Suchergebnisse

Рассматриваются вопросы фактического положения штрафа в системе уголовн^гх наказаний, отмечается несовершенство способов исчисления штрафа, нецелесообразность установления его кратно к сумме взятки или коммерческого подкупа. Обращается внимание на несогласованность ряда норм уголовного, уголовно-исполнительного законодательства и законодательства об исполнительном производстве в части отсрочки, рассрочки уплаты штрафа, юридических последствий неисполнения этого наказания. ; The recent changes to the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation relating to the method of fine calculation lead to an more significant increase in the amounts of fines and give more reason to conclude that nowadays the fine at large is by no means the least severe punishment, suffice it to compare the maximum compulsory work hours (480) and the maximum fine (five and even five hundred million rubles). It is known that the legislator has repeatedly changed the method of fine calculation. The previous way to determine the amount of a fine depending on the minimum monthly wage immediately proved vulnerable and lost any connection with the minimum monthly wage as such to be replaced by calculating the fine in the fixed amount of money in 2003. Theoretically, it is fairer to calculate the amount of fine determined by a court in the so-called "day-fines", which is accepted in Western Europe, that is, in the amount of the convict's daily earnings or other forms of daily income. However, it must be recognized that this approach in modern Russia is untenable due to inadequate fiscal income transparency, off-book payment schemes and shadow economy. So, for instance, in September 2014 the media reported that in 2014 The Russian Pension Fund "missed" 22.5 million workers. In other words, many people are not inclined to open their real incomes. If the fine is calculated only on the basis of the officially recorded "day-fines", it will be even far from fair. To what extent are the recent methods of fine calculation justified? At first glance, the legislator has demonstrated a clear commitment in the fight against corruption crimes. Initially, the fine was calculated in a special way (up to hundredfold) when applied to commercial bribery. Subsequently, this method of fine calculation covered the illegal movement of cash or (and) the "cost of monetary instruments" (Article 200.1 of the RF Criminal Code). The "multiple" fine calculation for the illegal movement of cash (monetary instruments) is generally acceptable as well as for the crimes, the public danger which is determined depending on their damage to property or the amount of pecuniary gain of the convict. For example, the Criminal Code of Kyrgyzstan provides for such a punishment as the "triple ayyp", i.e. a monetary fine in the amount of three times the value of the stolen property. However, there are good reasons to doubt the correctness of the multiple fine calculation when it concerns commercial bribery, as the nature and degree of its public danger are determined by the degree of violation of legally protected public relations in commercial and other organizations (Article 23 of the RF Criminal Code) and in the sphere of the state and local authorities (Article 30 of the RF Criminal Code) rather than by the sum of the bribe or payoff. If the fine equal to the n-fold amount of the stolen property in Article 158 of the RF Criminal Code (theft) were quite logical, it would be very difficult to explain it when applied to Articles 204, 290, 291, 291.1 of the RF Criminal Code.

La tesi analizza il fenomeno del microcredito in Europa, approfondendo le cause che hanno reso necessaria l'introduzione di questo strumento finanziario anche in economie profondamente diverse da quella in cui ha avuto origine ed esamina le trasformazioni che lo strumento ha subito durante il suo processo di adattamento ai paesi evoluti. Lo studio esamina il microcredito in Francia, Inghilterra, Spagna e Germania, soffermandosi ad analizzare, in ognuno dei suddetti Stati, la disciplina giuridica adottata (qualora esistente), le istituzioni micro finanziarie esistenti, le caratteristiche del settore e le fonti di finanziamento. L'obiettivo dell'analisi è pertanto quello di comprendere come nei Paesi europei convivano contemporaneamente modelli di microcredito profondamente diversi, a seconda del contesto economico, politico e sociale nel quale trovano applicazione. La tesi si concentra ad analizzare il microcredito in Italia, valutando il rapporto esistente tra questo strumento finanziario ed il problema dell'esclusione sociale, dell'immigrazione e dell'usura. Lo studio approfondisce, inoltre, la disciplina giuridica del microcredito adottata in Italia dopo le recenti modifiche introdotte dal D.lgs n. 169/2012. Il lavoro si sofferma ad analizzare, altresì, se e quali interventi, a livello internazionale ed europeo, sono stati programmati per dare al microcredito una cornice legislativa unitaria e per promuoverne lo sviluppo. L'attività di ricerca infine è volta a valutare, sulla base delle esperienze descritte dalla letteratura del settore, gli effetti prodotti dal microcredito, nonché ad approfondire alcune problematiche comuni ai programmi adottati negli Stati europei, quali la sostenibilità delle istituzioni di microcredito, la dipendenza dai sussidi e l'applicazione di tassi di interesse elevati. La tesi si conclude con l'analisi del rapporto esistente tra microcredito e crisi finanziaria, in un periodo storico in cui le politiche per l'occupazione ed il sostegno alla piccola impresa sono fondamentali per stimolare la ripresa economica. ; The thesis analyses the phenomenon of microcredit in Europe going deeply into the causes which have made the introduction of this financial instrument necessary even in completely different economies than those in which it originated and examining the transformation that the instrument has undergone during the process of its adaptation to the progressive countries. The study examines microcredit in France, England, Spain and Germany, pausing to analyse, in each state, the juridical discipline adopted, if existing, the present institutions of micro credit, the nature of the sector and the source of funds. The objective of the analysis is to understand how European countries,according to the economic, political and social context,live completely different models of microcredit at the same time. The thesis concerntrates on analyzing the microcredit in Italy, taking into account the existing relations between this financial instrument and the problems of social exclusion, of immigration and of usury. The study also examines the juridical practice of microcredit used in Italy after recent changes introduced by D.lgs n. 169/2012. The work pauses to analyse if and which interventions, at International and European levels, have been programmed to give microcredit a unitary legislative framework and to promote its development. The research is aimed towards the valuation of the effects produced by microcredit on the basis of experiences described in the literature of the subject, as well as examining some common problems in the programs used in the European States; the sustainability of the microcredit institutions, the dependence of subsidies and the application of high interest taxes. The thesis concludes with the analysis of the existing relations between microcredit and the financial crisis, in a historical period in which politics for occupation and the support of small businesses are fundamental to stimulate economic growth.

