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Security sector reform (SSR) is a core element of the European Union's (EU) efforts to prevent violent conflicts and stabilise post-conflict situations. The existing legal framework excludes the use of EU budgetary sources to finance assistance to the armed forces of partner countries. Under the umbrella of Capacity Building in Support of Security and Development (CBSD), the EU seeks to address this funding gap and enable the financing of training, equipment and infrastructure to military actors. The main rationale behind CBSD is the assumption that security is a precondition for development, and that sustainable development can only be achieved when state institutions – including the military – acquire adequate capacities. To implement the CBSD initiative, the European Commission in July 2016 proposed to adapt the Regulation establishing the Instrument contributing to Stability and Peace (IcSP). The IcSP is the EU's main instrument to fund conflict prevention and peacebuilding activities. The Commission's proposal to amend the IcSP Regulation envisages the introduction of new types of assistance measures that address CBSD demands. Both EU institutions and the wider development community have controversially discussed the Commission's proposal. This Briefing Paper engages this debate and discusses the possible implications of the IcSP reform. The main argument of the paper is that the implementa¬tion of CBSD, as proposed by the European Commission, is likely to contribute to the securitisation of EU development policy. The provision of training and equipment to military actors is needed to preserve the EU's credibility and effectiveness as a security provider in countries such as Somalia and Mali. However, the use of the IcSP for funding CBSD activities sets a precedent for using development instruments within the EU's budget for financing assistance to military actors. Without a precise justification for the link between the proposed activities and EU development objectives, CBSD risks subordinating development policy to EU security goals. One key problem of the debate over CBSD is a lack of clarity concerning the scope of the envisaged assistance measures. Moreover, there is considerable uncertainty regarding EU development policy forming the legal basis of the Commission's proposal. Finally, civil society organisations fear that the proposed IcSP reform marks the beginning of a trend of shifting EU priorities from civilian to military instruments to address crises and violent conflicts. The main challenge is to address these concerns and find a suitable, permanent arrangement for funding CBSD activities within the EU's next Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF) between 2021 and 2027. In the short term, greater transparency of the envisaged CBSD activities and a substantive debate about their links to EU development policy objectives are needed. In the medium term, the EU should create a dedicated instrument that separates CBSD activities from funding for civilian conflict prevention and peacebuilding efforts.

Рассматривается развитие курдского вопроса в Сирии и его перспективы в поствоенный период. Курдский вопрос в Сирии прошел в своем развитии несколько этапов: 1946-2011 гг. характеризовались непризнанием курдского этноса, целенаправленной политикой властей по ассимиляции или выдавливанию курдов с сирийских территорий; с 2011 г. по настоящее время приобретение курдами Сирии политического и военного веса, активное стремление к созданию широкой курдской автономии. С развитием сирийского конфликта курды Сирии, несмотря на то, что с времен правления Хафеза Асада и его сына Башара Асада были притесняемым национальным меньшинством, предпочли отмежеваться от войны оппозиции и правительственных сил и стали развивать автономное правление. Отмечено, что активизация так называемого Исламского государства и жестокая осада джихадистами сирийского г. Кобани (Эйн-аль-Араб) заставили курдов принять активное участие в борьбе с распространением терроризма в регионе с целью защиты своих земель. Военные успехи курдов под Кобани и Тель-Абьядом сделали их одним из ведущих акторов в деле противостояния джихадистской угрозы в регионе и, в частности, в Сирии. Таким образом, военная эффективность курдов способствовала тому, что крупнейшие региональные и мировые державы стали считаться с курдами (Турция) или стремились заручиться их поддержкой в деле борьбы с ИГ (Россия, США). Это повысило шансы курдов на сохранение и развитие автономии в поствоенной Сирии. Между тем перспективы курдской автономии в Сирии представляются неочевидными и зависят от регионального баланса, позиции Турции, продолжения поставок вооружений со стороны ведущих мировых держав, политической конъюнктуры и интересов крупнейших игроковThe article depicts the development of the Kurdish issue in Syria and its prospects in post-war period. There are two stages of development of the Kurdish issue in Syria: 1946-2011 focused policy of the government to assimilate or deport Kurds from Syria; 2011 up to the current moment acquisition of political and military clout, strive for broad Kurdish autonomy. Despite the fact that the Kurdish minority was under political and economic pressure during the times of Hafez Assad and his son Basher Assad with the beginning of the civil war in Syria the Kurds preferred not to take part in the conflict between the opposition and government forces and started to develop the autonomous rule. The rise of the so called Islamic State and harsh siege of Syrian town Kobane made Kurds take part in a struggle against spreading terrorism and defend their lands. Kurdish military achievements in Kobane and Tel-Abyad resulted in their becoming one of the leading actors in the war against terrorism in the region and Syria. The Kurdish military effectiveness led to the necessity for several regional and world powers to take into consideration the Kurdish presence (Turkey) or to build military ties with them (Russia and the US). All that has presumably raised prospects of maintenance and development of the Kurdish autonomy in post-war Syria. But the future of autonomy looks bleak due to the unstable regional balance, Turkish position, and dependence on military aid from the leading countries and interests of regional and world powers

