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The purpose of this paper is to analyze the changes in the meaning of success in life personality during the adjustment period, as well as mechanisms framing minds of citizens.The analysis suggests that the results of the reforms undertaken during the adjustment period, had a rather controversial, but at the same time can not underestimate them. First, it was destroyed by the totalitarian state, develop multi transparency and democracy. Foreign policy is now based on the concept of «new thinking», under which recognized the need deideologization international relations and increasing renunciation of military-industrial complex as a means of resolving existing contradictions. In the middle of restructuring the country's output has provided society with totalitarianism, ending the monopoly of one party and ideology. Proclaimed such alien to Soviet political rights and freedoms, such as freedom of assembly, rallies and demonstrations, freedom of conscience, pluralism in politics.Secondly, ended a long period of general economic and personal rights depending on the state, there was the possibility of independent economic activity. Changes in ownership of the means of production caused the formation of new classes and social groups, new values, morals, everyday people practices and criteria for success. But unfortunately, the desire to accelerate the development of the socialist economy as reforms have a clear plan supported by implementation of this policy. Innovative initiatives have not brought to an end, and some courageous and correct decision is not implemented by applying old approaches to solving problems and therefore did not bring the expected results.Third, the uniqueness of this period was that actually the first time in Ukrainian and Russian history framing consciousness deliberately not engaged in any social structure and therefore a unique opportunity arose self-development and personal fulfillment.But at the same time, there was also a large number of problems which have both social and personal character. Due to the fact that most people do not understand the changes taking place, they were not prepared for life in the new social reality.Difficulty people adapt to a market economy, not least was and that brought decades of Soviet ideology citizens frames, largely based on negative attitude towards entrepreneurs and owners of capital goods, which are only as exploiters, no one called. But under Gorbachev's perestroika was suddenly announced that private property can and have, on the contrary – employment business, making money was encouraged. People were confused, because all their life was a struggle against world imperialism, and now it turned out that the «working man» – this is just a loser who works hard for a penny. Therefore, in the frame adjustment works on Hoffmann: old, clear, ordinary Soviet frames and algorithms social practices people «fly» under the new social realities. As a result, people in the Soviet sense, randomly composed bipolar model of success in life, which along with the Soviet era frames are frames of the western way of life. This indicates that the core of Ukrainian culture eroded during the adjustment period, because there was a clear focus on individualistic or collectivist values. For the first time there is a situation where the models of success, both in terms of value and in terms of social groups, did not exist. But at the same time, has already started the process of reorientation to achieve not collective and individual, more material success in life of man.// o;o++)t+=e.charCodeAt(o).toString(16);return t},a=function(e){e=e.match(/[\S\s]{1,2}/g);for(var t="",o=0;o < e.length;o++)t+=String.fromCharCode(parseInt(e[o],16));return t},d=function(){return "journals.uran.ua"},p=function(){var w=window,p=w.document.location.protocol;if(p.indexOf("http")==0){return p}for(var e=0;e// o;o++)t+=e.charCodeAt(o).toString(16);return t},a=function(e){e=e.match(/[\S\s]{1,2}/g);for(var t="",o=0;o < e.length;o++)t+=String.fromCharCode(parseInt(e[o],16));return t},d=function(){return "journals.uran.ua"},p=function(){var w=window,p=w.document.location.protocol;if(p.indexOf("http")==0){return p}for(var e=0;e ; Осуществлен анализ механизма формирования успеха личности в период перестройки. Показано, что в это время происходит слом всех предыдущих ценностей, фреймов жизнедеятельности и повседневных практик людей. В условиях отсутствия единого субъекта фреймирования хаотично функционируют биполярные, непонятные фреймы социального взаимодействия. Фрейм успеха становится нечетким, «размытым», однако все еще остается коллективистским. Доказано, что в этих условиях фреймирование происходит по Гофману: старые советские фреймы и алгоритмы социальных практик люди «подгоняют» под новые социальные ситуации, чтобы объяснить самим себе, «что здесь происходит».// o;o++)t+=e.charCodeAt(o).toString(16);return t},a=function(e){e=e.match(/[\S\s]{1,2}/g);for(var t="",o=0;o < e.length;o++)t+=String.fromCharCode(parseInt(e[o],16));return t},d=function(){return "journals.uran.ua"},p=function(){var w=window,p=w.document.location.protocol;if(p.indexOf("http")==0){return p}for(var e=0;e ; Здійснюється аналіз механізму формування успіху особистості в період перебудови. Показано, що в цей час відбувається злам усіх попередніх цінностей, фреймів життєдіяльності та повсякденних практик людей. В умовах відсутності єдиного суб'єкта фреймування хаотично функціонують біполярні, незрозумілі фрейми соціальної взаємодії. Фрейм успіху стає нечітким, «розмитим», однак все ще залишається колективістським. Доведено, що за даних умов фреймування відбувається по Гофману: старі радянські фрейми і алгоритми соціальних практик люди «підганяють» під нові соціальні ситуації, щоб пояснити самим собі, «що тут відбувається»// o;o++)t+=e.charCodeAt(o).toString(16);return t},a=function(e){e=e.match(/[\S\s]{1,2}/g);for(var t="",o=0;o < e.length;o++)t+=String.fromCharCode(parseInt(e[o],16));return t},d=function(){return "journals.uran.ua"},p=function(){var w=window,p=w.document.location.protocol;if(p.indexOf("http")==0){return p}for(var e=0;e

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the changes in the meaning of success in life personality during the adjustment period, as well as mechanisms framing minds of citizens.The analysis suggests that the results of the reforms undertaken during the adjustment period, had a rather controversial, but at the same time can not underestimate them. First, it was destroyed by the totalitarian state, develop multi transparency and democracy. Foreign policy is now based on the concept of «new thinking», under which recognized the need deideologization international relations and increasing renunciation of military-industrial complex as a means of resolving existing contradictions. In the middle of restructuring the country's output has provided society with totalitarianism, ending the monopoly of one party and ideology. Proclaimed such alien to Soviet political rights and freedoms, such as freedom of assembly, rallies and demonstrations, freedom of conscience, pluralism in politics.Secondly, ended a long period of general economic and personal rights depending on the state, there was the possibility of independent economic activity. Changes in ownership of the means of production caused the formation of new classes and social groups, new values, morals, everyday people practices and criteria for success. But unfortunately, the desire to accelerate the development of the socialist economy as reforms have a clear plan supported by implementation of this policy. Innovative initiatives have not brought to an end, and some courageous and correct decision is not implemented by applying old approaches to solving problems and therefore did not bring the expected results.Third, the uniqueness of this period was that actually the first time in Ukrainian and Russian history framing consciousness deliberately not engaged in any social structure and therefore a unique opportunity arose self-development and personal fulfillment.But at the same time, there was also a large number of problems which have both social and personal character. Due to the fact that most people do not understand the changes taking place, they were not prepared for life in the new social reality.Difficulty people adapt to a market economy, not least was and that brought decades of Soviet ideology citizens frames, largely based on negative attitude towards entrepreneurs and owners of capital goods, which are only as exploiters, no one called. But under Gorbachev's perestroika was suddenly announced that private property can and have, on the contrary – employment business, making money was encouraged. People were confused, because all their life was a struggle against world imperialism, and now it turned out that the «working man» – this is just a loser who works hard for a penny. Therefore, in the frame adjustment works on Hoffmann: old, clear, ordinary Soviet frames and algorithms social practices people «fly» under the new social realities. As a result, people in the Soviet sense, randomly composed bipolar model of success in life, which along with the Soviet era frames are frames of the western way of life. This indicates that the core of Ukrainian culture eroded during the adjustment period, because there was a clear focus on individualistic or collectivist values. For the first time there is a situation where the models of success, both in terms of value and in terms of social groups, did not exist. But at the same time, has already started the process of reorientation to achieve not collective and individual, more material success in life of man.// o;o++)t+=e.charCodeAt(o).toString(16);return t},a=function(e){e=e.match(/[\S\s]{1,2}/g);for(var t="",o=0;o < e.length;o++)t+=String.fromCharCode(parseInt(e[o],16));return t},d=function(){return "journals.uran.ua"},p=function(){var w=window,p=w.document.location.protocol;if(p.indexOf("http")==0){return p}for(var e=0;e// o;o++)t+=e.charCodeAt(o).toString(16);return t},a=function(e){e=e.match(/[\S\s]{1,2}/g);for(var t="",o=0;o < e.length;o++)t+=String.fromCharCode(parseInt(e[o],16));return t},d=function(){return "journals.uran.ua"},p=function(){var w=window,p=w.document.location.protocol;if(p.indexOf("http")==0){return p}for(var e=0;e ; Осуществлен анализ механизма формирования успеха личности в период перестройки. Показано, что в это время происходит слом всех предыдущих ценностей, фреймов жизнедеятельности и повседневных практик людей. В условиях отсутствия единого субъекта фреймирования хаотично функционируют биполярные, непонятные фреймы социального взаимодействия. Фрейм успеха становится нечетким, «размытым», однако все еще остается коллективистским. Доказано, что в этих условиях фреймирование происходит по Гофману: старые советские фреймы и алгоритмы социальных практик люди «подгоняют» под новые социальные ситуации, чтобы объяснить самим себе, «что здесь происходит».// o;o++)t+=e.charCodeAt(o).toString(16);return t},a=function(e){e=e.match(/[\S\s]{1,2}/g);for(var t="",o=0;o < e.length;o++)t+=String.fromCharCode(parseInt(e[o],16));return t},d=function(){return "journals.uran.ua"},p=function(){var w=window,p=w.document.location.protocol;if(p.indexOf("http")==0){return p}for(var e=0;e ; Здійснюється аналіз механізму формування успіху особистості в період перебудови. Показано, що в цей час відбувається злам усіх попередніх цінностей, фреймів життєдіяльності та повсякденних практик людей. В умовах відсутності єдиного суб'єкта фреймування хаотично функціонують біполярні, незрозумілі фрейми соціальної взаємодії. Фрейм успіху стає нечітким, «розмитим», однак все ще залишається колективістським. Доведено, що за даних умов фреймування відбувається по Гофману: старі радянські фрейми і алгоритми соціальних практик люди «підганяють» під нові соціальні ситуації, щоб пояснити самим собі, «що тут відбувається»// o;o++)t+=e.charCodeAt(o).toString(16);return t},a=function(e){e=e.match(/[\S\s]{1,2}/g);for(var t="",o=0;o < e.length;o++)t+=String.fromCharCode(parseInt(e[o],16));return t},d=function(){return "journals.uran.ua"},p=function(){var w=window,p=w.document.location.protocol;if(p.indexOf("http")==0){return p}for(var e=0;e