La tesi analizza una parte della politica estera dell'amministrazione Johnson, e più specificamente l'avvio del dialogo con l'Urss in materia di non proliferazione e controllo degli armamenti e la revisione della China policy, inquadrando entrambe nell'adattamento della cold war strategy all'evoluzione sistema internazionale, argomentando che la distensione intesa come rilassamento delle tensioni e ricerca di terreno comune per il dialogo, fosse perlomeno uno degli strumenti politici che l'amministrazione scelse di usare. Il primo capitolo analizza i cambiamenti che interessarono il Blocco sovietico e il movimento comunista internazionale tra la fine degli anni Cinquanta e l'inizio degli anni Sessanta, soprattutto la rottura dell'alleanza sino-sovietica, e l'impatto che essi ebbero sul sistema bipolare su cui si basava la Guerra Fredda. Il capitolo secondo affronta più specificamente l'evoluzione delle relazioni tra Stati Uniti e Unione Sovietica, il perseguimento di una politica di distensione, dopo la crisi dei missili cubani, e in che relazione si trovasse ciò con lo status della leadership sovietica a seguito dei cambiamenti che avevano avuto luogo. Soffermandosi sulla questione del controllo degli armamenti e sul percorso che portò alla firma del Trattato di Non-proliferazione, si analizza come la nuova rotta intrapresa col dialogo sulle questioni strategiche sia stato anche un cambiamento di rotta in generale nella concezione della Guerra Fredda e l'introduzione della distensione come strumento politico. Il terzo capitolo affronta la questione della modifica della politica verso Pechino e il processo tortuoso e contorto attraverso cui l'amministrazione Johnson giunse a distaccarsi dalla China policy seguita sino ad allora. ; The research intends to investigate two aspects of Johnson's foreign policy: the establishment of a dialogue and the pursuit of cooperation with Soviet Union, regarding arms control measures and non-proliferation; the reassessment of the American policy towards Communist China and the slow detachment from the previous approach. The Sixties saw the international system becoming more complex and fragmented, the strategic balance getting closer to a condition of equality but also becoming less manageable due to nuclear proliferation; the rivalry between the two blocs was changing as well, due to the Sino-Soviet split, the increasing of contacts between eastern and western Europe and the willingness to avoid tensions between the superpowers. Being wary of both the dangers and the interdependence inherent in the bilateral relationship led to the decision to seek a common ground on strategic issues and to the establishment of a dialogue. Also during those years, the administration begun to explore the convenience of a different approach toward Communist China, which was clearly bound to emerge as a power in its own, and the possibilities that a new policy would have opened up. Both issues illustrates how the Johnson Administration, in order to face the challenges of its time, considered new options and took measures, breaking with the past, and adopting the relaxation of tensions and dialogue, or at least the possibility of it, as a policy. The research, which focuses on the debate and the decision-making process within the Administration, assumes that by doing so the administration introduced the policy of détente as at least one of the options available to the United States. Therefore the analysis of Johnson's policies towards the main communist powers, and their challenges, may help to achieve a better definition and understanding of Détente, in its origins and motivations.

Исследования на тему социальной политики как части политической модели управления стала развиваться в 1960-е 1970-е гг., что можно объяснить углублением европейской экономической интеграции и процесса глобализации и последовавшими за этим изменениями в моделях «государства всеобщего благосостояния» ведущих европейских стран. Анализ социального измерения Европейских сообществ и ее влияния на национальную социальную политику получил новый виток развития в 1980-х 1990-х гг. с подписанием Маастрихстского договора и углублением европейской валютной интеграции. Современная исследовательская литература ставит вопрос о создании «социальной модели ЕС» как способа урегулирования экономических и политических проблем европейских стран в условиях финансового кризиса. ; The article presents a general overview of analytical literature on European welfare state and EU social policies. The overview covers the following periods: 1960-1980s, 1990s, and nowadays. It reflects respectively the evolution of academic thinking on European social policies as part of political governance. The deepening of the European integration and the process of internationalization of national economic markets in 1960s produced changes in EEU member states' social programs. The classic concept of «welfare state» underwent revision, and political science researchers introduced the empirical comparative method of social policy analysis. The main challenge was to determine the phenomenon of «social policy» and its elements. A definition of social policy as a principle that governs action directed towards given ends considering non-economic factors in human relations, through semantic, anthropological and philosophical approaches, was given by R. Titmuss. He explains why social factors count in decision-making process and why the state takes an active part in social regulation in many democratic countries like France. A «classical» definition of social policy as a cornerstone of universal workers' rights was proposed by Th. Marshall, referring «to the policy of government with regard to action having a direct impact on the welfare of the citizens, by providing them with services or income». A detailed presentation of social policy phenomenon that combines principles of political economy and political sociology was given by H. Wilensky. He introduced a concept of «policy profiles» including such elements as collective bargaining, budgetary spending, economic performances, government legitimacy, labor guaranties, and level of healthcare. The «policy profiles» category allows to compare differences and similarities of national social policies and to obtain a comprehensive analysis of social programs. A theory of «social regulation» widespread in France was proposed by J.-D. Reynaud. He makes comparison between countries in various social fields according to their respective lifecycle. In 1980-1990s the research moves towards an analysis of national social policies in macroeconomic perspective, as the economic and monetary integration of the EEC deepens with the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992. Since then, works on social policy pay even more attention to the correlation of economic and social policies between the EU and its member states. The object of study is rather «vague» in the early literature, but nowadays there are attempts to define the EU «social dimension» according to two main political views, realist and neo-functionalist. Debates pursue as to whether the European social policy is an independent political field or an «adjustable variable» of the economic and monetary integration. The comparative approach in social modeling remains, as attest the attempts to classify European countries' social models by sociologist G. Esping-Andersen. But any classification is a subject to revision, due to the financial crisis in the Euro zone. Most of the research papers bring attention to new European social issues: collective bargaining, social dialogue, mobility of workers, integration of entrepreneurship into the single market, job guarantees, and corporate governance. A broad range of European and Russian think-tanks and research centers provide with a comprehensive analysis of challenges and solutions of the «Social Europe».