The purpose of the article is to study the characteristics of social and labor relations in the labor market as determinant factors and socioeconomicdevelopment for further substantiation of each other stipulation changes. Originality of the study is to determine main positive and negative trends of social and labor relations in the labor market in the context of the impact on the socio-economic development of state. The practical value of the results is embodied in determination a number of negative trends in employment, including: shadowing of employment and wages; low pay in the context of European standards; poor working conditions significant proportion of workers. Elimination the respective negative trends requires prudent macroeconomic policies and comprehensive approach. Suffice controversial trend in the labormarket is to expand the scope of a civil contract, because the level of social responsibility of employers for them is significantly lower compared to the employment contract. Limiting factor of socioeconomic development is the regulation social and labor relations based on outdated legislation, since a large number of rules and safeguards are unbearable burden for most employers in market conditions. The positive trends in the labor market in the context of socio-economic development is flexibility in remuneration and dissemination of of nonstandard forms of employment. Thus, the development social and labor relations on the national labor market is characterized by different orientation and ambiguous effects on the socio-economic progress. The prospect of further development is to study the trends and characteristics of social and labor relations in the labor market in the context of initiated social and economic reforms in line with the European aspirations of Ukraine. ; Обоснованно наличие взаимно обусловливающего влияния между трудовой сферой, которая определяет тенденции социально-экономического развития общества, и социально-экономическим продвижением, которое является определяющей детерминантой трансформациями трудовых отношений. Исследовано основные тенденции развития социально-трудовых отношений на национальном рынке труда в контексте их влияния на социально-экономическое развитие государства. ; Обґрунтовано наявність взаємно обумовлюючого впливу між трудовою сферою, яка визначає тенденції соціально-економічного розвитку суспільства, та соціально-економічним поступом, який є визначальною детермінантою трансформації трудових відносин. Досліджено основні тенденції розвитку соціально-трудових відносин на національному ринку праці у контексті їх впливу на соціально-економічний розвиток держави.

На основе нового источниковедческого материала автором были проанализированы причины появления «опиумного вопроса» и его влияние на развитие торгово-экономических и политических отношений китайской провинции Синьцзян с царской, а затем и Советской Россией и СССР. Выявлены основные этапы развития «опиумного вопроса», его особенности. Опиум неоднократно становился препятствием в российско-китайских переговорах об установлении дипломатических и торгово-экономических отношений, а также стал одной из основных причин, способствовавших активному развитию контрабанды с этой провинцией. Влияние фактора опиумного вопроса сойдёт на нет, по существу, только во второй половине 30-х гг. ХХ в. ; The so called "opium problem", that is the influence of a large-scale import and distribution of opium by English merchants on inner and international situation of China, was investigated by Soviet, Russian and foreign scientists very closely. But its influence on the development of trade, economic and political relations between the Chinese province of Xinjiang and Tsarist and later on Soviet Russia and the USSR was not within the frame of investigation. The analysis of the documents shows that in pre-revolutionary and post-revolutionary periods, at least up to the end of the 1920s, opium as well as gold, silver and saiga antlers became not only the main currency in the trade with Xinjiang but also one of the main reasons which encouraged the active development of smuggling in this province. It is known that in the stated period opium was a subject of bargaining in building political relations with central and local Chinese authorities. Not once it became a hindrance in Russian-Chinese negotiations on establishing diplomatic, trade and economic relations. The problem with the establishment of a post of a Soviet commercial agent in Kuldjing district is a vivid illustration of the influence of the opium problem on forming the relations between the leaders of the Soviet state and the authorities of the province. At first, the local authorities agreed with this suggestion of Soviet Russia. But when in April 1920 Vneshtorg Department in Jarkent toughened the fight against smuggling in the Russian border line zone. The Department detained a part of opium belonging to Kuldjing merchants as if received from the regional council of national economy according to the treaties for bringing horses and short fur coats to the Semirechensky front. As a result, the rapprochement between Russia and Xinjiang was suspended. White Guards also built their relations with the authorities of China and its western province using opium. It is necessary to note that during the Civil War opium was the main component of smuggling at the Russian-Chinese border. It is explained by the fact that it was one of the equivalents of currency for payment for acquired goods. The problem of opium smuggling was solved only by the end of the 1920s after the foundation of the USSR. So the opium problem really affected all the complex of political, trade and economic relations with China and Xinjiang which were established at first by the Tsarist and Provisional governments of Russia, and during the Civil War by the governments of the Bolsheviks and White Guards and, at last, by the government of the Soviet Union. The influence of the opium problem will come to the end only in the second half of the 1930s.