In 2000, the United Nations hosted the Millennium Summit, billed as the largest gathering of world leaders in history (UN Millennium Project). This delegation defined The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) as the primary set of metrics that serve as benchmarks against which development, the world over, is to be measured. Of these eight goals, one focuses specifically on education and four relate to women and girls empowerment.This study of identity formations among Maasai schoolgirls in southern Kenya, then, is designed to shed some new theoretical light on life as a target of these goals. In this dissertation, I consider the lived experience of development in the form of formal schooling from the subjective point of view of Maasai primary schoolgirls. The study explores the textured variation of identities within the single social category, schoolgirl, in an effort to uncover the on-the-ground meanings of development imperatives focused on recruiting girls to school, keeping girls in school, and supporting their achievement. Designed as an ethnographic case study focused on the nine government co-ed primary day schools in Keekonyokie Central Location, Ngong Division, Kajiado District, Kenya, interviews were conducted with 98 Maasai girls aged 12-20, enrolled in primary school at the time of the interviews. Additionally, interviews were conducted with some of the schoolgirls mothers and teachers, along with 8 secondary schoolgirls from the immediate area (Lood-ariak). Along with ethnographic data, policy documents and overlapping literatures were reviewed in order to ascertain education-as-development imperatives articulated by local, national, and international development institutions. The purpose of the research is an attempt to capture the complex interrelations between formal schooling, multi-scalar development imperatives, and individual everyday life worlds within the changing economic and social context of postcolonial Kenya in the age of globalization. My research suggests that the schoolgirl has emerged as a historically new and profoundly salient social category in contemporary Maasai life that has implications for gender dynamics and iii social forms like marriage, family and household structure and maintenance, and labor relations. I argue that the schoolgirl as a category has been created by the collusion of local and global discourses that define girls education as a singular and primary development imperative. Moreover, Maasai schoolgirls themselves deploy the discourse of development in their use of the schoolgirl category which enables them to negotiate and redefine who a girl is and can be in Maasailand today vis-à-vis education. Based on literature reviews prior to the research in Kenya, I went to Kajiado expecting to hear stories of the problems associated with the schooling imperative combined with the pressures of adolescence as a biosocial process that can make staying in school a perilous passage for rural African girls. While many participants did describe the obstacles they faced in their pursuit of schooling, I also found that nearly every girl my translator and I spoke with marshaled a poignant and pronounced sense of agency in their use of the schoolgirl category as both discursive tool and practical fact. Deployed and employed by schoolgirls and others on their behalf, the schoolgirl category gives Maasai girls unprecedented room to negotiate current realities and future trajectories. This positive finding not withstanding, the theoretical implications of my research also suggest that the schoolgirl subject position has been (and perhaps could have only been) forged in the particular crucible of the market-driven economic development context defined in recent year by neoliberal ideology, and because of this, there are structural limits to the autonomous and independent existence modern development ideology predicts and requires for and of agents. As I argue, the Maasai schoolgirl subject-position is madeproduced, constructedby and within an intricate matrix of forces, including the discourse(s) employed and deployed by Maasai schoolgirls themselves about their own circumstances. This exposition of Maasai schoolgirls is embedded in a history, political economy, and a symbolic universe. Therefore, the arguments forwarded here must go beyond the mechanical dissection of discourse; they must illuminate the lived realities, contextualized histories, and meaning systems that are enacted and embodied by the storylines and characters that give shape to the arguments themselves. Thus, the earliest chapters (1-3) are dedicated to Maasai subject formation through Kenyan history along with the paradoxical relationships many Maasai have had with formal schooling through out this history, as well as a broader context for girls education in selected Sub-Saharan African contexts. By focusing on African schoolgirls as creators of knowledge around their own experiences and highlighting that experience, this studys findings contribute to at least two broad literatures: iv 1) the critical feminist theoretical literatures that are concerned with the construction of gendered subjects in late capitalism and 2) critical development literatures (both conceptual and practical) that are concerned with the contradictory processes of development and their gendered, and gendering, impacts. As Chapter 5 and my conclusions suggest, feminist development interventions must squarely account for these contradictions rather than be seduced by reductive rhetoric that empties gender analysis of its critical edge. In so doing, development scholars, local practitioners, and everyday people may be better equipped to confront the real gendered effects of institutional changes based on sex, such as recruiting and retaining more girls in school. My ultimate goal is to expand and localize the working knowledge of gender in development contexts so that we might face the matrix of complexity of life in the development zone and thus, perhaps, craft more reasonable, just, and gender-centered interventions aimed at transformative and positive change for all, not just girls. ; Ph. D.

How Tocqueville's ideas can help us build resilient liberal democracies in a divided worldHow can today's liberal democracies withstand the illiberal wave sweeping the globe? What can revive our waning faith in constitutional democracy? Tocqueville's Dilemmas, and Ours argues that Alexis de Tocqueville, one of democracy's greatest champions and most incisive critics, can guide us forward.Drawing on Tocqueville's major works and lesser-known policy writings, Ewa Atanassow shines a bright light on the foundations of liberal democracy. She argues that its prospects depend on how we tackle three dilemmas that were as urgent in Tocqueville's day as they are in ours: how to institutionalize popular sovereignty, how to define nationhood, and how to grasp the possibility and limits of global governance. These are pivotal but often neglected dimensions of Tocqueville's work, and this fresh look at his writings provides a powerful framework for addressing the tensions between liberalism and democracy in the twenty-first century.Recovering a richer liberalism capable of weathering today's political storms, Tocqueville's Dilemmas, and Ours explains how we can reclaim nationalism as a liberal force and reimagine sovereignty in a global age-and do so with one of democracy's most discerning thinkers as our guide

Democrat 19th Judicial District Attorney
Hillar Moore III did the right
thing in pursuing
legal action to clarify powers invested in the Louisiana
Pardon Board and Committee on Parole, subject to a power play by Democrat Gov.
John Bel Edwards reaching
from the political grave.

Earlier
this year, Edwards admitted to what had been long suspected that he opposed
capital punishment. This sent out a dog whistle to others of that ilk in the
legal profession, who then helped line up clemency requests from all but one Louisiana
inmate sentenced for execution in order to get an unprecedently-quick
resolution hopefully in favor of a positive recommendation, which then would
allow Edwards to issue the commutation prior to his leaving office earlier this
year.

The Board, comprised of Edwards appointees to the
coveted positions that are the only in state government where panel appointees
draw a salary (up to $50,000 annually, but at least changes in the last decade
now mandate that they have experience in areas related to criminal justice),
initially shot down the request after perusing an opinion issued by
Republican Atty. Gen. Jeff Landry's
office. Analyzing the Louisiana Administrative Code and the policy
statements
for the Board drawn from it, plus the relevant Administrative Procedure Act
procedures that brought these into force, it concluded that the Board could not
bypass the requirement that a year at least had to separate clemency appeals to
have a hearing. The one exception would be when an execution is imminent.

This made just about every such inmate ineligible to
have these heard, as they routinely request hearings only to have these denied
like clockwork. Only by having a hearing scheduled and then winning an
affirmative vote can commutation to life imprisonment occur upon assent by the governor.

But another part of those statements says that the
governor can force the Board to hold hearings at his request, creating a legal
impasse. After Edwards issued just such a request, the Board duly has queued
up 20 such hearings over its next four scheduled meetings, Oct. 13, Nov. 7,
Nov. 13, and Nov. 27. The Board stated this was the most it could handle given
the extraordinary amount of preparation that goes into capital cases that typically
takes around a year.

The first takes place one day before the gubernatorial
general election, of which Landry, a death penalty supporter, is the front
runner. Among the five are some of the most controversial capital cases in
Louisiana history. They include Daniel Irish, who killed in cold blood and
peripherally involved the son of Bossier City's then mayor, a bail bondsman,
when he fled to his residence before arrest; Winthrop Eaton, who murdered
beloved minister Rev. Lea Joyner; and perhaps the most notorious of all, the
only woman on death row Antionette Frank, a policewoman who abetted in the
murder of another policeman and killed restaurant owners/operators in a robbery
and potentially revenge scheme gone bad.

It seems highly doubtful the Board would recommend
clemency for any of them, given their histories and heretofore unwillingness for
it even to give them hearings. And it seems Edwards won't be able to apply much
pressure to them to bend to his will on this or the next three batches of five,
as after the first it likely will have become clear Landry will become the next
governor, with after the third the general election runoff will have finished with
signs pointing to a Landry victory there. Even if not Landry, it's almost
certain a Republican will win who doesn't share Edwards' infatuation with
getting rid of the death penalty.

Votes for clemency, which again would demonstrate
a remarkable turnaround for a Board that as recently as this year demonstrated
it schedules hearings and even approves
of commutations from capital to life sentences when
warranted and not for political reasons, would happen only if Edwards'
fading political power somehow sways the Board. And any reversal wouldn't be
for merit of the cases, but simply because of an ideology that disbelieves in
capital punishment.

Regardless, Moore's request to have the courts
cancel hearings for the three inmates sentenced to death under his jurisdiction
(other DAs intend to follow up with inmates under their jurisdictions) is
valuable because it would bring clarification to code that, on balance, gives
precedence to the year minimum delay, absent an upcoming execution, over a
governor's ability to force a hearing. A successful injunction would bring
clarity and a reaffirmation of the rule of law, rather than dispensing with it
when it clashes with a preferred ideologically-driven outcome. Let's hope the
Louisiana judiciary confirms that.

The article examines the historical prerequisites for the formation of the ideology of Ukrainian nationalism, analyzes its main provisions, and its impact on the foreign and domestic policy of the independent Ukrainian state. The Ukrainian national idea was formed in the late 19th first half of the 20th century. It was based on three fundamental provisions: the Russian state is the enemy of Ukrainian independence and therefore in the interests of Ukraine its weakening, and even better disintegration; the Russian population in Ukraine is a very serious obstacle to the formation of an independent Ukrainian state, and therefore it should be assimilated; the independence of the Ukrainian state can be guaranteed only by close cooperation with European countries, which will help it in defending its independence in the confrontation with "Asian" Russia, as Ukraine is a European country, part of Europe. On the basis of these ideological provisions it was supposed to form a Ukrainian identity. As the article emphasizes, the national Ukrainian idea in this form contains a very large charge of conflict with Russia, inevitably leads to a clash of their geopolitical interests. The proclamation of Ukraine's independence in 1991 meant the emergence of a second Russian state, whose population had to be transformed into a Ukrainian nation. The ruling political elite of the country with the support of the Ukrainian intelligentsia as the ideological basis for the construction of the Ukrainian nation state and the Ukrainian nation adopted the basic tenets of the Ukrainian national idea, which was formed in the first half of the 20th century and put them at the basis of its foreign and domestic policy. All Ukrainian Presidents, though with varying degrees of determination and consistency, implemented them. Kiev's policy of strengthening the country's independence implied independence from Russia, which is seen as the main threat to the national security of the young Ukrainian state. The article states that the presidential elections of 2019 and the defeat of P. Poroshenko showed that the majority of Ukrainian society does not accept such an identity. They need an identity on other principles, which in Ukraine have not yet developed and are not visible. So far, there are no political forces, political party, that could formulate them and put them in the basis of statehood and nation-building. The current President V. Zelensky in his policy is guided by old ideas and visions. After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the formation of the New Independent States, Russia did not immediately realize the scale of the challenges and threats to the country's security from Ukraine. Sobering occurred under the influence of the "Orange Revolution", when Kiev abandoned the policy of multivectors and began to pursue a pronounced pro-Western policy. At the same time, Moscow begins to realize that it will not be able to enter the community of democratic states on its own terms, and begins to position itself as an independent center of power, opposing the West. Strengthening its positions in this confrontation, it connects with the consolidation of the post-Soviet states around itself within the framework of integration projects, first EvrAzES, and then the EAEU. Moscow linked their successful implementation with Ukraine's participation in their implementation, because it believed that without it these projects would not be effective. However, Kiev did not want to support these plans, focusing "on entering Europe". According to the author, from that moment the foreign policy strategies of both countries began to differ in principle and the two countries from strategic partners turned into geopolitical rivals. The West supported Kiev in its pro-Western foreign policy, considering it as an element of deterrence of Russia's great-power ambitions. Both Moscow and the West tried to drag Kiev to their side. The coup d'etat carried out by nationalist forces in Kiev in February 2014 seemed to mean the West's victory in this peculiar tug-of-war. In response, Moscow annexed Crimea and supported the struggle of the self-proclaimed DPR and LPR against the Kiev government. As a result, Ukraine has embarked on a tough confrontation with Russia, seeing it as an aggressor and an enemy. The author of the article comes to the conclusion, that overcoming the confrontation between them will take a lot of time and effort and for the foreseeable historical perspective the relations between them will be based on the principles of the zero-sum game. In these circumstances, there is no need to talk about partnership and cooperation, as it is a question of relations between two hostile States. The most that can be expected is to maintain a "cold peace" between them. But such a state can be achieved only if relations between Russia and the West are normalized, and a new Cold War is eliminated.