Stefan Walzer,1,2 Daniel Droeschel,1,3 Mark Nuijten,4 Hélène Chevrou-Séverac5 1MArS Market Access and Pricing Strategy GmbH, Weil am Rhein, Germany; 2State University Baden-Wuerttemberg, Loerrach, Germany; 3Riedlingen University, SRH FernHochschule, Riedlingen, Germany; 4Ars Accessus Medica BV, Amsterdam, the Netherlands, 5Nestlé Health Science, Vevey, Switzerland Background: Medical nutrition is a specific nutrition category either covering specific dietary needs and/or nutrient deficiency in patients or feeding patients unable to eat normally. Medical nutrition is regulated by a specific bill in Europe and in the US, with specific legislation and guidelines, and is provided to patients with special nutritional needs and indications for nutrition support. Therefore, medical nutrition products are delivered by medical prescription and supervised by health care professionals. Although these products have existed for more than 2 decades, health economic evidence of medical nutrition interventions is scarce. This research assesses the current published health economic evidence for medical nutrition by performing a systematic literature review related to health economic analysis of medical nutrition. Methods: A systematic literature search was done using standard literature databases, including PubMed, the Health Technology Assessment Database, and the National Health Service Economic Evaluation Database. Additionally, a free web-based search was conducted using the same search terms utilized in the systematic database search. The clinical background and basis of the analysis, health economic design, and results were extracted from the papers finally selected. The Drummond checklist was used to validate the quality of health economic modeling studies and the AMSTAR (A Measurement Tool to Assess Systematic Reviews) checklist was used for published systematic reviews. Results: Fifty-three papers were identified and obtained via PubMed, or directly via journal webpages for further assessment. Thirty-two papers were finally included in a thorough data extraction procedure, including those identified by a "gray literature search" utilizing the Google search engine and cross-reference searches. Results regarding content of the studies showed that malnutrition was the underlying clinical condition in most cases (32%). In addition, gastrointestinal disorders (eg, surgery, cancer) were often analyzed. In terms of settings, 56% of papers covered inpatients, whereas 14 papers (44%) captured outpatients, including patients in community centers. Interestingly, in comparison with the papers identified overall, very few health economic models were found. Most of the articles were modeling analyses and economic trials in different design settings. Overall, only eight health economic models were published and were validated applying the Drummond checklist. In summary, most of the models included were carried out to quite a high standard, although some areas were identified for further improvement. Of the two systematic health economic reviews identified, one achieved the highest quality score when applying the AMSTAR checklist. Conclusion: The reasons for finding only a few modeling studies but quite a large number of clinical trials with health economic endpoints, might be different. Until recently, health economics has not been required for reimbursement or coverage decisions concerning medical nutrition interventions. Further, there might be specifics of medical nutrition which might not allow easy modeling and consequently explain the limited uptake so far. The health economic data on medical nutrition generated and published is quite ample. However, it has been primarily based on database analysis and clinical studies. Only a few modeling analyses have been carried out, indicating a need for further research to understand the specifics of medical nutrition and their applicability for health economic modeling. Keywords: systematic review, medical nutrition, health economics

Le premier cas, celui du Luxembourg étudié par Núria Garcia, est marqué par un monolinguisme politique dans une société plurilingue. Le Luxembourg mérite d'être analysé en ce sens qu'il est l'exemple même d'une société plurilingue où la presque totalité de la population est multilingue et où aucun conflit ouvert entre les groupes linguistiques n'existe. Toutefois, l'auteure vise à comprendre l'instrumentalisation de la langue qui existe depuis plusieurs décennies dans une optique essentiellement défensive (dans un contexte marqué par un nombre croissant d'étrangers) menant à une réaffirmation du lien entre la maîtrise de cette langue et l'accès à des droits politiques. À travers le cas du Luxembourg, il s'agit plus largement d'analyser la prégnance d'une norme démocratique historiquement liée au modèle de l'État-nation monolingue sur les sociétés plurilingues contemporaines. 11La Moldavie, pays plurilingue à la recherche d'une langue symbole d'identité nationale, est souvent caractérisée comme étant moins pacifiée d'un point de vue linguistico-culturel qu'en Europe occidentale. Comme le démontre l'auteure de cet article, Angela Tacea, son passé soviétique n'y est pas étranger. Voguant entre le russe, le roumain et le moldave, la société moldave, lors de son indépendance, commence à peine à mener une politique linguistique faisant consensus. Ce que l'auteure souhaite comprendre est la manière avec laquelle les acteurs politiques moldaves tentent de renforcer un sentiment d'identité nationale et ce, aux moyens des outils linguistiques, afin de garantir un certain ordre politique dans cette société plurilingue. La question linguistique, ainsi, est passée du fait social à un réel problème public à résoudre. En ce sens, elle est devenue un objet de politique publique important en Moldavie. Le Haut-Adige/Tyrol du Sud, au nord de l'Italie, souvent cité comme modèle du plurilinguisme, mais qui repose sur une séparation quasi-étanche des groupes linguistiques – germanophone, italophone et ladin – et un traitement différencié des identités reconnues à travers l'ensemble du territoire, est présenté par Elisabeth Alber. À travers l'analyse du régime linguistique institutionnalisé et plus particulièrement du système scolaire, l'auteure met en évidence les enjeux linguistiques et les solutions dégagées visant à satisfaire l'ensemble de la société sud-tyrolienne, sans pour autant, au contraire, clore le débat une fois pour toute. 13Le cas suisse, traité par Sean Mueller et Paolo Dardanelli, est particulièrement intéressant et original en ce qu'il constitue un État fédéral (à trois niveaux) et plurilingue, mais pas plurinational comme l'est la Belgique, par exemple. L'article traite d'abord de la construction institutionnelle différente des pouvoirs locaux dans les cantons alémaniques et romands – héritage d'une histoire qui fut liée à celle de son voisin français – avant d'analyser les réponses aux référendums des électeurs de ces deux types de cantons sous l'angle de leur opposition entre l'attachement au principe de subsidiarité (Alémaniques) versus attachement au principe jacobin centralisateur des pouvoirs (Romands). 14Le dernier cas étudié, par les linguistes Alix Dassargues et Julien Perrez et le politiste Min Reuchamps, est la Belgique. Dans ce pays, malgré le caractère minoritaire du groupe linguistique francophone, on dénote un manque d'intérêt de leur part à l'égard du plurilinguisme. Ceux-ci se sont historiquement montrés moins enclins à apprendre la langue du groupe linguistique, néerlandophone, majoritaire que ce dernier d'apprendre la langue du groupe linguistique, francophone, minoritaire. Ce constat est atypique puisque c'est traditionnellement l'inverse qui est remarqué. Pour comprendre cette réalité, il convient de se plonger dans la nature même du conflit. Est-il de nature linguistique ou communautaire ? Après avoir distingué ces deux notions, c'est en étudiant les représentations mentales des citoyens ainsi que les métaphores auxquelles ces derniers recourent que les auteurs entendent comprendre la présence des dimensions linguistique et communautaire dans le chef des citoyens belges.