The author dwells on consistent narrowing of communicative connections of the Russian population during recent 10-12 years. The prevailing types of the Russianscommunications according to their frequency and regularity are, on the one hand, meetings with relatives (for elder persons) and friends (for younger people) and, on the other hand, daily, many-hour TV watching, above all its two first, mainly government channels. No other communications can be put next to them in these respects, so the survey findings show the widening gap between different systems of relations, types of communicative communities. It is important to stress that this process of social differentiation takes place without forming up generalized, universal, relatively abstract systems of mediation and regulation of social relations: ethical and legal norms, civil values and symbols. Moreover the most acute issues of sociological study of the Russian society today are connected with the phenomena of non-transition from gemeinschaft relationships with close people to generalized and universalized public relations. Under centralized state domination working and effectiveness of mass media are determined to ever greater extent by the attitude of both spectators and communicators at repetition. Today soap operas turn out to be real and TV looks more and more a parody (Yury Tynyanov treated it). One can observe the process of increasing massovization without institutional modernization in the collective life of the Russian society in mid-90s and mid-2000s. Simulativeness including virtual simulation of politics as its ousting and replacing is one of the primary features of socio-political life in Russia of Putin's period. ; The author dwells on consistent narrowing of communicative connections of the Russian population during recent 10-12 years. The prevailing types of the Russianscommunications according to their frequency and regularity are, on the one hand, meetings with relatives (for elder persons) and friends (for younger people) and, on the other hand, daily, many-hour TV watching, above all its two first, mainly government channels. No other communications can be put next to them in these respects, so the survey findings show the widening gap between different systems of relations, types of communicative communities. It is important to stress that this process of social differentiation takes place without forming up generalized, universal, relatively abstract systems of mediation and regulation of social relations: ethical and legal norms, civil values and symbols. Moreover the most acute issues of sociological study of the Russian society today are connected with the phenomena of non-transition from gemeinschaft relationships with close people to generalized and universalized public relations. Under centralized state domination working and effectiveness of mass media are determined to ever greater extent by the attitude of both spectators and communicators at repetition. Today soap operas turn out to be real and TV looks more and more a parody (Yury Tynyanov treated it). One can observe the process of increasing massovization without institutional modernization in the collective life of the Russian society in mid-90s and mid-2000s. Simulativeness including virtual simulation of politics as its ousting and replacing is one of the primary features of socio-political life in Russia of Putin's period.

Intro -- Acknowledgements -- Contents -- Abbreviations -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- Chapter 2: The Early Years -- Labour's War Aims Memorandum12 -- The Jews in Palestine -- The TUC's Move into International Affairs -- Poale Zion's Affiliation to the Labour Party -- The San Remo Conference -- The 1929 TUC Congress -- The Whitechapel By-Election39 -- The TUC and Their Response to the Persecution of the Jews, 1933-39 -- The American Trade Union Movement and Palestine -- The Spanish Civil War -- The Communist Party of Great Britain and the Jews -- The Second World War, 1939-45 -- The Mass Murder of the Jews -- The Situation in Summer 1945 -- British Labour's Position -- The Role of Histadrut Lobbying TUC -- The Emergence of the WFTU -- Palestine and the WFTU -- The Histadrut lobbies the WFTU Prague Conference for a Jewish State in Palestine -- The Impact of Antisemitism and Fascism on British Attitudes and Activities -- The Illegal Immigrants on Board the 'Exodus' -- The Position of the CPGB -- Relations between the Arab Labour Movement and the TUC -- The United Nations and Palestine -- Conclusion -- Chapter 3: The Years of Indifference -- Rebuilding Relations, 1948-51 -- The Histadrut Attends the 1948 TUC Congress -- Reciprocal Visits and Improving Histadrut Relations with Britain -- The Role of British Labour Attaché in Israel -- Was Bevin's International Labour Policy Successful? -- The Histadrut Leaves WFTU -- The Histadrut Joins the ICFTU -- The Appointment of an Israeli Labour Attaché in London -- The Foreign Office Uses the TUC-ICFTU Link to Promote British Interests in the Middle East -- Suez and Beyond 1956-60 -- The Build-Up to Suez -- The TUC and Suez -- The ICFTU and Suez -- The CPGB, the Jews and Suez -- The Lessons of Suez -- Repairing the Damage of Suez -- The Histadrut in Africa-The New Beginning for Relations with the TUC.