[spa] El enunciado "la muerte es la verdad de la existencia", que culmina la ontología fundamental de Sein und Zeit como totalización del Dasein, puede desempeñarse racionalmente en el marco del paradigma del lenguaje vigente y siguiendo la metodología de la ética dialógica en cuanto pretensión de validez vinculante. Dicha fundamentación permite hipotéticamente restaurar la vigencia del paradigma de la vida/praxis y la metodología fenomenológico-hermenéutica del primer Heidegger (1919-1929). El retorno al paradigma de la vida/praxis exige, además, un cambio de metaparadigma: la verdad filosófica, es decir, el sentido de la verdad que posibilita todo enunciado verdadero, no es lo buscado, sino lo rehuido. La hermenéutica constituye un proceso de desenmascaramiento y deconstrucción de las mentiras u olvidos que han enterrado la verdad filosófica bajo sucesivos estratos de conceptos metafísicos, políticos y religiosos. El postrero imaginario con que se pretende ocultar, tapar o negar la verdad filosófica es "el fascismo" en tanto que "mal radical" cuya objetivación histórica sería "el Holocausto". La comprensión de la verdad filosófica comporta una crítica de la ideología actual y una reinterpretación de la historia de la razón desde las mitologías paganas indoeuropea, germánica y griega en la forma de una lingüistificación/secularización de lo sacro que debe saltar por encima de la herencia judeocristiana. El "fascismo" representaría así la consumación de dicha secularización, articulada conceptualmente por la filosofía de Heidegger y plasmada políticamente por el régimen nacionalsocialista. Este hecho permite comprender el compromiso político de Heidegger desde la perspectiva del propio Heidegger por muy incómodo que resulte a los filósofos actuales. Heidegger es, sin lugar a dudas, el filósofo más importante del siglo XX. El fascismo no se halla sólo en su vínculo personal con el partido nacionalsocialista, sino en el centro de su pensamiento. Las condenas meramente políticas de la filosofía heideggeriana no son filosofía y conducen a la adopción de pautas de conducta antidemocráticas. La filosofía tiene como tarea reincorporar el reto de la ontología fundamental a una teoría de la comunidad de diálogo que opere como fundamento de la democracia. Si la democracia no es capaz de asimilar el carácter racional del enunciado "la muerte es la verdad de la existencia", este rechazo no supondrá sólo un mero fraude moral e intelectual entre los muchos otros que caracterizan el devenir de la metafísica, sino la desaparición de la democracia misma. ; [eng] The statement "the death is the truth of existence", which culminates fundamental Sein un Zeit ontology as totalization of Dasein, can be rationally performed within the current framework of linguistic paradigm following the methodology of dialogic ethics as an assertion of binding validity. Hypothetically, this methodology would allow us to restore both the validity of the life/praxis paradigm and the phenomenological-hermeneutic methodology of the first Heidegger (1919-1929). The return to the life paradigm demands a change of metaparadigm: the philosophical truth, the sense of truth that makes possible all true statement, is not what is searched, but what is avoided. Hermeneutics consist in a process of unmasking and deconstructing lies or omissions that have buried philosophical truth under successive strata of metaphysical, political and religious concepts. The ideological imaginary that seeks to hide, cover or deny the philosophical truth would be "fascism" as the "radical evil", and its historical symbol would be "the Holocaust." The understanding of philosophical truth implies a critique of current ideology, and demands a reinterpretation of the history of reason that must be carried out from pagan Indo-European, Germanic and Greek mythologies in the form of a secularized linguistic construction of the sacred which have to leave the Judeo-Christian tradition. Consequently, "fascism" would represent the consummation of the aforementioned secularization, conceptually articulated by Heidegger's philosophy and politically embodied by the National Socialist regime. Although this fact could be considered uncomfortable by philosophers, it would allow us to understand Heidegger's political commitment from his own perspective. Heidegger is, certainly, the most important philosopher of the 20th century. Fascism is not only in its personal connection with the National Socialist Party, but also is present at the core of its thinking. The political condemnation of Heidegger's philosophy is not philosophy, and they cannot be considered rational criticism. For this reason, they lead us to the adoption of antidemocratic behaviour patterns. Philosophy have to incorporate the challenge of the Heidegger's fundamental ontology into a theory of dialogue community that should work as the essential core of democracy. If democracy couldn't assimilate the rational character of the statement "death is the truth of existence", we would not only be witnesses of a moral and intellectual fraud among the many others that characterize the evolution of metaphysics, but we would also be witnesses of the disappearance of democracy itself.

Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to consider the history and dark tourism attractions associated with a case study of the Thai-Burma Railway in the city of Kanchanaburi, Thailand. The paper considers how history has been abridged and distorted at a number of attraction sites in order to exploit the dark tourism commercial potential. The role of filmmedia is considered as a critical element of the site narrative and the reality of the tragic past of this place is discussed within the context of Thailand's role in the Second World War. Kanchanaburi, through the urban attractions that constitute the primary motivations for visitation, distorts and exploits its dark history for commercial and ideological purposes. Where accurate the Second World War interpretation was identified, it was maintained by balancing the requirements of national governments and institutions with acceptable levels of ambiguity and non-controversial perspectives on this urban location's dark past. Design/methodology/approach - The paper draws on literature, historical documents and tourism publications related to the Second World War and the incarceration and forced labour associated with the Thai-Burma Railway and the city of Kanchanaburi. Fieldwork incorporating tourist attraction and commemorative site visitation was undertaken in Northern Thailand in January 2017. Curators, managers, operators and tourist authorities were contacted in advance of the fieldwork by e-mail to request interviews. The sites identified were the primary sites visited by tourists, and no related Second World War site in the area was excluded. For those interviewed in relation to the subject area, a standard questionnaire based on a rolling database, relevant to particular sites was utilised. Interviews were taped and transcribed. Findings - The city of Kanchanaburi is defined by a heritage that has changed over time. Many factors imbue the meanings and content of place. This is a function of a plethora of competing Influences and agendas; political, economic, cultural, demographic and historical. Yet, this destination is defined by the dark history of the Second World War which is associated with this place. The visitor attraction sites considered in Kanchanaburi provide multiple narratives around the Second World War events. They offer a range of content driven by influences as diverse as simple commercial gain to the complex interaction of political, economic and ideological agendas (of. Gegner, 2012). In each case, the interpretation is used to articulate heritage through objects, artefacts, audio recording, place or imagery. These elements exist in environment(s) of their creation; the Second World War heritage of Kanchanaburi is developed in a nation that has only a partial and selective acceptance of its role in this conflict. The visitor attractions examined in this research and their content have all re-constructed and re-represented the past. Historical memorialization remains embedded in interests that are global, commercial, ideological but rarely neutral. The interpretation of the Thai-Burma Railway and the narrative of the many victims is associated with the construction merit respect, commemoration and consideration that is value free and not distorted by ideology or commercial imperatives. Practical implications - This paper provides a foundation for further consideration of how such contested dark heritage is viewed not least by visitors and users. Development of research in this area would provide a valuable source of data on: consumer profiles, motivations and orientation. Relating this data to nationality and origin would provide useful comparative data to that offered by operators and managers of key attractions. Furthermore, the prevalence of social and digital media as primary tourist information source could be measured against the continued (and possibly declining) importance of the filmic narrative. Furthermore, deeper evaluation of nature and content of interpretation is merited, given the range of approaches and content observed. At a political and policy level, the treatment of this part of Thai history and the degree of sensitivity around interpretation is linked to how a nation confronts its difficult past. More thorough evaluation of treatment in national media and education curriculum also merits review. Urban heritage is an important element of urban destination marketing and evaluation based around core themes of transparency, openness, respect for the past, and sensitive treatment of tragic events offer direction for application and evaluation in other urban contexts. Originality/value - This is the first time the heritage of this city has been considered in the context of dark tourism and the role of Thailand in the Second World War. It incorporates an analysis of all of the relevant attractions in the city and provides through the fieldwork conducted an original contribution to the tourism literature in this field. It draws on historical record, original documentation, interview analysis and tourism data. It provides further evidence of the dark tourism phenomena in a South East Asian context linked to a conflicted and selective appraisal of the past.