International audience ; In the late 1950s the French revolutionary artists' group the Situationist International (SI) formed to fight against, and destabilize, capitalist society by creating visual representations, objects and situations that would question the spectators, invite them to reconsider their own position towards society, and increase their international consciousness. Guy Debord and Constant Nieuwenhuys articulate the SI initiative, as "The situationists must take every opportunity to oppose retrograde forces and ideologies, in the culture and wherever the question of the meaning of life arises." An example of their actions and modalities is an attack made by the SI during the International Assembly Of Art Critics in Belgium. They disrupted the press conference by handing out a flyer signed "In the name of the Algerian, Belgian, French, German, Italian and Scandinavian sections of the SI, by Khatib, Korun, Debord, Platschek, Pinot-Gallizio and Jorn" . It was a tactic that had served them well as the Lettrist International when they disrupted a Charlie Chaplin press conference , or when one member, dressed as a priest, denounced God and the church from the pulpit of Notre Dame cathedral. To reach international audiences, they supported acts of defiance such as the Los Angeles Watts race riots of 1965. They wrote and asked for support from artists and intellectuals in Europe to sign the Declaration on the Right to Insubordination in the Algerian War and published it in September 1960. Within their home nation of France, they made assaults on cyberneticians at Strasbourg University in 1966 and against sociologists at Nanterre University. These violent actions were a prelude to the events of May '68, the first wildcat strike in history and the largest general strike to stop the economic functioning of an industrial capitalist society. In a speech about the aftermath in June 1968, Charles De Gaulle declared "this explosion was provoked by groups rebelling against modern consumer and technical society, whether it be the communism of the East or the capitalism of the West." The ramifications of this movement in different cultural contexts are interesting enough to warrant a specific study of its history, its goals and its various means of expression.The transmission of these powerful political and aesthetic moments were part of my training initiated with Jean Rouch; and were rooted in the dynamic of détournement , a word that is near impossible to translate into English. Ken Knabb who translated into English most of the texts of the Situationist movement explained "The French word détournement means deflection, diversion, rerouting, distortion, misuse, misappropriation, hijacking, or otherwise turning something aside from its normal course or purpose." A look back on Rouch's transmission process, regularly referring to these ideas could be a useful tool allowing us to fully understand the ways such ideas and values can be transmitted in an academic context. Jean Rouch, ethnologist, engineer and internationally famous filmmaker, questioned our relationship to the so called 'real', our ways of perceiving differences in cultural expression, and our means of understanding phenomena classified as invisible. After a brief historical overview of the SI and their political agenda based on détournement, I will explore some of the work produced by Jean Rouch as a connecting factor between the SI and the Remix movement to recall some of the different forms taken by the remixer in the visual arts and in music production, and then examine how the détournement, in correlation with the programming language affected the remix and influenced it in regard to its different political, aesthetic and technical dimension.

[EN]: Effect of wild ungulate density on invertebrates in a Mediterranean ecosystem.— In recent decades, the abundance and distribution of certain big game species, particularly red deer (Cervus elaphus) and wild boar (Sus scrofa), have increased in south central Spain as a result of hunting management strategies. The high density of these ungulate species may affect the abundance of epigeous invertebrates. We tested the relationships between big game abundance and biodiversity, taxon richness, the biomass of invertebrates and their frequency on nine hunting estates and in comparison to ungulate exclusion areas. Ungulate exclusion itself affected invertebrate richness, since lower values were found in the open plots, whereas the highest differences in invertebrate diversity between fenced and open plots was found in areas with high wild boar density. Where wild boar densities were high, the number of invertebrates decreased, while where they were low, red deer had a positive effect on invertebrate abundance. Fenced plots thus seemed to provide refuge for invertebrates, particularly where wild boar were abundant. This study supports the idea that the structure of fauna communities is damaged by high density populations of ungulates, probably due to decreased food availability owing to overgrazing, modified conditions of ecological microniches and direct predation. However, the effects depended on the group of invertebrates, since saprophytic species could benefit from high ungulate abundance. Our findings reflect the need to control ungulate population density under Mediterranean conditions in south-western Europe and to implement ungulate exclusion plots. ; [ES]: En las últimas décadas, la abundancia y distribución de determinadas especies de caza mayor, especialmente el ciervo rojo (Cervus elaphus) y el jabalí (Sus scrofa), han aumentado en la zona centromeridional de España como resultado de las estrategias de gestión cinegética. La alta densidad de estas especies de ungulados puede afectar a la abundancia de los invertebrados epigeos. Estudiamos la relación entre la abundancia de las especies de caza mayor y la biodiversidad, la riqueza de taxones, la biomasa de invertebrados y su frecuencia en nueve fincas de caza, y se comparó con las zonas de exclusión de ungulados. De por sí, la exclusión de ungulados afectó a la riqueza de invertebrados, ya que se encontraron valores más bajos en las parcelas abiertas, mientras que las mayores diferencias en la diversidad de invertebrados entre parcelas abiertas y cercadas se encontraron en zonas con una alta densidad de jabalíes. Donde la densidad de jabalíes era alta, el número de invertebrados disminuyó, mientras que donde era baja, el ciervo rojo tuvo un efecto positivo en la abundancia de invertebrados. Así, las parcelas cercadas parecían ofrecer refugio a los invertebrados, sobre todo donde los jabalíes eran abundantes. Este estudio apoya la idea de que las poblaciones con una alta densidad de ungulados perjudican a la estructura de las comunidades faunísticas, probablemente debido a la disminución de la disponibilidad de alimentos como consecuencia del sobrepastoreo, la modificación de las condiciones de los micronichos ecológicos y la depredación directa. Sin embargo, los efectos dependieron del grupo de invertebrados, ya que las especies saprofitas podrían beneficiarse de la alta abundancia de ungulados. Nuestros resultados reflejan la necesidad de controlar la densidad de las poblaciones de ungulados en condiciones mediterráneas en el suroeste de Europa y de establecer parcelas de exclusión de ungulados. ; We are grateful to the estate keepers for their hospitality and assistance in the field work, and to the Andalucía Autonomous Government's Environmental Council for financing this work via a project to improve the habitat of the black vulture in Córdoba province, thanks to which we have been able to carry out this work. ; Peer Reviewed