The article addresses social and political conflicts with a clearly defined ethnic component in the modern Spanish society. Assessing the experience of regulating interethnic and interterritorial relations between Spanish nationalities and regions, the mass immigration of diverse cultural backgrounds in the asymmetric State of Autonomies, the author examines competitive identity politics and public discourses on nation, nationalism and nation-building. Voiced by the central and subnational authorities, it frequently assumes a conflict character. This is especially customary for Catalonia, but also applies to the Basque Country and several other autonomous regions. Education and language policies are a sphere of clashing perceptions and a key priority for politics of identity involving central and regional authorities, political parties and civil society groups. The increasing phenomenon of the ethnicity politicization in the State of Autonomies complicates the formation of the civic (national) identity and enhances the potential of ethnopolitical conflicts in the country, where particularistic sentiments are sufficiently strong in the historical perspective, while the mass foreign migration introduces new interethnic and intercultural contradictions and challenges. The Spanish experience of interethnic and interterritorial relations regulation and of positive civic identity construction in the context of the federalizing State of Autonomies may be useful for the Russian Federation having some similar problems on the agenda and a continuously developing model of federal structure. Acknowledgements. This article was prepared with financial support of the Russian Science Foundation [grant no. 15-18-00021 "Regulating interethnic relations and managing ethnic and social conflicts in the contemporary world: the resource potential of civic identity (a comparative political analysis)"]. The research was conducted at the Primakov Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Sciences (IMEMO).

Summary1. All individual labour relations disputes arising out of breach of contract of employment including unfair dismissal should be capable of being settled by the relatively rapid, inexpensive and informal procedures of the industrial tribunals with further appeal on points of law;2. The minimum condition of legal recognition for the closed shop should be the effective strengthening in law of protection for the individual union member or prospective member, subject to discretion concerning 'disruptists7rsquo;3. In the central area of collective labour relations, the following policy suggestions are made:a) criminal or civil sanctions against individual employees are impractical and best forgotten. Sanctions can only be realistically considered in relation to leaders and organisations;b) the objective for a rational law of strike action (or other forms of direct action) should be limited if it is to be realistic, i.e., not the chopping down of managerial or trade union or shop floor power but insistence on a reasonable degree of orderliness and time for second thoughts in the run up to direct action;c) it is an ancient truth that only fair and reasonable laws will command respect. Disputes procedures are a kind of quasi‐law. To command respect and to justify sanctions for its breach, a disputes procedure should be independently certificated as fair and reasonable in accordance with modern labour relations standards. The C.I.R. is at present the obvious body in which to vest this certificating power;d) where adequate procedures and principles are provided by the law to deal with an identified class of industrial dispute, the use of private power, including private collective power, to impose a solution should be legally discouraged.