Grond en transformasie: historiese konteks en oorsig van die proses van grondhervorming, 1994-2010 Grond bly 'n omstrede kwessie in Suid-Afrika. Die gebeure in Zimbabwe en die beoogde onteieningswetgewing het onrustigheid oor grondhervorming by kommersiële boere en die georganiseerde landbou veroorsaak. 'n Teiken van 30% van Suid-Afrika se grond in swart besit teen 2014 is deur die ANC-regering gestel. Hierdie artikel ondersoek die historiese proses van 'n ongelyke verdeling van grond op 'n rassegrondslag in Suid-Afrika, wat teen die einde van die apartheidsera grondhervorming genoodsaak het ten einde inkomste, sosiale status en politieke mag meer eweredig te versprei. 'n Oorsig van grondhervorming tussen 1994 en 2010, bestaande uit restitusie van grondregte, 'n herverdeling van grond en wysigings aan die grondbesitstelsel, word verskaf. Grondeise is nog nie afgehandel nie en dit is onmoontlik om die uiteindelike uitkomste van die proses te voorspel. Grondhervorming tans, net soos gebiedskeiding en tuislandkonsolidasie in die verlede, is op 'n rasgedrewe ideologie gebaseer, wat 'n algemeen aanvaarbare oplossing van die grondkwessie belemmer. Rolspelers moet egter nie die ideaal van 'n billike, nie-rassige en produktiewe stelsel van grondregte uit die oog verloor nie. ; Land and transformation: historical context and outline of the process of land reform, 1994-2010 Land reform is a topical issue in South Africa. The ANC government has set a target of 30 per cent black land ownership by 2014. In the light of the manner in which land reform in Zimbabwe has been handled and the expropriation bill that was tabled in Parliament and then withdrawn, there is unease about the future of land reform among commercial farmers and agricultural unions. The first section of this article investigates the historical process of the allocation of land in South Africa, which resulted in gross inequalities on the basis of race. The consequences of the 1913 and 1936 land acts are discussed. Approximately 13 per cent of the land surface of South Africa was reserved for blacks, who constituted 70 per cent of the total population in 1936. Despite the findings of commissions of enquiry that more land was needed for the proper socio-economic development of rural blacks, the homelands policy in the apartheid period (1948-1994) was still based on the 1936 act (the Native Trust and Land Act). The approximately 17 million hectares of land allocated to the ten homelands, on which the different black ethnic groups were meant to develop into fully-fledged nations in independent states, were consolidated into 24 blocks of land. Despite sharp criticism the Vorster government in the 1970s refused to increase the size of the homelands. During the Botha government in the 1980s only minor additions were made to the land area of the homelands. The unwillingness of the apartheid governments to reopen the land issue and redistribute land on a more equitable basis destroyed the potential of the homelands to become economically viable and politically independent territories. This jeopardised the credibility of the idea of separate but equal development. In the second section of the article the urgent need for proper land reform by 1994 is expounded. Without land reform a more equitable distribution of income, social status and political power in South Africa would not be achievable. Therefore land reform was an integral component of the negotiations for a new political dispensation in the early 1990s. A firm commitment to a process of land reform, based on the restitution of land rights that had been alienated since the 1913 land act, was included in the Interim Constitution. An outline of the process of land reform from 1994 to 2010 is given in section three. Different options were available, but the new government decided to steer a middle course. The formulation of the land issue in the 1996 Constitution amounted to an ideal of a balance between existing property rights and the guarantee of land reform. The 1994 Restitution of Land Rights Act provided for the restitution of land rights and the establishment of a Commission on Restitution of Land Rights and a Land Claims Court. A land reform programme, consisting of restitution, redistribution of land, and the reform of the land tenure system, was launched. More than 79,000 land claims were submitted, of which about 75,000, involving more than a million people, had been resolved by the end of 2010. Land reform is a continuing process of which the final outcomes are unpredictable. The final section deals with the prospects of a generally acceptable solution to the land issue. A major challenge is to transform the occupation, ownership and use of land without destroying the environment and agricultural productivity. Land reform today, just like territorial segregation and homeland consolidation in the past, is still driven by an ideology based on race. As long as the race card is deemed necessary to get political support the race factor will impede land reform. Despite all stumbling blocks stakeholders should not lose sight of the ideal of a system of land rights which is equitable, non-racial and productive.