La ocupación por las tropas españolas en 1602 determina la inclusión del feudo imperial de Finale dentro de los dominios de Felipe III, cual centro logístico para los enlaces entre el Mediterráneo y la Europa continental. El impacto del pasaje bajo la dominación española es ambivalente: por un lado las estrategias aduaneras de los nuevos gobernantes fomentan el desarrollo de un comercio de tránsito intenso, del que benefician las clases mercantes locales y muchas otras categorías de operadores relacionadas con el transporte y la reventa de las mercancías, por otro lado los tránsitos militares permiten provechos considerables en relación con los suministros a las tropas, pero constituyen una carga muy pesada para los que tienen que alojar los soldados en sus propias casa e inmuebles. Las fuertes desigualdades socioeconómicas son agravadas hasta por una fiscalidad directa –indispensable para cubrir los gastos de la guarnición– que afecta a las clases bajas y medias, especialmente a las de las aldeas rurales. El ensayo tiene por objeto evaluar el grado en que los gobernantes españoles han sido capaces de compensar el fuerte agotamiento de los recursos, ofreciendo oportunidades de inversión, a fin de un control funcional del territorio. ; The occupation by the Spanish troops in 1602 determines the inclusion of the imperial fief of Finale inside the possessions of Philip III, as a logistical hub for links between Mediterranean and continental Europe. The impact of the passage under Spanish Government is ambivalent: on one hand the tax strategies of the new rulers encourage the development of an intense transit trade, whose benefits bring advantage to the local merchant classes and many other categories of operators related to transport and resale of goods; on the other hand military transits allow substantial gains related to supplies to the troops, but they constitute a serious burden for those who must billet soldiers in his own home and premises. Strong socio-economic inequalities are also compounded by a direct taxation –necessary to cover the expenses of the garrison– that affects the lower and middle classes, especially those of rural villages. The essay intends to evaluate the extent to which the Spanish rulers have been able to compensate for the strong depletion of resources by offering investment opportunities, for the purpose of a functional control of the territory ; L'occupazione da parte delle truppe spagnole nel 1602 determina l'inclusione del feudo imperiale del Finale all'interno del complesso dei domini di Filippo III, quale snodo logistico per i collegamenti fra il Mediterraneo e l'Europa continentale. Le ripercussioni del passaggio sotto la Spagna sono ambivalenti: da una parte le strategie doganali dei nuovi dominatori favoriscono lo sviluppo di un intenso commercio di transito, di cui beneficiano i ceti mercantili locali e a scendere molte categorie di operatori legati ai trasporti e alla rivendita delle merci; dall'altra i transiti militari permettono consistenti guadagni legati alle forniture alle truppe ma costituiscono un grave fardello per chi deve alloggiare fisicamente i soldati nelle proprie case e proprietà immobiliari. Le forti sperequazioni socio-economiche sono poi aggravate da una tassazione diretta – necessaria a coprire le spese della guarnigione – che colpisce i ceti medio-bassi, specie quelli delle ville rurali. Il saggio si propone di valutare fino a che punto i governanti spagnoli abbiano saputo compensare il forte drenaggio di risorse con l'offerta di opportunità di investimento, ai fini di un funzionale controllo del territorio.

Eiropas Savienībā, tajā skaitā arī Latvijas Republikā, ar vien aktuālāks kļūst jautājums, kā aktualizēt informācijas atkalizmantošanu un risināt ar to saistītās problēmas valsts sektorā, tajā pašā laikā, lai tiktu ievērotas tiesības uz personas datu aizsardzību. Pašlaik Latvijas Republikā nav izstrādāts vienots tiesisks regulējums attiecībā uz visu Latvijas Republikā esošo valsts reģistru informācijas atkalizmantošanas kārtību, esošais regulējums ir nepietiekams un sadrumstalots, nav mehānisma, kas sabalansētu fizisko personu datu aizsardzības principu ar informācijas pieejamības principu. Tādēļ autore izvēlējās rakstīt maģistra darbu par tēmu "Informācijas atkalizmantošanas tiesiskais regulējums", kura mērķis bija izpētīt informācijas atkalizmantošanas tiesisko regulējumu valsts reģistru jomā, identificējot tā nepilnības teorijā un praksē, un piedāvāt informācijas atkalizmantošanas pilnveidošanas modeļus Latvijas Republikas Uzņēmumu reģistra un Valsts zemes dienesta vestajos reģistros. Autore ir izdarījusi būtiskus secinājumus un izteikusi priekšlikumus: 1) Latvijas Republikas Uzņēmumu reģistrā publiski pieejamo reģistru dalīt pēc informācijas atkalizmantotāja nepieciešamajiem kritērijiem; 2) vēsturiskās informācijas atkalizmantošanas un glabāšanas tiesiskais regulējums ir nepietiekams, lai noteiktu vai, cik ilgi un kādiem mērķiem Latvijas Republikas Uzņēmumu reģistrs un Valsts zemes dienests drīkst glabāt vēsturiskās ziņas. Autore piedāvā kā vēsturiskās informācijas glabāšanas mērķi noteikt trešo personu interešu aizsardzību, nepieciešamību tos izmantot pēc citas valsts iestādes pieprasījuma un pilnīgu reiz izdarīto ierakstu pieejamību nodrošināšanu trešajām personām; 3) pašlaik tiesiskais regulējums Latvijas Republikas Uzņēmumu reģistrā atļauj jebkurai trešajai personai iegūt vēsturiskos datus par uzņēmumu pilnā apjomā un par visiem periodiem. Autore piedāvā vēsturisko informāciju Latvijas Republikas Uzņēmumu reģistra vestajos reģistros izsniegt trešajām personām par tādiem vēsturiskiem datiem, kas ir bijuši aktuāli trīs gadus pirms informācijas pieprasīšanas, kas būtu atbilstoši Komerclikuma 406.pantam par prasības noilgumu. Atslēgas vārdi: informācijas atkalizmantošana, reģistri, vēsturiskā informācija ; SUMMARY In Europe, including Latvia, is becoming more and more a current issue updating the reused information and deal with its connected problems in the governmental sector, and at the same time respecting rights to personal data protection. At the present time in Latvia is not yet developed a single legal regulation regarding the procedure of reuse all existing information in state registers of the Republic of Latvia; existing regulation is insufficient and fragmented, with no mechanism to balance principle of protecting physical entity data with principle of information availability. Therefore the author decided to wrote her master thesis on the topic "Legal regulation of information reuse" which purpose was to explore the legal regulation of reuse in the area of government registers, identify its faults in theory and practice, and offer improvement models of information reuse in the registers of the Enterprise Register and State Land Board. The author has reach to important conclusions and offers the following propositions: 1) To divide the Public register of Enterprise Register by the required criteria of information reuser; 2) Legal regulation of reusing and storing historical information is insufficient to determine whether, how long and for what purposes Enterprise Register and State Land Board may store historical information. The author proposes to determine protection of third-party interests as the purpose of storing historical information, necessity to use them by request of other government institution and to ensure access to third parties to all made entries; 3) The present legal regulation of the Enterprise Register authorizes any third party to obtain historical data about any enterprise in full range and about all periods. The author offers that the historical information given from registers of the Enterprise Register to a third party covers only period of three years prior to the request of information, which would be in accordance with the Paragraph 406 of the Commercial Law about limitation of request. Keywords: information reuse, registers, historical information