Krisemedizin gewinnt im Rahmen sich wandelnder Kriegsformen, terroristischer Übergriffe und der Möglichkeit des Einsatzes von Massenvernichtungswaffen erheblich an Bedeutung. Zivile Katastrophenmedizin und militärische Einsatzmedizin stehen daher vor deutlich höheren Herausforderungen. Die vorliegende Arbeit versucht die Konzeption einer krisenmedizinischen Ethik unter Berücksichtigung dreier bereichsspezifischer Problemfelder: die Allokation lebenswichtiger, jedoch begrenzt verfügbarer Ressourcen, die Instrumentalisierung einer Medizin im Dienste des Militärs sowie die Doppelloyalität des Sanitätsoffiziers. Unter Beachtung der Werte und Wünsche aller Beteiligten werden Zielsetzungen formuliert. Sie stellen die Grundlage eines dreistufig hierarchischen Prinzipienkonstrukts aus allgemeinen ärztlichen und humanitären Prinzipien, Allokations- i.e. Organisationsprinzipien und Behandlungsprinzipien dar. Die entwickelte Systematik fasst die in der Literatur meist unübersichtlich dargestellten Handlungsgrundsätze zusammen und ergänzt diese bisweilen. Allokationsprinzipien werden einer Differenzierung unterzogen und gliedern sich in Prinzipien, welche ausschließlich den Zugang zum Zuteilungsverfahren festlegen, und solche, die die Verteilung der Ressource regeln. Letztere basieren auf Kriterien, wobei hier allein dem Alter neben der Überlebenswahrscheinlichkeit ein Stellenwert eingeräumt werden kann, während Beurteilungen von Patienten basierend auf deren "social worth" strikt abzulehnen sind. Die Ressourcenzuteilung im Rahmen von Krisensituationen muss unter Berücksichtigung dreier Handlungsgrundsätze erfolgen: Gerechtigkeits- und Effizienzprinzipien zusammen mit einem neu formulierten Praktikabilitätsprinzips. Ein zur Regel oder Norm zusammenzufassender Goldstandard ist dabei nicht zu erreichen. Vielmehr muss eine Kompromisslösung auf der Basis einer situativen Prinzipiengewichtung angestrebt werden, weshalb oft ein nicht intendiertes, jedoch "zu akzeptierendes Unrecht" in Kauf genommen werden muss. Die Beurteilung einer Krisenmedizin wird daher nur im Sinne eines intentionalistischen Konsequenzialismus erfolgen können. Triage versucht einen Ausweg aus diesem Gewichtungsdilemma. Sie kategorisiert Patienten in vier Schweregrade, wobei einer Gruppe die Prognose "Hoffnungslosigkeit" zugeschrieben wird. Hierdurch werden zwei Bereiche unterschiedlicher Prinzipiengewichtung definiert. Gerechtigkeitsprinzipien wird der Vorzug bei Patienten mit höherer Überlebenswahrscheinlichkeit eingeräumt. Bei Patienten mit niederer Überlebenswahrscheinlichkeit dominieren effizienzorientierte Prinzipien. Krisenmedizin unter dem Diktat des Militärs ist darüber hinaus einer weiteren Problematik ausgesetzt: Die Konkurrenz medizinischer und militärischer Ziele. Eine für das Militär instrumentalisierte Medizin verliert ihrer Eigenständigkeit, indem sie sich fremden Imperativen unterordnen muss. Doch weder absolute Eigenständigkeit der Medizin im Einsatz noch vollständige Instrumentalisierung im Sinne des Militärs scheinen zu erstrebenswerten Vorteilen zu führen. Der Sanitätsoffizier personifiziert hierbei den Konflikt zweier Systeme und Ethiken. Ihm kommt die Aufgabe einer temporär unterschiedlichen Gewichtung medizinischer und militärischer Zielsetzungen zu, die auf institutionaler Ebene nicht geleistet werden kann. Die Dominanz militärischer Interessen führt hierbei zu einer Verschiebung weg von der individualethischen hin zu einer eher sozialethischen Position. Gerechtigkeitsprinzipien weichen zunehmend effizienzorientierten Prinzipien, was sich in einem vom Zivilen differenten Gesundheits- bzw. Krankheitsbegriff widerspiegelt. Zusammenfassend ist für Krisensituationen eine umfassende Medizinethik nicht zu leisten. Eine Ethik wird nur Grenzen und Möglichkeiten aufzeigen können, ohne jedoch den Handlungsspielraum für Einzelfallentscheidungen exakt vorgeben zu können. Ziele und Prinzipien konkurrieren bisweilen, so dass vom einzelnen eine Gewichtung vorgenommen werden muss. Gerechtigkeit, Nützlichkeit und Praktikabilität scheinen dabei gleichermaßen verwirklicht werden zu wollen, was stets Kompromisslösungen erfordert. Die Fähigkeit, sich in dieser Grauzone ethischen Handelns zurechtfinden zu können, erfordert neben medizinisch-fachlicher Expertise eine tugendhafte innere Haltung sowie eine moralisch-ethische Kompetenz und Mündigkeit. Dieser Kompetenz möchte ich größtes Gewicht beimessen. Sie ist die Fähigkeit, ethischen Dilemmata mit situativ unterschiedlicher Kompromissbereitschaft entgegnen zu können. ; The medical response to public emergencies is gaining considerable significance as a result of ongoing changes in modes of warfare, terrorist