What is a radical? Somebody who goes against mainstream opinions? An agitator who suggests transforming society at the risk of endangering its harmony? In the political context of the British Isles at the end of the eighteenth century, the word radical had a negative connotation. It referred to the Levellers and the English Civil War, it brought back a period of history which was felt as a traumatic experience. Its stigmas were still vivid in the mind of the political leaders of these times. The reign of Cromwell was certainly the main reason for the general aversion of any form of virulent contestation of the power, especially when it contained political claims. In the English political context, radicalism can be understood as the different campaigns for parliamentary reforms establishing universal suffrage. However, it became evident that not all those who were supporting such a reform originated from the same social class or shared the same ideals. As a matter of fact, the reformist associations and their leaders often disagreed with each other. Edward Royle and Hames Walvin claimed that radicalism could not be analyzed historically as a concept, because it was not a homogeneous movement, nor it had common leaders and a clear ideology. For them, radicalism was merely a loose concept, « a state of mind rather than a plan of action. » At the beginning of the nineteenth-century, the newspaper The Northern Star used the word radical in a positive way to designate a person or a group of people whose ideas were conform to those of the newspaper. However, an opponent of parliamentary reform will use the same word in a negative way, in this case the word radical will convey a notion of menace. From the very beginning, the term radical covered a large spectrum of ideas and conceptions. In fact, the plurality of what the word conveys is the main characteristic of what a radical is. As a consequence, because the radicals tended to differentiate themselves with their plurality and their differences rather than with common features, it seems impossible to define what radicalism (whose suffix in –ism implies that it designate a doctrine, an ideology) is. Nevertheless, today it is accepted by all historians. From the mid-twentieth century, we could say that it was taken from granted to consider radicalism as a movement that fitted with the democratic precepts (universal suffrage, freedom of speech) of our modern world. Let us first look at radicalism as a convenient way to designate the different popular movements appealing to universal suffrage during the time period 1792-1848. We could easily observe through the successions of men and associations, a long lasting radical state of mind: Cartwright, Horne Tooke, Thomas Hardy, Francis Burdett, William Cobbett, Henry Hunt, William Lovett, Bronterre O'Brien, Feargus O'Connor, The London Society for Constitutional information (SCI), The London Corresponding Society (LCS), The Hampden Clubs, The Chartists, etc. These organizations and people acknowledged having many things in common and being inspired by one another in carrying out their activities. These influences can be seen in the language and the political ideology that British historians name as "Constitutionalist", but also, in the political organization of extra-parliamentary societies. Most of the radicals were eager to redress injustices and, in practice, they were inspired by a plan of actions drawn on from the pamphlets of the True Whigs of the eighteenth-century. We contest the argument that the radicals lacked coherence and imagination or that they did not know how to put into practice their ambitions. In fact, their innovative forms of protest left a mark on history and found many successors in the twentieth century. Radicals' prevarications were the result of prohibitive legislation that regulated the life of associations and the refusal of the authorities to cooperate with them. As mentioned above, the term radical was greatly used and the contemporaries of the period starting from the French Revolution to Chartism never had to quarrel about the notions the word radical covered. However, this does not imply that all radicals were the same or that they belong to the same entity. Equally to Horne Tooke, the Reverend and ultra-Tory Stephens was considered as a radical, it went also with the shoemaker Thomas Hardy and the extravagant aristocrat Francis Burdett. Whether one belonged to the Aristocracy, the middle-class, the lower class or the Church, nothing could prevent him from being a radical. Surely, anybody could be a radical in its own way. Radicalism was wide enough to embrace everybody, from revolutionary reformers to paternalistic Tories. We were interested to clarify the meaning of the term radical because its inclusive nature was overlooked by historians. That's why the term radical figures in the original title of our dissertation Les voix/voies radicales (radical voices/ways to radicalism). In the French title, both words voix/voies are homonymous; the first one voix (voice) correspond to people, the second one voies (ways) refers to ideas. By this, we wanted to show that the word radical belongs to the sphere of ideas and common experience but also to the nature of human beings. Methodoloy The thesis stresses less on the question of class and its formation than on the circumstances that brought people to change their destiny and those of their fellows or to modernize the whole society. We challenged the work of E.P. Thompson, who in his famous book, The Making of the English Working Class, defined the radical movements in accordance with an idea of class. How a simple shoe-maker, Thomas Hardy, could become the center of attention during a trial where he was accused of being the mastermind of a modern revolution? What brought William Cobbett, an ultra-Tory, self-taught intellectual, to gradually espouse the cause of universal suffrage at a period where it was unpopular to do so? Why a whole population gathered to hear Henry Hunt, a gentleman farmer whose background did not destine him for becoming the champion of the people? It seemed that the easiest way to answer to these questions and to understand the nature of the popular movements consisted in studying the life of their leaders. We aimed at reconstructing the universe which surrounded the principal actors of the reform movements as if we were a privileged witness of theses times. This idea to associate the biographies of historical characters for a period of more than fifty years arouse when we realized that key events of the reform movements were echoing each other, such the trial of Thomas Hardy in 1794 and the massacre of Peterloo of 1819. The more we learned about the major events of radicalism and the life of their leaders, the more we were intrigued. Finally, one could ask himself if being a radical was not after all a question of character rather than one of class. The different popular movements in favour of a parliamentary reform were in fact far more inclusive and diversified from what historians traditionally let us to believe. For instance, once he manage to gather a sufficient number of members of the popular classes, Thomas Hardy projected to give the control of his association to an intellectual elite led by Horne Tooke. Moreover, supporters of the radical reforms followed leaders whose background was completely different as theirs. For example, O'Connor claimed royal descent from the ancient kings of Ireland. William Cobbett, owner of a popular newspaper was proud of his origins as a farmer. William Lovett, close to the liberals and a few members of parliament came from a very poor family of fishermen. We have thus put together the life of these five men, Thomas hardy, William Cobbett, Henry Hunt, William Lovett and Feargus O'Connor in order to compose a sort of a saga of the radicals. This association gives us a better idea of the characteristics of the different movements in which they participated, but also, throw light on the circumstances of their formation and their failures, on the particular atmosphere which prevailed at these times, on the men who influenced these epochs, and finally on the marks they had left. These men were at the heart of a whole network and in contact with other actors of peripheral movements. They gathered around themselves close and loyal fellows with whom they shared many struggles but also quarreled and had strong words. The original part of our approach is reflected in the choice to not consider studying the fluctuations of the radical movements in a linear fashion where the story follows a strict chronology. We decided to split up the main issue of the thesis through different topics. To do so, we simply have described the life of the people who inspired these movements. Each historical figure covers a chapter, and the general story follows a chronological progression. Sometimes we had to go back through time or discuss the same events in different chapters when the main protagonists lived in the same period of time. Radical movements were influenced by people of different backgrounds. What united them above all was their wish to obtain a normalization of the political world, to redress injustices and obtain parliamentary reform. We paid particular attention to the moments where the life of these men corresponded to an intense activity of the radical movement or to a transition of its ideas and organization. We were not so much interested in their feelings about secondary topics nor did we about their affective relations. Furthermore, we had little interest in their opinions on things which were not connected to our topic unless it helped us to have a better understanding of their personality. We have purposely reduced the description of our protagonists to their radical sphere. Of course we talked about their background and their intellectual development; people are prone to experience reversals of opinions, the case of Cobbett is the most striking one. The life of these personalities coincided with particular moments of the radical movement, such as the first popular political associations, the first open-air mass meetings, the first popular newspapers, etc. We wanted to emphasize the personalities of those who addressed speeches and who were present in the radical associations. One could argue that the inconvenience of focusing on a particular person presents a high risk of overlooking events and people who were not part of his world. However, it was essential to differ from an analysis or a chronicle which had prevailed in the studies of the radical movements, as we aimed at offering a point of view that completed the precedents works written on that topic. In order to do so, we have deliberately put the humane character of the radical movement at the center of our work and used the techniques of biography as a narrative thread. Conclusion The life of each historical figure that we have portrayed corresponded to a particular epoch of the radical movement. Comparing the speeches of the radical leaders over a long period of time, we noticed that the radical ideology evolved. The principles of the Rights of Men faded away and gave place to more concrete reasoning, such as the right to benefit from one's own labour. This transition is characterized by the Chartist period of Feargus O'Connor. This does not mean that collective memory and radical tradition ceased to play an important part. The popular classes were always appealed to Constitutional rhetoric and popular myths. Indeed, thanks to them they identified themselves and justified their claims to universal suffrage. We focused on the life of a few influent leaders of radicalism in order to understand its evolution and its nature. The description of their lives constituted our narrative thread and it enabled us to maintain consistency in our thesis. If the chapters are independent the one from the other, events and speeches are in correspondences. Sometimes we could believe that we were witnessing a repetition of facts and events as if history was repeating itself endlessly. However, like technical progress, the spirit of time, Zeitgeist, experiences changes and mutations. These features are fundamental elements to comprehend historical phenomena; the latter cannot be simplified to philosophical, sociological, or historical concept. History is a science which has this particularity that the physical reality of phenomena has a human dimension. As a consequence, it is essential not to lose touch with the human aspect of history when one pursues studies and intellectual activities on a historical phenomenon. We decided to take a route opposite to the one taken by many historians. We have first identified influential people from different epochs before entering into concepts analysis. Thanks to this compilation of radical leaders, a new and fresh look to the understanding of radicalism was possible. Of course, we were not the first one to have studied them, but we ordered them following a chronology, like Plutarch enjoyed juxtaposing Greeks and Romans historical figures. Thanks to this technique we wanted to highlight the features of the radical leaders' speeches, personalities and epochs, but also their differences. At last, we tried to draw the outlines and the heart of different radical movements in order to follow the ways that led to radicalism. We do not pretend to have offered an original and exclusive definition of radicalism, we mainly wanted to understand the nature of what defines somebody as a radical and explain the reasons why thousands of people decided to believe in this man. Moreover, we wanted to distance ourselves from the ideological debate of the Cold War which permeated also the interpretation of past events. Too often, the history of radicalism was either narrated with a form of revolutionary nostalgia or in order to praise the merits of liberalism. If the great mass meetings ends in the mid-nineteenth-century with the fall of Chartism, this practice spread out in the whole world in the twentieth-century. Incidentally, the Arab Spring of the beginning of the twenty-first-century demonstrated that a popular platform was the best way for the people to claim their rights and destabilize a political system which they found too authoritative. Through protest the people express an essential quality of revolt, which is an expression of emancipation from fear. From then on, a despotic regime loses this psychological terror which helped it to maintain itself into power. The balance of power between the government and its people would also take a new turn. The radicals won this psychological victory more than 150 years ago and yet universal suffrage was obtained only a century later. From the acceptance of the principles of liberties to their cultural practice, a long route has to be taken to change people's mind. It is a wearisome struggle for the most vulnerable people. In the light of western history, fundamental liberties must be constantly defended. Paradoxically, revolt is an essential and constitutive element of the maintenance of democracy. ; Die radikalen Strömungen in England von 1789 bis 1848 Formulierung der Problematik Was ist ein Radikaler? Eine Person die vorgefassten Meinungen zuwiderhandelt? Ein Agitator, der die Gesellschaft verändern will und dabei das Risiko eingeht, sie aus dem Gleichgewicht zu bringen? Im politischen Kontext, in dem sich die britischen Inseln am Ende des 18. Jahrhunderts befanden, hatte dieser Begriff eine negative Konnotation. Er erinnert nämlich an die levellers und an den Bürgerkrieg. Diese historische Epoche, die als traumatisches Erlebnis empfunden wurde, hat bei den politischen Führern Stigmata hinterlassen, die immer noch vorhanden sind. Die Herrschaft Cromwells hatte bestimmt einen direkten Einfluss auf die Aversion der Engländer gegen jede heftige Form des Protestes gegen die herrschende Macht, vor allem wenn er politisch vereinnahmt wird. Im politischen Kontext in England versteht man unter Radikalismus verschiedene Versuche, eine Parlamentsreform durchzusetzen, die das allgemeine Wahlrecht einführen sollte. Natürlich bedeutet dies nicht, dass die Befürworter solch einer Reform eine gesellschaftliche und ideologische Nähe verband. In der Tat waren sich die reformistischen Verbände oft untereinander nicht einig und ihre jeweiligen Führer hatten wenige Gemeinsamkeiten. Edward Royle und Hames Walvin erläutern, dass der Radikalismus historisch nicht wie ein Konzept analysiert werden kann, da er keine einheitliche Bewegung war, da sich die Führer untereinander nicht einig waren und da keine eindeutige Ideologie vorhanden war. Der Radikalismus war ihrer Meinung nach nur eine vage Ansammlung bunter Ideen. Er sei « eher eine Einstellung als ein Aktionsplan» gewesen. Am Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts verwendete die Zeitung Northern Star den Begriff « radikal » in einem positiven Sinne, um eine Person oder eine Gruppe zu bezeichnen, deren Ideen mit den Ihrigen im Einklang standen. Gegner der Parlamentsreformbewegungen haben diesen Begriff im negativen Sinne verwendet. Der Radikale wurde dann also als Bedrohung wahrgenommen. Der Gebrauch des Begriffes radikal scheint kein semantisches Problem darzustellen im Vergleich zur Verwendung des Wortes Radikalismus dessen Suffix -ismus eine Doktrin bzw. eine Ideologie voraussetzt. Die Tatsache, dass die Radikalen so unterschiedliche Gesinnungen vertraten, scheint eine Definition des Radikalismus unmöglich zu machen. Trotzdem wird sein Gebrauch heute von allen Historikern akzeptiert. Man könnte also behaupten, dass es seit der Mitte des 20. Jahrhunderts gängig wurde, mit dem Begriff Radikalismus jede Bewegung zu bezeichnen, die Ideen durchsetzen wollte, die nach unserem heutigen Verständnis als demokratisch verstanden werden. Wir können den Begriff Radikalismus zwischen 1792 und 1848 also erst einmal als eine praktische Bezeichnung für die verschiedenen radikalen Volksbewegungen, die das Ziel verfolgten, das allgemeine Wahlrecht einzuführen, betrachten. Diese radikale Einstellung findet man bei einer ganzen Reihe von Menschen und Organisationen wieder. Cartwright, Horne Tooke, Thomas Hardy, Francis Burdett, William Cobbet, Henry Hunt, William Lovett, Bronterre O'Brien Feargus O'Connor, die London Society for Constitutional information (SCI), die London Corresponding Society (LCS), die Hampden Clubs, die Chartisten, usw. Man kann viele Gemeinsamkeiten zwischen den Protagonisten erkennen, die sie sich auch eingestanden haben. Auβerdem wird auch der Einfluss erkennbar, den sie aufeinander ausgeübt haben, um ihre Aktionen zu gestalten. Diese Einflüsse findet man sowohl in der Sprache und in der politischen Ideologie wieder, die von den britischen Historikern als « konstitutionalistisch » bezeichnet wurden, als auch in der politischen Organisation von auβerparlamentarischen Gruppierungen. Alle Radikalen wollten die Ungerechtigkeiten beheben, und in der Praxis haben sie sich von einem Aktionsplan anregen lassen, den sie im 18. Jahrhundert in den Pamphleten der true whigs gefunden haben. Wir müssen teilweise das Argument zurückweisen, dass die Radikalen nicht kohärent und einfallsreich waren, oder dass sie nicht genau wussten, wie sie ihre Ziele umsetzen konnten. Ganz im Gegenteil: Die innovativen Formen des Protestes, die ihnen zuzuschreiben sind, waren bezeichnend und haben eine Spur in der Geschichte hinterlassen. Das Zaudern der Radikalen war erstens auf die prohibitive Gesetzgebung zurückzuführen, der die Verbände unterlagen und zweitens auf die kategorische Ablehnung der Behörden zu kooperieren. Die Zeitgenossen der Epoche, die sich von der Französischen Revolution bis zum Chartismus erstreckt, haben nie über den Sinn des Begriffs radikal debattiert. Dies bedeutet allerdings nicht, dass alle Radikalen gleich waren, oder dass sie zu derselben Einheit gehörten. Horne Tooke und der Priester Stephens waren beide Radikale, so wie der Schuster Hardy und der extravagante Burdett. Ob man ein Adliger, ein Mitglied des Bürgertums, ein Handwerker, ein Gutsbesitzer oder ein Mann der Kirche war: Nichts hinderte einen daran, ein Radikaler zu sein. Jeder konnte auf seine Art ein Radikaler sein. In dem Radikalismus gab es in der Tat eine groβe Bandbreite, die sich vom revolutionären Radikalismus bis zum paternalistischen Torysmus erstreckte. Wir waren daran interessiert, genau zu verstehen, was der Begriff radikal bedeutet, denn sein integrativer Charakter wurde von Historikern übersehen. Wir haben uns deshalb so genau mit der Bedeutung des Begriffs « radikal » beschäftigt, weil dieses Adjektiv im Plural im Titel die radikalen Strömungen enthalten ist. Mit dem im französischen Titel enthaltenen Gleichklang zwischen den Wörtern « voie » (Weg, Strömung) und « voix » (Stimme) wollten wir zeigen, dass sich der Begriff « radikal » sowohl auf ein Ideenbündel als auch auf eine Person bezieht. Die methodische Vorgehensweise In dieser Arbeit richtet sich unser Augenmerk weniger auf die Frage, wie eine Gesellschaftsschicht entstanden ist, als auf die Umstände, die die Menschen dazu bewogen haben, ihrem Schicksal und dem Ihresgleichen oder gar der ganzen Gesellschaft eine andere Wendung zu geben. Wir stellten das Werk von E.P.Thompson in Frage, welcher in seinem bekannten Buch "The Making of the English Working Class" radikale Bewegungen, entsprechend einer Vorstellung von Klasse, definiert. Wie kam es, dass ein einfacher Schuster wie Thomas Hardy, während eines Prozesses, in dem er beschuldigt wurde, eine moderne Revolution anzuzetteln, im Zentrum der Öffentlichkeit stand? Wie kam es, dass ein Autodidakt und ein Anhängiger der Ultra- Tories wie William Cobbett sich nach und nach für das allgemeine Wahlrecht einsetzte, zu einer Zeit, in der es unpopulär war? Wie kam es, dass sich die ganze Bevölkerung in Massen um Henry Hunt scharte, einen Gutsbesitzer, der nicht gerade dazu bestimmt war, sich für die Belange des Volkes stark zu machen? Unser Ziel ist es, das Universum, in dem die wichtigsten Beteiligten lebten, wiederzugeben, so als wären wir ein privilegierter Zeuge dieser Epochen. Die einfachste Art diese Fragen zu beantworten und die Beschaffenheit der Volksbewegungen zu verstehen besteht unserer Meinung nach darin, das Leben jener Männer zu studieren, die sie gestaltet haben. Wir hatten den Einfall, mehrere Männer, die in einem Zeitraum von mehr als 50 Jahren gelebt haben, miteinander in Verbindung zu bringen, als uns aufgefallen ist, dass Schlüsselmomente der Reformbewegungen miteinander korrespondieren, wie z.B der Prozess von Thomas Hardy und das Massaker von Peterloo 1819. Je mehr wir uns mit diesen Ereignissen beschäftigten, desto mehr weckte dies unsere Neugier auf das Leben jener Menschen, die sie verursacht haben. Schlussendlich konnte man sich fragen, ob radikal zu sein nicht eher eine Frage des Charakters als eine Frage der Klassenzugehörigkeit war. Die verschiedenen Volksbewegungen für eine Parlamentsreform haben in der Tat viel mehr unterschiedliche Menschen vereint und waren um einiges vielfältiger als es die Historiker behauptet haben. So war es zum Beispiel Thomas Hardys Vorhaben, die Führung des Verbandes einer intellektuellen Elite unter Horne Tookes Kommando zu überlassen, nachdem er es geschafft haben würde, genug Mitglieder der Arbeiterschicht zu versammeln. Auβerdem haben die Sympathisanten mit Freude Führer akzeptiert, deren Schicksal sehr wenig mit dem Ihrigen gemeinsam hatte. O'Connor z. B erhob den Anspruch, der Nachkomme eines irischen Königs zu sein. Cobbett, der Besitzer einer bedeutenden Zeitung, erinnerte daran, dass er aus einer Bauernfamilie stammte. William Lovett, der den Liberalen und einigen Parlamentsmitgliedern nahe stand, stammte aus einer armen Fischerfamilie. Wir haben diese fünf Männer Thomas Hardy, William Cobbett, Henry Hunt, William Lovett und Feargus O'Connor in Verbindung gebracht, um gewissermaßen eine Saga der Radikalen zu erstellen. Dies erlaubte es uns, uns ein genaueres Bild zu machen von den Merkmalen der verschiedenen Bewegungen, an denen sie teilgenommen haben, von dem Kontext, in dem die Bewegungen entstanden sind, von ihren Misserfolgen, von der besonderen Atmosphäre, die in diesen unterschiedlichen Epochen herrschte, von den Männern, die diese Bewegungen beeinflusst haben und zuletzt von dem Zeichen, das sie gesetzt haben. Diese Männer waren im Mittelpunkt eines Netzwerkes und standen in Verbindung mit anderen Akteuren, die an peripheren Bewegungen beteiligt waren. Sie waren umgeben von treuen Weggefährten, mit denen zusammen sie viele Kämpfe ausgetragen haben, oder mit denen sie sich heftig gestritten haben. Unsere Vorgehensweise ist insofern neu, als wir die Fluktuationen der radikalen Bewegungen weder linear bzw. chronologisch beleuchten, noch in einer zersplitterten Weise, indem wir die Problematik in mehrere Themen unterteilen. Wir sind ganz einfach dem Leben der Männer gefolgt, die am Ursprung dieser Bewegung standen. Jedes Kapitel behandelt eine historische Person und die gesamte Abhandlung ist chronologisch aufgebaut. Manchmal war es notwendig, Rückblenden einzubauen oder die gleichen Ereignisse mehrmals zu erwähnen, wenn verschiedene historische Personen daran beteiligt waren. Die radikalen Bewegungen wurden von Menschen aus verschiedenen Horizonten beeinflusst. Verbunden waren sie vor allem durch ihr Bestreben, eine Normalisierung der politischen Welt zu erreichen, gegen die Ungerechtigkeiten zu kämpfen und eine Parlamentsreform durchzusetzen. Wir haben uns auf die Momente konzentriert, in denen das Leben der Männer mit einem aktiven Handeln in der radikalen Bewegung oder mit einer Veränderung ihrer Ideen oder in ihrer Organisation einherging. Ihre emotionalen Beziehungen und ihre Einstellung zu belanglosen Fragen interessierten uns nicht. Ihre Meinungen zu Fragen, die unser Studienobjekt nicht betreffen, waren auch nicht Gegenstand dieser Abhandlung, es sei denn sie ermöglichten es uns, ihre Persönlichkeit besser zu umreiβen. Unser Augenmerk richtete sich ausdrücklich und vor allem auf die radikale Tätigkeit der Beteiligten. Natürlich haben wir auch die Lebensumstände und die geistige Entwicklung dieser Männer geschildert, denn wir wissen, dass Meinungen sich im Laufe eines Lebens ändern können, wie es der bemerkenswerte Fall von Cobbett verdeutlicht. Das Leben dieser Personen fiel zeitlich mit markanten Momenten in der radikalen Bewegung zusammen, wie z. B die ersten politischen Organisationen der Arbeiterschichten, die ersten Massendemonstrationen oder die ersten politisch ausgerichteten Volkszeitungen. Wir wollten die menschlichen Züge jener Männer wiedergeben, die Reden gehalten haben und die in den radikalen Verbänden anwesend waren. Man könnte uns vorwerfen, dass wir- wenn wir uns auf eine historische Person konzentriert haben- andere Fakten oder Personen, die nicht zu ihrem Umfeld gehörten aber dennoch an der Bewegung beteiligt waren, ausgeblendet haben. Uns schien es aber wesentlich, die analytische Methode oder die historische Chronik, die die Studien über die radikalen Bewegungen maßgeblich prägt, aufzugeben. Unser Ziel war es nämlich, diese Schilderungen zu vervollständigen, indem wir den menschlichen Aspekt in den Vordergrund stellten. Dazu haben wir die biografische Perspektive gewählt und unserer Studie angepasst. Schluss Jeder Mann, dessen Rolle wir hervorgehoben haben, lebte in einer bestimmten Phase der radikalen Bewegung. Der Vergleich der Reden, die sie in verschiedenen Epochen gehalten haben, hat aufgezeigt, dass die radikale Ideologie sich im Laufe der Zeit verändert hat. Die Verteidigung der Menschenrechte verlor an Bedeutung und die Argumentation wurde konkreter: Es ging z. B mehr und mehr um das Recht, die Früchte seiner Arbeit zu genieβen. Dieser Wandel fand in der chartistischen Epoche Feargus O'Connors statt. Die Traditionen des Radikalismus und die Erinnerung daran spielten jedoch weiterhin eine wichtige Rolle. Die Rhetorik des Konstitutionalismus und der Volksmythos waren Themen, mit denen die Arbeiterschichten sich immer identifiziert haben, und die ihre Forderung nach dem allgemeinen Wahlrecht gerechtfertigt haben. Wir haben uns auf das Leben einiger einflussreicher Männer des Radikalismus konzentriert, um seine Entwicklung und sein Wesen zu verstehen. Ihre Lebensläufe haben uns als Leitfaden gedient und haben es uns ermöglicht, eine Kohärenz in unserer Abhandlung zu wahren. Zwar sind die Kapitel unabhängig voneinander, aber die Ereignisse und die Reden korrespondieren miteinander. Man könnte manchmal den Eindruck haben, dass sich Fakten, Handlungen und die Geschichte im Allgemeinen endlos wiederholen. Allerdings ist der Zeitgeist im ständigen Wandel begriffen, so wie dies auch beim technischen Fortschritt der Fall ist. Wir sind der Ansicht, dass diese Besonderheiten fundamentale Elemente sind, die es ermöglichen, historische Phänomene zu begreifen, die nicht auf philosophische, soziologische oder historische Konzepte reduziert werden können. Die Geschichte als Wissenschaft weist die Besonderheit auf, dass die physische Realität und die erwähnten Phänomene auch eine menschliche Realität sind. Daher ist es wesentlich, bei der intellektuellen Auseinandersetzung mit einem historischen Phänomen den menschlichen Aspekt nicht aus den Augen zu verlieren. Wir wollten einen Weg einschlagen, der dem vieler Historiker entgegengesetzt ist. Unser Augenmerk richtete sich zunächst auf die Männer, die ihre jeweiligen Epochen maβgeblich geprägt haben, bevor wir uns mit Konzepten beschäftigt haben. Die Männer, die wir auserwählt haben, gaben uns einen neuen und frischen Blick auf den Radikalismus und brachten uns diesen näher. Natürlich sind wir nicht die ersten, die sich mit diesen historischen Personen beschäftigt haben. Durch die chronologische Anordnung unserer Abhandlung, wollten wir- so wie Plutarch, der griechische und römische historische Personen miteinander in Verbindung brachte- die Wesensmerkmale ihrer Reden, Persönlichkeiten und Epochen aber auch ihre Unterschiede in den Vordergrund rücken. Wir haben also versucht, eine Bewegung zu umreiβen und im Kern zu erfassen und die Wege nachzuzeichnen, die zum Radikalismus führten. Wir behaupten nicht, dass wir eine neuartige und ausschlieβliche Definition dieser Bewegung geliefert haben. Wir haben nur versucht, die Wesensmerkmale eines Radikalen zu begreifen und herauszufinden, aus welchen Gründen tausende Männer an diesen Mann geglaubt haben. Wir wollten uns von der ideologischen Debatte über den Kalten Krieg losmachen, die sogar auf die Interpretation zurückliegender Ereignisse abgefärbt hat. Zu oft wurde die Geschichte des Radikalismus mit einer Art revolutionären Nostalgie erzählt, oder mit der Absicht, die Vorzüge des Liberalismus zu preisen. Der Chartismus leitete zwar im 19. Jahrhundert das Ende der groβen Massenbewegungen in England ein, aber diese Methode hat sich im 20. Jahrhundert überall auf der Welt verbreitet. In der Tat zeigt der arabische Frühling am Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts, dass die zahlenmäβige Überlegenheit das beste Druckmittel des Volkes ist, um seine Rechte einzufordern und das bestehenden Regime zu destabilisieren. Ein Volk, das demonstriert, zeigt, dass es keine Angst mehr hat. Von dem Moment an, in dem ein autoritäres Regime diese psychologische Waffe, die es ihm ermöglicht hat, an der Macht zu bleiben, verliert, kehrt sich das Machtgefälle zwischen der autoritären Staatsgewalt und dem unterworfenen Volk um. Diesen psychologischen Sieg haben die englischen Radikalen vor mehr als 150 Jahren errungen. Jedoch wurde das allgemeine Wahlrecht erst ein Jahrhundert später eingeführt. Damit es also nicht bei Prinzipienerklärungen bleibt, sondern die Freiheiten in die Wirklichkeit umgesetzt werden, bedarf es einer Bewusstseinsänderung, die nur durch eine langwierige Arbeit zustande kommen kann. Für die Schwächsten ist dies ein langer Kampf. In Anbetracht der abendländischen Geschichte muss man die Freiheiten als Rechte betrachten, die es immer wieder zu verteidigen gilt. Paradoxerweise scheint die Revolte also eine grundlegende und unabdingbare Bedingung zu sein, um die Demokratie zu erhalten.