SUMMARY: In the introductory essay opening the thematic forum Ukraine and the Crisis of "Russian Studies": Participant Observation of History in the Making , Ilya Gerasimov reviews the most common approaches to interpreting the Ukrainian political crisis of 2014. Drawing on the materials of the forum, he then suggests that the concept of "postcolonial revolution" is better suited to integrate all the key features of the phenomenon in question within one explanatory model: its democratic potential, the highly hybrid nature of the national community produced by the Euromaidan revolution, and the very fact that this community did not precede the revolution but became an evolving product of it. Most important, the revolution is characterized by the astonishingly persistent manifestation of people's subjectivity. The Ukrainian revolution is a postcolonial revolution because it is all about the people acquiring their own voice, and in the process of this self-assertive act forging a new Ukrainian nation as a community of negotiated solidary action by self-conscious individuals. Gerasimov concludes with surveying the influence of the Ukrainian revolution on the international field of Russian Studies, and how it put to the test the convictions of those who preach a leftist and even revolutionary political agenda. Surprisingly many leftists in Europe and the United States (as well as in Russia) have sided with the cleptocratic and imperialist Russian regime against the revolutionary new Ukrainian nation. Gerasimov explains this by referring to the key distinction advanced in the essay by Yaroslav Hrytsak published in the forum: the distinction between identity-centered and value-oriented approaches. Many experts in the region and left-leaning intellectuals prefer to support Russian aggression against Ukraine because in this way they can keep unchanged their worldview structured by taxonomies of fixed identities: "Russia as a main antifascist force," "Ukrainian fascists," "American imperialists," and so on. A critical deconstruction of familiar clichés implies that one has to enter uncharted waters and embrace a new, unfamiliar reality of post-postmodern society and postcolonial revolution. Во введении к форуму "Украина и кризис 'русистики': включенное наблюдение исторического процесса" Илья Герасимов кратко разбирает наиболее распространенные подходы, объясняющие украинский политический кризис 2014 г. Опираясь на материалы форума, он предлагает модель "постколониальной революции," как наиболее адекватно отражающую основные черты анализируемого феномена: демократический потенциал, крайне гибридную природу национального сообщества, возникшего после революции Евромайдана, а также сам факт, что это сообщество не предшествовало революции, но стало ее эволюционирующим результатом. Главной же отличительной чертой этой революции стало удивительно последовательное проявление субъектности людей. Украинская революция – постколониальная революция, поскольку основным ее результатом стало обретение людьми собственного голоса. В процессе этого самоутверждения формируется новая украинская нация как сообщество договорной солидарности сознающих свою уникальную субъектность личностей. В завершение Герасимов обращается к теме влияния украинской революции на международную русистику и тех, кто декларирует левые и даже революционные взгляды. На удивление, многие левые в Европе, США и России предпочли солидаризироваться с клептократическим и империалистическим российским режимом против новой, революционной украинской нации. Герасимов объясняет это обстоятельство, ссылаясь на ключевое различие, выдвинутое Ярославом Грыцаком, – между фиксацией на социальной идентичности и ориентацией на общие ценности. Многие эксперты по региону и левые интеллектуалы предпочитают поддерживать российскую агрессию против Украины, потому что таким образом они могут сохранить неизменной картину мира, сформированную таксономией привычных и жестких идентичностей: "Россия – главный враг фашизма", "украинские фашисты", "американские империалисты" и т.п. Критическая деконструкция знакомых клише привела бы к необходимости принять незнакомую новую реальность постпостмодерного общества и постколониальной революции.