attacks and the possible use of weapons of mass destruction. Conspicuously greater challenges are therefore posed by disaster response in the civil medical field and in operational military medicine. The present study attempts to provide an ethical concept to guide the medical response to public emergencies, taking account of three problematic aspects that are specific to this subject: the allocation of vitally important yet limited resources, the instrumentalization of medical expertise in support of the military, and the divided loyalty of the military medical officer. Objectives taking account of the values and wishes of all parties involved have been established. They provide the basis for a three-stage hierarchy of principles comprising general medical and humanitarian principles, allocational (i.e. organizational) principles, and principles relating to treatment. The taxonomy that has been developed brings together and supplements the principles of action which are represented in the literature mostly without structure. Allocation principles are differentiated and subdivided into those which solely specify the approach to the allocation process and those which govern the distribution of resources. The principles in the latter category are based upon criteria. In this context, only age and probability of survival can be accorded any importance as criteria, whereas the assessment of patients on the basis of their "social worth" has to be strongly rejected. Resource allocation in crisis situations has to be performed with three principles in mind: fairness, efficiency and a newly established principle of practicability. It is not feasible to define a gold standard that can be summarized to become an established rule or norm. Instead of this, it is essential to aim for a compromise solution on the basis of a situationally appropriate evaluation based upon principles, the result of which is often an unintended injustice that nevertheless has to be accepted. The evaluation of a medical response to a public emergency will therefore only be executable on the basis of intentionalistic consequentialism. Triage is an attempt to provide a way out of this evaluative dilemma by categorizing patients into four groups covering various degrees of severity, with the prognosis for one group being assessed as "hopeless". Hence, two areas with differently weighted principles are defined. In accordance with the principle of fairness, priority is granted to patients with a higher probability of survival, whereas efficiency-based principles are the dominant factor with regard to patients with a lower probability of survival. Furthermore, medical response to emergencies under military fiat involves another complex problem: the rivalry between medical and military objectives. Medical services instrumentalized for the military lose their independence because they have to accept subordination to others' imperatives. Yet neither absolute independence of military operational medicine nor complete instrumentalization to meet the demands of the military seems to produce desirable advantages. In this respect the military medical officer personifies the conflict between two systems with differing ethics. He is given responsibility for the task – which cannot be performed at institutional level – of weighing up the temporarily different demands stemming from medical and military objectives. In this situation the dominance of military interests leads to a shift away from an individual ethical attitude towards a position tending to social ethics. Principles of fairness increasingly have to make way for efficiency-based principles, and this is reflected in concepts of health and sickness that differ from those prevailing in the civil sector. In short, a comprehensive system of medical ethics for public emergencies is unachievable. Ethics can be used in identifying limitations and options, but will not be able to specify in exact terms the freedom of action with regard to decisions on individual cases. Different objectives and principles may occasionally compete with each other, so the individual decision-maker will have to evaluate the situation. It appears desirable to achieve fairness, efficiency and practicability in equal degree, and this will always necessitate compromise solutions. The ability to deal aptly with this grey area of ethical action requires not only professional medical expertise but also a virtuous inner attitude and moral-ethical competence and maturity. I wish to attribute the greatest importance to this competence: it is the ability to face ethical dilemmas with a situationally appropriate willingness to engage in compromise.