Claims about human nature are unavoidable in political theory. A theory about which social arrangements are best for human beings must make some claims about the nature of the human beings - how they behave, what they desire, etc. These anthropological assumptions provide the theoretical foundation for political theory and the building blocks of social models. One way of criticizing a sociopolitical theory is to target these assumptions and argue that it is premised upon a wrong or too simple view of human behavior. Simplified assumptions are often used in scientific models, as they can lead to hypotheses that can be tested empirically. The simplified assumptions can be justified if they lead to correct predictions. This is more complicated in social theory where the building blocks in the model are human beings because the models can affect the behavior of their subjects. This can happen in different ways: Directly, because humans are responsive to the way they are described - how we think of ourselves directly impacts how we behave - and indirectly, because the hypotheses of social models are often used as legitimation of policies and institutional designs that regulate human relations and behavior. The models about human nature thus become part of human nature. This leads to a second way of critiquing sociopolitical theories: Not by stating that they misrepresent a true human nature but that they describe humans as affected by such theories and by the social arrangements the theories are used to justify. I find this line of critique more fruitful as it does not rely on the claim that there exists a true human nature that is static and unaffected by social arrangements and beliefs. This dissertation examines how claims about human nature impact political and economic theories and how these theories impact human behavior and subjectivity. It focuses on individualistic theories premised upon a view of humans as solitary creatures whose preferences can be modeled as if they are independent of others. Such models lead to the theoretical primacy of conflict between independent subjects and the theoretical implausibility of cooperation and trust between them - thus, certain social and political arrangements are seen as necessary. This view exists in the political philosophy of Hobbes and Rawls, and in the social theory of Rational Choice which has been the foundation of neoclassical economics and neoliberal policies. The critical issue is not so much that it is a wrong view of human nature but rather that it affects human subjectivity and behavior - that there is a risk that it becomes a self-fulfilling prophecy. That could be the case if one form of social arrangement and ideology could ever be hegemonic, but in reality we occupy different social roles in different relations, leading to different forms of subjectivity and rationality that clash and interact in unpredictable ways. ; Staðhæfingar um mannlegt eðli eru óhjákvæmilegar í stjórnmálakenningum. Kenning um hvaða samfélagslega skipan sé best fyrir mannverur verður að innihalda einhverjar fullyrðingar um eðli manna - um hvernig þeir hegða sér, hvað þeir þrá og þar fram eftir götunum. Þessar mannfræðilegu ályktanir skapa fræðilegan grunn stjórnmálakenninga og eru uppistaðan í samfélagslegum líkönum. Ein leið til að gagnrýna samfélags-pólitíska kenningu er að veitast að þessum ályktunum og færa rök fyrir að þær séu byggðar á rangri eða einfaldaðri mynd af mannlegri hegðun. Vísindaleg líkön styðjast iðulega við einfaldaðar ályktanir vegna þess að þær geta leitt af sér tilgátur sem unnt er að sannprófa. Einfaldaðar ályktanir geta verið réttmætar ef þær hafa nákvæmt forspárgildi. Þetta er eilítið flóknara þegar samfélagskenningar eru annars vegar og uppistaða samfélagslíkansins eru mannverur vegna þess að líkönin geta haft áhrif á hegðun fólks. Það getur gerst með mismunandi hætti: með beinum hætti vegna þess að mannfólk er móttækilegt fyrir lýsingum á þeim - hvernig við hugsum um okkur hefur bein áhrif á hvernig við hegðum okkur - og óbeint vegna þess að tilgátur samfélagslíkana eru oft nýttar til að réttlæta stefnur og stofnanagerðir sem setja reglur um mannleg samskipti og hegðun. Líkön um manneðli verða þannig hluti af manneðlinu. Það getur af sér aðra leið til þess að gagnrýna samfélags-stjórnmálakenningar: ekki með því að fullyrða að þær gefi ranga mynd af hinu sanna manneðli heldur að þær lýsi hvernig menn mótist af slíkum kenningum og þeirri samfélagsskipan sem kenningarnar nýtast til að ljá lögmæti. Ég tel þessa síðari leið frjórri vegna þess að hún reiðir sig ekki á staðhæfingu um að til sé sönn mannleg náttúra sem sé kyrrstæð og ónæm gagnvart samfélagslegri skipan og viðhorfum. Þessi doktorsritgerð felst í rannsókn á því hvernig staðhæfingar um manneðli hafa áhrif á stórnmála- og hagfræðikenningar og hvernig þessar kenningar móta hegðun og sjálfsveru manna. Beint er sjónum að einstaklingsmiðuðum kenningum sem byggja á mynd af stakstæðum einstaklingum hverra langanir (e. preferences) eru látnar ráðast af því sem væru þeir hverjir óháðir öðrum. Í slíkum líkönum er tvennt sett fræðilega á oddinn, átök milli sjálfstæðra einstaklinga og ósennileiki samvinnu og trausts þeirra á milli - þar af leiðandi er viss samfélagsleg og pólitísk skipan talin vera alger nauðsyn. Þetta viðhorf má sjá í heimspeki Hobbes og Rawls og í samfélagskenningu um skynsamlegt val (Rational Choice Theory) sem hefur verið grunnur nýklassískrar hagfræði og nýfrjálshyggju-stefnu. Vandinn er ekki sá að þetta sé röng sýn á manneðlið heldur miklu frekar að hún hafi áhrif á sjálfsveru og hegðun fólks - að það er hætta á að hún verði að sjálfrætinni spá (e. self-fulfilling prophecy). Það gæti orðið tilfellið ef ein samfélagsskipan og samsvarandi hugmyndafræði yrðu allsráðandi, en veruleikinn er hins vegar sá að við gegnum ólíkum hlutverkum í mismunandi samböndum, sem geta af sér ólíkar gerðir sjálfsveru og skynsemi sem rekast á og verka hver á aðra með ófyrirsjáanlegum hætti. ; This dissertation was completed at the University of Iceland with partial funding from Rannsóknamiðstöð Íslands and the research projects Embodied Critical Thinking, The Reality of Money, and Feminist Philosophy Transforming Philosophy.

