Suchergebnisse

QUESTIONS: 1. WHY DO WE NEED education for a culture of peace and non-violence? 2. WHAT NEW KNOWLEDGE do we gain? 3. Is a culture of peace possible in a violent (unjust) world? 4. WHAT DOES the term "culture of remembrance" MEAN, which is a controversial phrase based on a vague mixing of individual and collective memory? 5. WHY ARE culture, multiculturalism, cultural policy, identity policy, preservation of national, ethnic, religious or cultural identity IMPORTANT? EXPLANATION OF THE TOPIC: Building of peace in today's conflicts requires a long-term commitment to establishing connections and relationships across all social levels: relationships that strengthen the resources of reconciliation within society and make effective use of contributions outside it. Peacebuilding is not just work to prevent a return to the conflict of once conflicting parties, but it focuses on the real causes not only of the just-ended war, but of all potential conflicts. In this sense, we can distinguish between a negative peace, that is, the absence of armed conflict and a positive peace that includes justice, equality and other fundamental social and political goods. In a narrower sense, peacebuilding is a process that facilitates the establishment of long-term peace and that seeks to prevent a recurrence of violence by focusing on the causes and consequences of conflict through reconciliation, institution building, political and economic transformation. (Catherine Morris; John Paul Lederach; Barnett et al., 2007; Maiese, 2003; HKO "Kruh sv. Ante"- Trauma centar) ; PITANJA: 1. ZAŠTO NAM JE NEOPHODNO obrazovanje za kulturu mira i nenasilja? 2. KOJA NOVA ZNANJA dobijamo? 3. Da li je moguća kultura mira u nasilnom (nepravednom) svijetu? 4. ŠTA ZNAČI izraz "kultura sjećanja" koji predstavlja spornu sintagmu koja se zasniva na nejasnom miješanju individualne i kolektivne memorije? 5. ZAŠTO SU ZA VAŽNI kultura, multikulturalizam, kulturna politika, politika identiteta, očuvanje nacionalnog, etničkog, religijskog ili kulturnog identiteta? OBRAZLOŽENJE TEME: Izgradnja mira u današnjim sukobima traži dugotrajnu predanost uspostavljanja veza i odnosa peko svih društvenih razina: odnosa koji osnažuju resurse pomirenja unutar društva i učinkovito iskorištavaju doprinose izvan njega. Izgradnja mira nije samo rad na sprečavanju povratka u sukob nekad sukobljenih strana, već se usmjerava na prave uzroke ne samo netom završenog rata, već svih potencijalnih sukoba. U tom smislu, možemo razlikovati negativan mir, odnosno, izostanak oružanog sukoba te pozitivan mir koji uključuje pravdu, jednakosti i ostala temeljna socijalna i politička dobra. U užem značenju, izgradnja mira je proces koji olakšava uspostavu dugoročnog mira te koji pokušava prevenirati ponavljanje nasilja time što se usmjerava na uzroke i posljedice sukoba kroz pomirenje, izgradnju institucija, političku te ekonomsku transformaciju. (Catherine Morris; John Paul Lederach; Barnett et al., 2007; Maiese, 2003; HKO "Kruh sv. Ante"- Trauma centar) ; The third International Victimology Conference in Bosnia and Herzegovina "Education for a Culture of Peace and Non-Violence", Institute for Development of Victimology, Bosnia and Herzegovina; Foundation "Help Victims of Power and the Authority Abuse in Bosnia and Herzegovina"; University of Bihać, Bosnia and Herzegovina. "Education for a Culture of Peace and Non-Violence" ("Obrazovanje za kulturu mira i nenasilja"). ; War anomie

Examining the history of 'the Troubles' in Northern Ireland in the 1970s-1990s and comparing it with the situation in the Gaza Strip, this text takes as its cue the tragic events in Gaza in July 2014, when Israel launched Operation Protective Edge which began seven weeks of bombardment of Gaza and which led to rocket attacks by the Palestinians on Israel. In all over 2200 people were killed. The book provides a brief history of the violence in both countries. It then analyzes the Northern Ireland Peace Process that resulted in the Good Friday Agreement in 1998, which ended decades of violence and led to relative peace in Northern Ireland through the process of 'talking to terrorists'.

Also printed with slight variations, in: Encounter 12:14-18 My '59.

"It is often argued that environmental scarcity was a trigger and source of violent conflict, in particular in African countries. At the root of such arguments is a simple environmental determinism, which understands scarcity as undermining co-operative relationships between competing resource users. Robert Kaplan popularised this thesis in his argument about 'The Coming Anarchy', where he interpreted recent civil wars in Africa as an advent of a fundamental environmental crisis. In our view, this conception disregards the crucial role of local-level institutions in governing competing resource claims. In this paper, we present a case study from the violence-prone Somali Region, Ethiopia. We analyse how agro-pastoralist communities develop sharing arrangements on pasture resources with intruding pastoralist communities in drought years, even though this places additional pressure on their grazing resource. A household survey investigates the determinants for different households in the agro-pastoralist community, asset-poor and wealthy ones, to enter into different types of sharing arrangements. Our findings suggest that resource sharing offers asset-poor households opportunities to stabilise and enhance their asset-base in drought years, providing incentives for co-operative rather than conflictive relations with intruding pastoralists. We conclude that it may depend on potential incentives arising from institutional arrangements, whether competing resource claims in periods of environmental scarcity are resolved peacefully or violently." (author's abstract)

This article explores how peaceful protest and armed resistance reflected and shaped certain gender identities in the southern US civil rights movement and the Black Power movement, and reveals much about the significance of violence for 'marginalised masculinities' within the African American freedom struggle of the 1950s and 1960s. In the Deep South, civil rights organisers found that their non‐violent strategy's connotations of effeminate submissiveness hampered attempts to win over black men to the movement's cause. Conversely, those African Americans who decided to use armed force to protect the movement against racist attacks were proud of their ability to defend themselves and their communities. A comparison of armed resistance efforts in southern civil rights campaigns with those of post‐1965 Black Power groups such as the Black Panther Party shows both commonalities and differences with regard to the inter‐relationship between self‐defence and gender. In the southern movement, the affirmation of manhood remained a by‐product of the physical imperative to protect black lives against racism. Among Black Power militants and their black nationalist precursors, self‐defence, while initially intended to stop police brutality and other racist oppression, ultimately became mainly a symbol of militant black manhood. The Black Power movement's affirmative message countered stereotypes of black male powerlessness and instilled a positive black identity into many activists, but the gendered discourse it produced also tended to perpetuate black women's subordination.