На фоне активной интеграции России в мировую экономику в стране очень активно развивались и применялись такие технологии заемного труда, как аутстаффинг, аутсорсинг, лизинг, предоставление временного персонала. Несмотря на то, что именно эти HR-решения дали возможность крупным западным компаниям пережить кризисы 1998 и 2008 гг., практика использования этих услуг пока не пользуется в России той же популярностью, что в Америке или Европе. В России спрос на услугу аутстаффинга, аутсорсинга и лизинга персонала ежегодно увеличивается в среднем на 15-20 %, и эти показатели могли бы быть выше, но основным сдерживающим фактором развития заемного труда в России является слабая правовая база. В западных странах данная практика уже полностью сложилась: это законодательно оформленная услуга, с четко проработанным механизмом реализации. Вышеуказанные положения обуславливают особую актуальность проблемы использования на предприятии временного персонала. Гибкость компании, возможность самостоятельно осуществлять контроль своих затрат самая большая выгода от найма временного персонала. Если в компании есть работа привлекается персонал, когда работы нет его отпускают. С целью изучения и выяснения применяемых методов привлечения временных работников на омском рынке труда авторами было проведено исследование на одном из омских предприятий с характерными колебаниями объемов выпускаемой продукции в зависимости от сезона. Были изучены применяемые на предприятии технологии управления временным персоналом и выделены два основных способа: при первом осуществляется подбор персонала на сезон с последующим оформлением части работников на постоянный трудовой договор, при втором происходит подбор персонала на сезон с последующим высвобождением и поиском новых сотрудников на следующий сезон. Также были проанализированы затраты на осуществление подбора этой категории персонала выделенными способами и предложен вариант, который позволит предприятию более эффективно использовать временные и материальные ресурсы в процессе привлечения и использования соответствующего персонала. ; Active integration of Russia into the world economy has led to the development of such technologies as outstaffing, outsourcing, leasing, provision of temporary staff. Despite the fact that these HR solutions allowed major western companies to survive the crises of 1998 and 2008, these services in Russia are not as popular as in America or Europe. One of the main reasons for this is inadequate legislation. In western countries this practice is already fully formed: it is legislated and has a well-defined mechanism for implementing. The demand for outstaffing, outsourcing and staff leasing in Russia is growing by 15-20 % annually. And these figures could be higher, but, unfortunately, the main limiting factor in the development of contingent labor in Russia is a weak legislation. All this testifies to the relevance of the use of temporary staff in the enterprise. The company's flexibility, the ability to control cost are the biggest benefits of hiring temporary staff. If the company has a job it hires the staff, if there is no work, it dismisses the stuff. The authors conducted a study on one of the Omsk organizations with seasonal fluctuations in the volume of production with the purpose of studying the ways to attract temporary workers. The article studies technologies of the temporary staff management used in the organization. The authors highlighted two main ways: first is recruiting for the season with the subsequent signing of permanent employment contracts, and the second is the selection of personnel for the season with the subsequent release and looking for new staff for the next season. There was also analyzed the cost selection of this category of staff, and there was given an option that allows the organization to use time and material resources more efficient in the process of recruitment.

В центре исследования находится проблема военно-политической нестабильности в Демократической Республике Конго, где на протяжении длительного времени не прекращаются вооружённые конфликты. Десятки незаконных вооружённых формирований конголезского и иностранного происхождения продолжают дестабилизировать обстановку на востоке страны, провоцируя гуманитарные катастрофы. Из-за слабости государства, экономической отсталости, хронического дефицита финансовых ресурсов, межэтнических противоречий, повсеместной коррупции ДРК не может пока справиться с лавиной проблем, в том числе с проблемой безопасности. Помощь, оказываемая партнёрами ДРК по развитию, прежде всего, бывшей метрополией Бельгией, а также США, Великобританией, Евросоюзом и Китаем, «работает» лишь на самих доноров. Их привлекают богатые сырьевые источники ДРК, которыми сама страна в полной мере воспользоваться не может в силу неразвитости экономики, оставаясь одной из самых бедных в мире. В обмен на так называемые программы развития из страны вывозится дорогостоящее стратегическое сырье (колтан, вольфрам, касситерит, медь, золото, ниобий и многое другое), причём чаще всего не на эквивалентной основе. Это происходит в силу того, что многие шахты и карьеры контролируются не центральной властью, а различными бандформированиями. Получается, что в условиях военно-политического кризиса партнёрам выгоднее реализовывать свои интересы. Кроме того, западными идеологами «подогреваются» теории сепаратистской направленности типа «балканизации», то есть раздела огромной страны на отдельные государства. Конголезцы чувствительны к этой теме, пытаются противостоять подобным проискам и отстаивать целостность своей республики. Однако это непросто. Мешает неурегулированность отношений с соседними государствами Руандой, Угандой и Бурунди, которые нелегально уже десятки лет эксплуатируют природные ресурсы ДРК и стремятся завладеть приграничными конголезскими территориями. ; The research focuses on the problem of military-political instability in the Democratic Republic of the Congo experiencing continued armed conflict for a long time. Dozens of illegal armed groups both Congolese and foreign origin continue to destabilize situation in the eastern part of the country causing humanitarian disasters. Due to governmental weakness, economic backwardness, chronical lack of finance resources, interethnic conflicts, all-round and widely spread corruption of the authorities, the Congolese government at the moment is not able to overcome scores of problems including the problem of security. Assistanceprovided to the DRC by itspartnerssuch as, first of all, the former metropolitan country Belgium, as well as the USA, Great Britain, the Europe Union and China works only in favourof these country-donors. They are attracted by rich Congolese natural resources which the DRC remaining one of the poorest countries in the world cannot turn to advantage to the full extent because of its economic backwardness. In exchange for so-calleddevelopment programmes, expensive strategic raw material (such as coltan, wolfram, casseterit, cooper, gold, niobium, and other) is being extracted and exported from the country, in addition, often on the inequivalent basis. This is taking place for the reason that numerous mines and open-cast mines are being controlled by different illegal armed groups and not by the central government. Therefore, it turns out that in the context of a military-political crisis, for so-called partners it is more beneficial to pursue their own interests. Furthermore, western ideologists arouse "separatism-oriented" theories similar to "balkanization", in other words, a breakdown of this giant country into several independent states. The Congolese are tremulous to this issue, they try to counter such approachs and defend the territorial integrity of the DRC. However, it is not an easy task. The impediment is unsettled relations with neighbouring countries Rwanda, Uganda and Burundi which for tens of years exploit illegally natural resources of the DRC and try to lay hold of frontier Congolese territories.