"At the end of January 1963, France's ambassador to the United States, Hervé Alphand, reported back to Paris on a top-secret American exercise at Camp David that revealed many of the stark differences between the two NATO allies. As Alphand, the Kennedy administration had decided the previous October to include representatives from Britain, France, and West Germany in a three-day series of politico-military simulations of potential conflict scenarios in divided Berlin. A French team took part in a series of strategic, limited conflict, and politico-military simulations from November 23 to 25, 1962, and while Alphand was impressed by the sheer planning and intellectual energy that went into this undertaking, he saw its glaring shortcomings. An exercise that Americans saw as a rational approach to the exigencies of the Cold War, the French found utterly dehumanizing. Intuition was discouraged, hindering creativity, yet the Americans believed that they could employ these methods to foresee every possible outcome during a given crisis--including the Vietnam War. In JFK and de Gaulle, Sean J. McLaughlin delves into the study of interstate Franco-American relations during the Kennedy presidency. He explains how John F. Kennedy came to view France as a world power from his college days at Harvard through to the end of his pre-presidential political career, while also exploring how and why France and the United States disagreed over the proper western strategy for the Vietnam War. McLaughlin also explores how de Gaulle's government made vigilant attempts to convince Kennedy that US military intervention in South Vietnam would backfire horribly; however, Kennedy chose not to heed de Gaulle's advice because he did not take France seriously as a member of the Atlantic alliance"--

This article presents an analysis of the long term implications of allied choices regarding the Mediterranean Theatre of Operations in World War One, from the political and military actions that confirmed Turkey's entry into the war to decisions regarding the conduct of military operations and the relations between the Allied powers and local actors, in order to analyses the negative implications of failing to balance immediate military needs and long term political goals. In order to do so the article presents a brief analytical summary, organized geographically, of the main operations and their long term effects in each region, leading to a global overview of the allied strategy and its role in establishing the bases of the historic narratives and political realities of Mediterranean actors, such as the nature of the Turkish state, the evolution of Middle Eastern nationalisms and Islamic fundamentalism. ; Este artigo é uma análise às implicações a longo prazo das opções aliadas relativas ao Teatro de Operações do Mediterrâneo durante a Primeira Guerra Mundial, desde as ações políticas e militares que confirmaram a entrada da Turquia na Guerra às decisões relativas à conduta das operações militares e as relações entre as potências aliadas e os atores locais de forma a analisar as implicações negativas da ausência de ponderação entre as necessidades militares imediatas e os objetivos políticos a longo prazo. Para esse efeito o artigo apresenta uma breve descrição analítica, organizada numa base geográfica, das principais operações e dos seus efeitos a longo prazo nas respetivas regiões, conduzindo a uma apreciação global do contributo da estratégia aliada para estabelecer as bases das narrativas nacionais e natureza do estado Turco, da evolução dos nacionalismos do Médio Oriente e do fundamentalismo islâmico. ; info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Military operations occurring in areas where Leishmania spp. is endemic continually expose the military personnel of the Colombian National Army to contracting leishmaniasis. Medical treatments for this disease represent high costs in military logistics. The objective of this study was to quantify the parasitic load of Leishmania spp. in patients diagnosed with cutaneous leishmaniasis, using real-time PCR kDNA minicircle amplification. Also, to identify the specific species using PCR amplification and sequencing of the HSP70 and MPI molecular markers to monitor and determine the effectiveness of meglumine antimoniate versus pentamidine isethionate treatment, and its relation to other clinical-epidemiological data. In addition to demonstrating the efficacy of treatments and their characteristics, the risk of future outbreaks of mucocutaneous leishmaniasis was identified in certain cases, and a multifactorial explanation of the differences found between clinical-epidemiological variables was noted. ; El personal del Ejército Nacional de Colombia se expone continuamente a contraer leishmaniasis debido a las operaciones que tienen lugar donde este parásito es endémico, lo cual ocasiona altos costos por tratamientos médicos. El objetivo de este estudio fue cuantificar la carga parasitaria mediante la amplificación del minicírculo del ADNk por PCR en tiempo real e identificar molecularmente la especie de Leishmania spp. en pacientes con diagnóstico para leishmaniasis cutánea, a partir de amplificación por PCR y secuenciación de los marcadores moleculares HSP70 y MPI, para monitorear y determinar la efectividad al tratamiento con antimoniato de meglumina frente al tratamiento con isetionato de pentamidina, así como su relación con otros datos clínico-epidemiológicos. Además, se demuestra la eficacia de los tratamientos con sus características, se identificó el riesgo de futuros brotes de leishmaniasis mucocutánea en ciertos casos y se refieren las diferencias encontradas entre las variables clínico-epidemiológicas ...