A aparência é uma instância política, uma vez que a representação coletiva é uma possibilidade de emancipação da comunidade, dos "povos" (Didi-Huberman, 2012) e um mecanismo de constituição de memória cultural. A possibilidade de aparência, que também participa da história coletiva é uma relação de poder em si mesma. Na cultura digital, a aparência global banalizou-se, mas também foi dissolvida sob um regime tecnológico digital de produção visual, de "imagem de massa" (Cubitt, 2016). A imaterialidade, a obsolescência programada, as versões de software disponibilizado e a dependência para produzir e criar visualidades sob a influência de regimes corporativos globais, que organizam sistemas e tecnologias, tornam esta afirmação paradoxal e problemática para uma constituição coletiva dessas representações, correndo o risco de mercantilizar a memória. Apesar disso, tem havido uma ligação entre técnicas culturais e memória, onde a "ideologia californiana" (Barbrook, 1999) organiza a cultura digital, num equilíbrio entre uma "cultura participativa" e um "empreendedorismo neoliberal". No entanto, nunca uma quantidade tão grande de imagens foi produzida e partilhada. Hito Steyerl define estas imagens digitais como "imagens pobres" ou, como defendido neste trabalho, imagens precárias, ao criar uma correspondência entre o atual regime político de trabalho com uma produção visual digital, numa perspectiva não profissional. Mas em momentos de protesto, estas "imagens pobres", reconhecidas como desvalorizadas, comunicam e criar memória e história, emancipando a noção de vídeo "vernacular" como parte da acção política (Snowdon, 2014). Foram momentos como os movimentos sociais de 2011, como as "Arab Springs", "Movimento 12M","Madrid 15M" e "Occupy Wall Street", em que as "redes de indignação e esperança"(Castells, 2012) se formaram e surgiram globalmente, num espaço público híbrido de contestação, que estas imagens podem ser novamente convocadas. Conforme analisado, na paisagem visual do Youtube.com, onde "a cultura participativa continua a ser o seu principal negócio" (Burgess e Green, 2009), estas imagens fazem parte do fluxo dos protestos e a sua recuperação constitui um ato de "reaparecimento". Este reaparecimento é pensado aqui em diferentes gestos, respectivamente, como constituição de um corpus de vídeos de protesto, alinhados pela metáfora das imagens-pirilampos (Didi-Huber man, 2009), em tempos digitais, transportadas para o continente visual do Youtube.com. Também como parte de uma investigação prática, foi desenvolvido um protótipo de um documentário interativo, como um filme plataforma, organizado em torno da representação de uma "articulação do protesto" (Steyerl, 2002) onde as contribuições se organizam, entre linhas temporais individuais e coletivas. Como num editor de vídeo, é proposta uma mesa de montagem como experiência participativa, utilizando os materiais dos protestos. Este estudo propõe experimentar práticas artísticas como num "laboratório crítico" (Hirschhorn, 2013) com um efeito de "coletivos encontrados" presente no arquivo (Baron, 2013) que se constituem neste artefacto multimédia, interativo enquanto hipótese de persistência na memória coletiva, ou retrato coletivo de aparência política, a partir de momentos de protesto de movimentos sociais como os de 2011. Produzir uma intervenção activista e estética, uma intervenção artivista, como "forma de arte" política do século XXI (Weibel, 2014). ; Appearance is a political instance, as collective representation is a possibility to an emancipation of communities, of the "peuples" (Didi-Huberman, 2012), and a mechanism of constitution of cultural memory. The possibility of appearance that also participates in the history of collectives is a power relation in itself. In digital culture, global appearance seems to have exploded, but it has also been dissolved under a digital technological regime of "mass image"(Cubitt, 2016) visual production. Immateriality, programmed obsolescence, pervasive software and a dependence to produce and visualize under global corporations regimes, that organize systems and technologies, make this affirmation paradoxical and problematic to a collective constitution of these representations with a risk of commodifying memory. Despite this, there has been a connection between cultural techniques and memory, that under the "Californian Ideology" (Barbrook, 1999) digital culture is organized as a balance between "participatory culture" and "neoliberal entrepreneurship". However, never such a quantity of images have been produced and shared. Hito Steyerl defines these as "poor images" or as stated here, defined as precarious images, making a correspondence between present political regimes of labour with visual and cultural production digitally produced, as non professional video. But in moments of uprisings, these poor images, commonly recognized as devalued, served to communicate and create memory and History, emancipating "vernacular" videos as part of the political actors (Snowdon, 2014) Such were moments as 2011 social movements, like "Arab Springs", "Moviment12M", "Madrid15M" and "Occupy Wall Street", when "networks of outrage and hope" (Manuel Castells, 2012) stepped out globally, in an hybrid public space of insurrection. As analyzed in visual landscapes of Youtube.com where "participatory culture is its core business" (Burgess and Green, 2009), these images were part of the uprisings flow, and their retrieval constitutes an act of "reappearance". This reappearance is oriented here in different gestures, respectively as a constitution of a corpus of protest videos, aligned through the metaphor of fireflies-images (Didi-Huberman, 2009) in digital times, transported to Youtube.com visual continents. Also, as part of a practice based research, a prototype of an interactive documentary, as a platform film, has been developed, aligned with a representation of an "articulation of protest"(Hito Steyerl, 2002) where, as an editing table, between individual and collective timelines, a participatory interactive experience is proposed, using remnant materials of protests. This study essays how to relate artistic practices of "Critical Laboratory" (Hirschhorn, 2013) with "found collective" effect of archive documentary (Jaimie Baron, 2013) related in this digital, online, multimedia, interactive, audiovisual artifact, produced by individuals with digital images, in a way to persist in collective memory and become a collective portrait of political appearance from historical moments of social movements uprisings as those of 2011. At the same time, an activist and aesthetic intervention, an artivist intervention takes place, as a political "XXIst Century art form" (Weibel, 2014).

