of Nigeria (COWAN), a non‐governmental organisation, has addressed the needs of rural and urban poor women through economic activities that have empowered them and increased their levels of self‐sufficiency. With COWAN's emphasis on popular participation and indigenous leadership, macro‐community development practices are employed, as is the recognition of individual and collective skills and talents. Social workers of today should be aware of commonalities that exists in the struggles of these and other Third World women, for their struggles are not unlike those of oppressed groups found in the USA and other developed countries.

La política social en Colombia se ha focalizado en los más pobres de acuerdo con los principios de igualdad de oportunidades y de ausencia de privación absoluta. El primer principio permite inferir que uno de los resultados que cabe esperar de ella es fomentar una movilidad económica ascendente entre sus beneficiarios. En este trabajo se examina el efecto de la recepción de ayudas y afiliación a programas sociales sobre la movilidad por movimiento posicional y la movilidad dependiente en el tiempo mediante preguntas retrospectivas y la creación de un pseudo panel, con datos de la ENCV, la ECH y la GEIH. En general, no se encuentra evidencia de mejores resultados en la movilidad posicional entre los grupos identificados como pobres ni como pobres y receptores de ayudas. El pseudo panel muestra que la variable proxy Afiliación al Régimen Subsidiado de Salud tiene un efecto positivo significativo sobre el ingreso y disminuye en gran medida el valor del coeficiente del valor rezagado del ingreso entre los hogares pobres. ; Abstract. Social policy in Colombia has been focused in the poorest people according with the principles of equity of opportunities and no absolute deprivation. The first principle allows us to infer that one of the results that one could expect of the social policy is to promote an ascendant economic mobility between its beneficiaries. This paper examines the effect of the reception of assistance and affiliation to social programs over mobility measures as positional movement and time-dependence using retrospective questions and a pseudo panel created with data of the ENCV, ECH and GEIH. In general, there is no evidence of better results in the positional mobility between the groups identified as poor neither as poor and beneficiaries of assistance. The pseudo panel shows that the proxy variable Affiliation to Subsidiary Regimen of Health has a significant positive coefficient over the income and reduced in a big amount the value of the coefficient of the lagged value of the income between the poor households. ; Maestría

The titles of these books point both to their common concern and to the difference between them. Still Fighting underscores the extent to which Latin American women (in this case, Nicaraguans) are still struggling, from a disadvantaged position, to achieve recognition of their own personal value and identity, as well as a better social, political, and economic position. Empowering Women underscores, instead, the extent to which women's struggle is about achieving power in the form of legal title to land. The former stresses gender identity while the latter emphasizes personal empowerment. The first accentuates setbacks experienced and the work still to be done; the latter highlights accomplishments while acknowledging that much work remains. Carmen Diana Deere and Magdalena Leon locate their work within gender studies in Chapter 1, stating their orientation toward redistribution rather than recognition (p. 9). Although Katherine Isbester does not refer to gender studies, her work is about the struggle for identity and the role it plays in strengthening a social movement.

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is twofold: to outline the historical and current contextual forces behind the development of the social enterprise movement in Israel and to analyze the different models identified by the research team along which social enterprises are formed at present.
Design/methodology/approachThe study was part of the International Comparative Social Enterprise Models (ICSEM) Project and the methodology used in the analysis of the models was the one used in the international comparison. It entailed the analysis of three to five case studies within each model, which were analyzed along three major dimensions: the economic basis of the enterprise, its social objectives and its governance structure.
FindingsThe findings suggest that social enterprises in Israel develop along four major models, all within existing different incorporation systems; these are nonprofit organizations, privately owned business enterprises, cooperatives and public-sector frameworks. On the basis of the case studies analyzed, it was possible to identify specific characteristic configurations of the three dimensions (economic/social/governance) that were at the basis of the model and guided it.
Originality/valueThe study is the first of its kind to present a broad picture of the developing social enterprise scene in Israel and as such can clearly inform and guide both researchers and policymakers in their future work on the development of the social enterprise phenomenon in the country.

The book by Alexander Chayanov Main Ideas and Methods of Social Agronomy is one of his key interdisciplinary works written and published at the beginning of the October Revolution and the Civil War. In this work, the economist Chayanov is a social philosopher considering the rural evolution as determined not only by the market and the state but mainly by the will and knowledge of rural households that can be led to the sustainable rural development by the organized public mind (a kind of a synonymous for civil society). Its most important social institution in the rural sphere is social agronomy. Chayanov emphasizes that social agronomy is one of the youngest social institutions. It appeared in the late 19th century in Europe and North America and in three decades turned into an influential movement uniting agrarian scientists, agrarian activists and a huge number of peasants striving for agricultural knowledge for more productive and cultural development of their households. In this book, Chayanov is not only a social philosopher but also a social activist and organizer, teacher and psychologist. The book is based on his seminar, 'Social Agronomy and Agricultural Cooperation', which incorporated many years of personal communication with peasants, agronomists and agrarian scientists about dissemination and application of agrarian knowledge by peasants. We publish the first five chapters of the book about the tasks and methods of social-agronomic work, its program and organization. For the contemporary reader, this publication is not only of historical interest. Chayanov's ideas are still relevant for the effective interaction of professional agrarians with the rural population, peasants and farmers in the organization of agricultural knowledge, agricultural cooperatives and agricultural consulting. The publication with comments was prepared by A.M. Nikulin.