Chaplaincy in South Africa (SA) recently became an attractive ministry and research fields for both ministers and theologians, respectively, more especially since the dawn of democracy in 1994. The military chaplaincy has been flooded with applications and enquiries from ministers and leaders from religions other than Christianity who want to secure their space in the ministry to the SA armed forces. Individual churches are also joining the queue for enquiries. As SA is a multireligious nation, religions other than Christianity are also knocking at the door of the South African National Defence Force (SANDF), claiming their right to be accommodated. For this reason, it is important for churches, other religious organisations, leaders, ministers and theological institutions or faculties to have knowledge of this unique world and its context, as well as the ministry dynamics and challenges involved. This will assist them in order to prepare appropriately in terms of shaping the curricula and qualifications of their ministers for effective ministry to the armed forces with special reference to the SANDF. This article investigates the dynamics of the military chaplaincy in relation to historical developments along similar chaplaincies globally, the nature of its ministry to the SA armed forces and the challenges posed by the ministry context (SANDF environment), and finally, it crafts and proposes a suitable curriculum for a relevant and effective ministry in the SANDF and the world. INTRADISCIPLINARY AND/OR INTERDISCIPLINARY IMPLICATIONS : This article is located in the field of Missiology. However, it has interdisciplinary implications that affect disciplines such as Military Science, Sociology, Practical Theology and Church History, which all assist as building blocks towards a relevant ministry for the armed forces. ; http://www.ve.org.za ; am2021 ; Science of Religion and Missiology

The purpose of this study was to determine the process of concubinage in military service, the role of moentji in military service, and the problems caused by concubinage. The method used in this research is historical research method. Researchers use, library techniques, documentation techniques. The data analysis technique used is qualitative data analysis technique. Based on the results of research and discussion, the authors conclude that the recruitment of soldiers carried out in Europe, the Dutch East Indies, and Africa has led to the establishment of concubinage relations that occur in military service. Women who live with European soldiers are called moentji. They were tasked with meeting all kinds of needs of the soldiers in the tank. The concubinage relationship was one of the causes of the spread of venereal disease experienced by the soldiers and this relationship produced children who were mostly abandoned by their parents.Tujuan dalam penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui proses munculnya pergundikan dalam Tangsi Militer, peran moentji dalam tangsi militer, dan permasalahan yang ditimbulkan pergundikan tangsi. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode penelitian sejarah. Peneliti menggunakan, teknik kepustakaan, teknik dokumentasi. Teknik analisis data yang digunakan adalah teknik analisis data kualitatif. Berdasarkan hasil penelitian dan pembahasan, penulis mengambil kesimpulan bahwa perekrutan serdadu yang dilakukan di Eropa, Hindia Belanda, serta Afrika telah menyebabkan terjalinnya hubungan pergundikan yang terjadi di dalam tangsi militer. Perempuan-perempuan yang hidup bersama serdadu Eropa disebut moentji. Mereka bertugas memenuhi segala macam kebutuhan para serdadu di dalam tangsi. Hubungan pergundikan turut menjadi salah satu penyebab meluasnya penyakit kelamin yang dialami para serdadu dan hubungan ini menghasilkan anak-anak yang kebanyakan ditelantarkan oleh orang tuanya.Kata kunci: moentji, pergundikan, tangsi militer

This article seeks to demonstrate that Japan throughout time has made gradual adjustmentsthroughout time to increase its military capacities, in order to regain autonomy in relation toits defence. With this process of "adjustment", without constitutional reforms, Japan presentlypossesses military capabilities that are similar to those of the primary global powers in termsof budget, technologically advanced military resources, manpower, and it masters the entirecycle for the production of a nuclear weapon. In an unstable regional scenario, entwinedwith the rise of threat to Japan's strategic and economic security and with the increase of thepossibility of being abandoned by the United States, what is preventing Japan in claimingits defence autonomy and taking collective security actions? The first part of this reflectionintroduces some concepts that indicate the contradictions, paradoxes, and fundaments thatunderpin the construction of the Japanese security identity. The second part concentrates onthe analysis of the tendency of revision or of reinterpretation of the Japanese Constitutionwith regards to possessing Armed Forces as a foreign policy instrument. ; Este artigo propõe demonstrar que o Japão aplicou ao longo do tempo ajustes graduais decrescimento das suas capacidades militares para recuperar autonomia em sua própria defesa.Com este processo de "ajustes", sem reformas constitucionais, Japão detém atualmentecapacidades militares similares às das principais potências mundiais em termos de orçamento,recursos materiais tecnologicamente avançados, contingentes humanos e domina todos osciclos para produção da arma nuclear. Em um cenário regional instável, com a emergênciade riscos à sua segurança estratégica e econômica e com aumento da possibilidade de serabandonado pelos Estados Unidos, o que falta para o Japão assumir sua autonomia em defesae atuar em ações de segurança coletiva? O texto avalia, na primeira parte, alguns conceitosque apontam as contradições, paradoxos e fundamentos que embasam a construção ...