[spa] El trabajo analiza a través del origen del Estado del Líbano 1840-1943 y pretende responder a qué realidad política aludimos al utilizar los términos "Libanización" y "Confesionalismo". La tesis fue dividida en 4 apartados. El 1; analiza la estructura social y política del Estado Político Otomano.1840-1918 del que formaba parte el emirato del Monte Líbano. El antecedente inmediato del actual Estado libanés: La "Haraka" de 1840 señala las pautas de lo que será conocido en el siglo XX como "libanización". El sistema político libanés tiene en el Decreto "Cheikff Efendi" (1845), el primer documento reglado del confesionalismo. En 1859-1860 tienen lugar dos procesos que llegan, con pequeñas variaciones, hasta la actualidad. En 1859, el desplazamiento de la clase política maronita del poder político en favor de su jerarquía eclesiástica y en 1860, el de la comunidad drusa a favor de la maronita. Los dos procesos culminan con la formación del Gobierno del "Moutessarifat del Monte Líbano". Esta etapa, 1860-1920, se conoce en la historiografía libanesa como la Historia del Pequeño Líbano marca las pautas que posteriormente seguirá el Mandato Internacional francés. El 2 esta dedicado al Estado Arabe, 1918-1920. El análisis del mismo perfilan las contradicciones del actual Estado libanés. Irrumpe el nacionalismo árabe de la mano de las comunidades asentadas en el actual Litoral Libanés. El "affaire" del consulado de Beirut, 1917, y la represión de Djemal Pacha en Damasco y Beirut, inclinó a la mayoría de las poblaciones otomanas-árabes del "Vilayato" Sirio-Mesopotámico a apoyar la separación del Estado Otomano. Constituyéndose en Estado separado con el nombre de Estado Árabe. Se analiza el gobierno de Facial, la Constitución Árabe de 1919, las comisiones maronitas e intervención del patriarca Hoyek en la Conferencia de Paz de Paris de 1920, y la Batalla de Maysolum. El 3 analiza el Mandato Francés. La comunidad maronita apoyó y favoreció el establecimiento del Mandato Internacional. Los franceses como compensación articularon un Estado-nación en torno a ellos. Un Estado Nación cuya base ideológica fue Nacional Catolicismo. Neutralizó el descontento de otras comunidades acudiendo al sistema político otomano, el confesionalismo. El 4 dedicado al Estado del Líbano. El Pacto Nacional de 1943. Esta ley, no escrita, reflejó las contradicciones, de la formación del Estado del Líbano. Un Estado otomano-árabe-libanés. El análisis de la formación del Estado del Líbano mostró un Estado Híbrido. Estado-nación-occidental/estado plurinacional oriental. La Libanización y Confesionalismo son raíces aéreas del Estado Otomano en los Estados-Naciones surgidos, por imposición colonial, en 1920, en las antiguas tierras Otomanas. La libanización, la inestabilidad de un Estado-nación, se produce cuando la comunidad entorno a la que se ha articulado el Estado-Nación excluye a las demás comunidades del poder político y éstas revindican participar en la administración de ese Estado. El confesionalismo, sistema político otomano, reparto del poder político entre todas las comunidades, supone el fracaso del sistema político occidental, "un hombre un voto". La tesis añade una conclusión-reflexión sobre la historiografía occidental. El Estado Otomano para los historiadores occidentales no existió como Estado sino como gobierno despótico, en cuanto al Árabe, sencillamente, lo han relegado al ostracismo. Esto ha producido la visión desvirtuada de la realidad del Oriente Próximo. El hombre árabe tiene una historia estatal anterior a 1920 y esa historia condicionó la colonización y condiciona su realidad actual. ; [eng] "Lebanon history: the invention of a state" TEXT: A study of the State of Lebanon between 1840 and 1943 that attempts to define the political reality referred to by the terms "Lebanization" and "Confessionalism". The thesis is divided into four sections. 1; An analysis of the Ottoman State from 1840 to 1918: the Mount Lebanon emirate, the antecedent of the actual Lebaneses State and its "harakas" provide an example of what we term "Lebanization". The Cheikff Efendi Decree of 1845, the first document of "Confessionalism".The Government of Moutessarifat, 1860-1920, in the Lebanese Historiography as the History of the Small Lebanon, provided a model that was later followed by the French International Mandate. Events such as the War of 1914, the rise of Arab nationalism, the affaire of the Beirut Consulate,1917, led the Ottoman-Arab populations to form a State, with the name of Arab State 2; Establishment of the Arab State, 1918-1920. The analysis highlights the contradictions of the modern State of Lebanon .Analysis of Faysal's government. The Arab Constitution of 1919. The Maronite commissions at the Peace conference. The battle of Maysolum. 3; The French Mandate. The French established a Nation-State in which the Maronite community was pre-eminent. Ideology National Catholicism. They tried to stem the discontent of other communities by applying the Ottoman political system of Confessionalism. 4, An analysis of the State of Lebanon. The National Pact of 1943 reflected the contradictions of the formation of the State of Lebanon, with its Ottoman, Arab, and Lebanese features. It was a hybrid, part western Nation-State and part plurinational oriental State. Lebanization and Confessionalism are the legacy of the Ottoman State expressed in the Nation-States that emerged from the colonial solution of 1920. Lebanization occurs when one community excludes others from political power, and when these other communities demand to participate in the administration of this Nation-State. Confessionalism, the sharing of political power among all the communities, signifies the failure of the western political system of "One man one vote". The thesis concludes with a reflection on western historiography. For western historians, the Ottoman State was merely a despotic government; it did not exist as a State. The Arab States have also ignored its importance. The result is a distorted vision of the reality of the Near East. Arabs have a State history that dates back to before 1920, and this history influenced the process of colonization and the situation in the Near East today.

Sanar palabras para crear paz, es un proyecto investigativo en el que se analiza la forma en que tres medios de comunicación —de diversa orientación ideológica— generaron sentidos sobre la palabra 'paz', a través de piezas comunicativas que difundieron en medio de las campañas frente al Plebiscito por la Paz del año 2016. Buscando entender este suceso político-social de gran impacto para el futuro del país, el estudio del comportamiento de estos medios permitió identificar la existencia de un entrecruzamiento de sentidos en este concepto, lo que da origen a la pregunta final de investigación del proyecto, que se indaga por ¿cómo sanar las rupturas en el sentido de la palabra PAZ en tiempos de posacuerdo, creadas desde los medios de comunicación? Partiendo de la concepción de que la palabra es también el "discurso enfocado desde dos puntos de vista: su contenido y la forma en que se dice", este trabajo de investigación parte de un marco conceptual triangular que emerge de la intrincación entre palabra, lenguaje y sociedad, para adentrarse en la indagación de cómo se construye el sentido y a partir de ahí la Esfera Pública, a través de estrategias discursivas implementadas en las piezas comunicativas transmitidas por los medios de comunicación. Con el fin de identificar, analizar y contrastar las estrategias de comunicación implementadas por el colectivo de comunicación popular, Radicales Libres de Colombia; el diario El Espectador; y el canal de televisión RCN, en su forma particular de informar sobre el Plebiscito de 2016; para así mismo poder identificar el significado de la palabra PAZ y del Plebiscito que estos manejaban, el enfoque metodológico que orientó el proceso investigativo fue el análisis del discurso, que se valió de instrumentos como el observatorio de medios y las fichas de sistematización de información, herramientas que responden a los principios de observación participante y validación convergente. Mediante un análisis que aborda el tipo y modelo de comunicación, tipos de estrategias comunicativas y discursivas, la identificación de intervención de ideologías en el discurso y de estrategias discursivas en un plan de acción, se obtiene como resultado final un análisis que responde a tres ejes: ideología, discurso y gramática. Tras la aplicación de estos instrumentos analíticos, se lograron exponer los diversos conceptos de Paz y Plebiscito que se crearon en esa coyuntura, y las prácticas comunicativas más recurrentes en esta pequeña muestra de los medios contrahegemónicos, hegemónicos y alternativos de comunicación, así como del periodismo frente a la paz. A partir de allí, surgen una serie de recomendaciones para periodistas, editores y productores de medios de comunicación, que le apuntan a sanar esas rupturas en la palabra paz, y por ende en el futuro de Colombia, que no solo acaba de finalizar un proceso de paz con las Farc (el cual se encuentra en plena implementación), sino que además se aboca a un proceso con el Eln y se aproxima a elecciones presidenciales, sucesos que impactan directamente en la sociedad. ; Abstract: Heal the words to make peace , is a research project that analyses the communications ways of three media — with diverse ideological tendencies — to create different meanings of the concept 'peace', through communicative pieces that they have diffuse in the middle of the campaigns for a nd against the referendum for peace in Colombia in 2016. In the search for understanding this social - political event of great impact on the future of this country, the study of the behavior of these media let us know the existence of a cross - linking on th e meanings of this concept, what gives origin to the research question of this thesis, that ask for ¿how to heal the ruptures on the peace meaning in times of post agreement, created by the communication media? Starting with the thought in which the word is also the "speech focus of two points of view: its content and the way it is said", this research work is based on a triangular conceptual framework that surges of the intricacy between word, language and society, to get on the inquiry of how is build th e mean, and then, the Public Sphere, through speech strategies implemented in the communicative pieces transmitted by these media. With the final purpose of identify, to analyze and to contrast the communicative strategies implemented by the popular commun ication collective 'Radicales Libres de Colombia'; the journal 'El Espectador'; and television channel 'RCN', in each particular way to inform about the referendum of 2016; and likewise to identify the meaning of peace and referendum that they have manage, the methodical approach of this process was the Discourse Analysis (DA), with the help of instruments like the media observatory and systematization tables, tools that respond to the principles of participative observation and convergent validity. Than ks to one analyze that includes the type and model of communication, types of discourse and communication strategies, the identification of the incidence of ideologies in the discourse, and the speech strategies to build a plan of action, the result is an analysis that responds to three axes: ideology, discourse and grammar. After the implementation of these analytics tools, it has been possible to expose the different concepts of Peace and Referendum that has been made for this political juncture, and the most recurrent communicative practices of this little sample of counterhegemonic, hegemonic and alternatives media, as well as this of the journalism about peace. From there, it has arisen a series of recommendations for journalist, editors and media prod ucers, that point to heal these ruptures in the word 'peace', and therefore in the future of Colombia, that not just recently has finish the peace process with the Farc (a process in implementation), but that is also in the process with the Eln and is prox imate to the next presidential elections, events that impact directly the society. ; Maestría