Since 2008, the European Union, and especially the Eurozone, is hit by a deep economic crisis that translates into rising unemployment, rising povertyrates, and rising inequalities. Even if some countries, like Italy, Greece, Portugal, and Spain, face more serious social challenges than others, similar trends occuralmost everywhere. However, we should remember that even before the crisis the social situation was deteriorating in many European countries, despite the fact that an "open method of coordination" (OMC) on social inclusion had been launched by the European Commission in 2000. Of course, one could hardly deny the fact that the crisis actually amplifies these social problems. In this paper, I will nevertheless argue that it would be too simplistic to have an exclusive focus on the current economic downturn. Indeed, in order to think about new welfare strategies, we need to look at what has failed in the policies that have been designed so far. When they doso, an increasing number of researchers now conclude that some of the social policies that were implemented during the 2000s, i.e. during the first decade ofthe OMC on social inclusion, had a very limited impact – or even a negative impact – on social justice across Europe.3 My modest aim is to look at some ofthese policies, first at a general level (section 1), and second at a more specific level, through some illustrative examples in one member-state, Belgium (section2). The following sections are not based on first-hand research, but are rather aimed at reviewing the most interesting features of the current academicdiscussion in Belgium. The paper relies especially – although not exclusively – on research conducted by experts at Belgium's most advanced research centrein social policy, the Herman Deleeck Centre for Social Policy at the Universityof Antwerp. ; Desde 2008, la Unión Europea, y en particular, la Eurozona, ha sido golpeada por una profunda crisis económica que se ha traducido en un crecimiento del desempleo, las tasas de pobreza y las desigualdades. Aunque algunos países como Italia, Grecia, Portugal y España hacen frente a cambios sociales más serios, éstos se están produciendo con idéntico sentido en todas partes. No obstante, se debe recordar que incluso antes de la crisis, la situación social se había deteriorado en muchos países europeos, a pesar de que "el método abiertode coordinación" (OMC) se había puesto en marcha por la Comisión Europea en el año 2000. Nadie puede negar que la crisis haya acentuado e intensificado estos problemas sociales. En este artículo, sin embargo, se tratará de argumentar que resulta demasiado simplista centrarse exclusivamente en la actual crisis. De hecho, de cara a idear nuevas estrategias de bienestar, es necesario saber qué es lo que ha fallado en las políticas diseñadas tiempo atrás. Muchos investigadores sostienen que algunas de las políticas sociales implementadas durante los 2000, esto es, durante la primera década del OMC sobre inclusión social, han tenido un impacto muy limitado o incluso unas consecuencias negativas en Europa. El modesto propósito de este trabajo, es analizar algunas de estas políticas, primero a nivel general (sección 1), y en segundo lugar a un nivel más específico, a través de ejemplos ilustrativos de un Estado miembro: Bélgica (sección 2). Este trabajo no está basado en investigaciones de primera mano, pero sí en las investigaciones más relevantes de la discusión académica que hoy está presente en Bélgica. El documento se basa especialmente - aunque no exclusivamente - en la investigación llevada a cabo por expertos en el centro de investigación en política social más avanzado de Bélgica, el Herman Deleeck Centre for Social Policy de la Universidad de Amberes.

Le premier cas, celui du Luxembourg étudié par Núria Garcia, est marqué par un monolinguisme politique dans une société plurilingue. Le Luxembourg mérite d'être analysé en ce sens qu'il est l'exemple même d'une société plurilingue où la presque totalité de la population est multilingue et où aucun conflit ouvert entre les groupes linguistiques n'existe. Toutefois, l'auteure vise à comprendre l'instrumentalisation de la langue qui existe depuis plusieurs décennies dans une optique essentiellement défensive (dans un contexte marqué par un nombre croissant d'étrangers) menant à une réaffirmation du lien entre la maîtrise de cette langue et l'accès à des droits politiques. À travers le cas du Luxembourg, il s'agit plus largement d'analyser la prégnance d'une norme démocratique historiquement liée au modèle de l'État-nation monolingue sur les sociétés plurilingues contemporaines. 11La Moldavie, pays plurilingue à la recherche d'une langue symbole d'identité nationale, est souvent caractérisée comme étant moins pacifiée d'un point de vue linguistico-culturel qu'en Europe occidentale. Comme le démontre l'auteure de cet article, Angela Tacea, son passé soviétique n'y est pas étranger. Voguant entre le russe, le roumain et le moldave, la société moldave, lors de son indépendance, commence à peine à mener une politique linguistique faisant consensus. Ce que l'auteure souhaite comprendre est la manière avec laquelle les acteurs politiques moldaves tentent de renforcer un sentiment d'identité nationale et ce, aux moyens des outils linguistiques, afin de garantir un certain ordre politique dans cette société plurilingue. La question linguistique, ainsi, est passée du fait social à un réel problème public à résoudre. En ce sens, elle est devenue un objet de politique publique important en Moldavie. Le Haut-Adige/Tyrol du Sud, au nord de l'Italie, souvent cité comme modèle du plurilinguisme, mais qui repose sur une séparation quasi-étanche des groupes linguistiques – germanophone, italophone et ladin – et un traitement différencié des identités reconnues à travers l'ensemble du territoire, est présenté par Elisabeth Alber. À travers l'analyse du régime linguistique institutionnalisé et plus particulièrement du système scolaire, l'auteure met en évidence les enjeux linguistiques et les solutions dégagées visant à satisfaire l'ensemble de la société sud-tyrolienne, sans pour autant, au contraire, clore le débat une fois pour toute. 13Le cas suisse, traité par Sean Mueller et Paolo Dardanelli, est particulièrement intéressant et original en ce qu'il constitue un État fédéral (à trois niveaux) et plurilingue, mais pas plurinational comme l'est la Belgique, par exemple. L'article traite d'abord de la construction institutionnelle différente des pouvoirs locaux dans les cantons alémaniques et romands – héritage d'une histoire qui fut liée à celle de son voisin français – avant d'analyser les réponses aux référendums des électeurs de ces deux types de cantons sous l'angle de leur opposition entre l'attachement au principe de subsidiarité (Alémaniques) versus attachement au principe jacobin centralisateur des pouvoirs (Romands). 14Le dernier cas étudié, par les linguistes Alix Dassargues et Julien Perrez et le politiste Min Reuchamps, est la Belgique. Dans ce pays, malgré le caractère minoritaire du groupe linguistique francophone, on dénote un manque d'intérêt de leur part à l'égard du plurilinguisme. Ceux-ci se sont historiquement montrés moins enclins à apprendre la langue du groupe linguistique, néerlandophone, majoritaire que ce dernier d'apprendre la langue du groupe linguistique, francophone, minoritaire. Ce constat est atypique puisque c'est traditionnellement l'inverse qui est remarqué. Pour comprendre cette réalité, il convient de se plonger dans la nature même du conflit. Est-il de nature linguistique ou communautaire ? Après avoir distingué ces deux notions, c'est en étudiant les représentations mentales des citoyens ainsi que les métaphores auxquelles ces derniers recourent que les auteurs entendent comprendre la présence des dimensions linguistique et communautaire dans le chef des citoyens belges.