Tras el resultado negativo del referéndum celebrado en Irlanda el pasado 12 de junio, y dado el requisito de la unanimidad en las ratificaciones nacionales, se complica la entrada en vigor del Tratado de Lisboa y se abre un nuevo período de incertidumbre en el proceso de integración europea. Después de la experiencia de la fallida Constitución Europea, los gobiernos de los 27 miembros de la UE intentaron evitar la celebración de referendos durante la ratificación del Tratado de Lisboa. Tan solo Irlanda, por imperativo constitucional, ha sometido el texto a las urnas obteniendo un rechazo que vuelve a complicar el avance de la integración y a cuestionar la conveniencia del voto ciudadano directo como fórmula de aprobación de un texto tan complejo. Pero más discutible aún que el referéndum, teniendo además en cuenta posibles contagios políticos o decisiones jurisdiccionales adversas en otros Estados, resulta la exigencia de unanimidad de todos los Estados miembros para la ratificación de cualquier reforma de los tratados en una Unión tan amplia y heterogénea. Cuatro son las razones que sustentan esta crítica a la unanimidad: (1) se viola la igualdad entre las partes; (2) se reducen enormemente las posibilidades de conseguir avance alguno; (3) se pervierte el principio democrático; y (4) se traslada al resto de los miembros los costes de la decisión en uno solo.
Prospects for solidarity in constructing a global civil society are explored after the low union turnout at the first World Social Forum in Porto Alegre, Brazil, in 2001, & related to Amory Starr's (2000) theoretical study of the anti-corporate movement. The International Roundtable of Unions, Social Movements, & Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs)in 2001 included union officials, most notably from the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions, NGOs, & women leaders from North & South. This Roundtable focused on labor problems under globalization, but moved little beyond the corporate form to reorganize work & the social contract. Differences between the traditional unionist internationalists & the global justice movement are discussed. Such differences need to be expressed to the relevant constituency for these movements so that the members are no longer passive. Given the increased ambiguity toward globalization & increased opposition to neoliberal globalization, the time is tight for the possibility of a new social movement of labor internationalism that includes global justice & solidarity forces. Strategy to that end is offered. References. M. Pflum
A central component of the overhauled union organizing strategy is greater reliance on the pre-recognition neutrality agreement negotiated with an employer whose employees a union is attempting to organize. This article examines these neutrality agreements. Part I locates the neutrality agreement within unions' revitalized approach to organizing." This discussion shows that neutrality agreements can redress four disadvantages unions confront when organizing: employer intimidation, harmful delay, inadequate access to employees, and inability to secure a first contract. These disadvantages, widely understood as contributing significantly to the decline in union membership during the last quarter of the twentieth century, constitute the core of the unions' complaint about the Taft-Hartley Act's representation processes and the NLRB's administration of it. Rectifying these impediments to effective organizing constitutes the nucleus of proposals for legislative labor law reform. What emerges from this discussion, therefore, is a clearer understanding that the neutrality agreement is not simply another innovative organizing tool. It is that. But it is also an elegant mechanism carefully fashioned to provide the labor movement non-legislative labor law reform. Sweeney calls this reform "the civil rights issue of the 1990s'' because it makes the right of self-organization more meaningful. Part II examines the important question of how unions manage to secure these agreements. Normally, unions trade for them. What a union can offer depends on many factors, such as whether some of the employer's operations already are organized, whether an employer needs to resolve certain legal conflicts with a union, and whether the employer is vulnerable to the vagaries of governmental regulation and in need of the union's assistance in winning beneficial regulatory rulings. One of the most important ways a union secures a neutrality agreement is when a state or local government requires one from a private sector employer with whom it does business. In addition, unions sometimes are able to leverage their own financial power by investing union funds only with corporations that agree to enter into neutrality agreements. Part III catalogs the most important legal issues neutrality agreements are likely to generate, locates the primary points of disagreement within each issue, and clarifies the likely considerations on which the outcomes will depend in neutrality agreement litigation. Neutrality agreements are likely to create both statutory and constitutional litigation. The statutory issues will arise under the Taft-Hartley Act. They will involve the negotiation and enforcement of neutrality agreements as well as their effect on third parties. The constitutional controversies will arise because neutrality agreements can create labor preemption concerns. Preemption issues will most likely arise-when local government requires a neutrality agreement from a private developer as a condition of being provided access to public land or public financing.
Chapter 1 Human Rights, Social Work, and Uncertainty: An Introduction to Southeast Europe -- Chapter 2 Overcoming Troubling Practices Against Roma and Among Roma People: A Human Rights Perspective in Slovenian Social Work -- Chapter 3 Integrating Social Work with Human Rights in Croatia: A Long Way to Mutual Recognition -- Chapter 4 Pathways to a Rights–based Paradigm in Social Work: The Case of Bosnia and Herzegovina -- Chapter 5 Human Rights and Social Work in Pandemic Times in Kosovo -- Chapter 6 Social Work and Local Democracy: Promoting Human Rights Through Community Action in Albania -- Chapter 7 Human Rights and Social Work Practices in the Age of Uncertainty: The Case of Romania -- Chapter 8 Human Rights and Social Work in Bulgaria: Policy, Practice, Education.
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In this article the author reviews the essence of social justice within the framework of sociological discourse. The importance of the social justice is outlined since it stands out for determining reform activities and social policy of the state as a social superstructure. The author states four basic concepts of social justice (egalitarian, utilitarian, Rawls concept and the market concepts) and analyzes each of them in the context of their possible use in Ukraine. The main focus of the article is on the Social Justice index, as newly invented social indices, which has been developed in the European Union and is updated annually by institutions of EU. The comparative analysis of countries' rankings in terms of social justice for 2014 and 2015 uncover changes that are discusses in the paper. It is noted that with every year the gap between the successful Nordic countries and those countries of the southern EU part that are still in the post-crisis phase is increasing. However, at the same time, in most countries of the EU the social justice index stays on the acceptable and a high level over the past years, and this level does not have the tendency to a deterioration. The author also examines possibilities of applying the Social Justice Index, and indices that compile it, in Ukraine. Ukraine is also analyzed in frame of the Index of Human Development of the United Nations, as another example of social indexes. ; В статье определена сущность социальной справедливости в рамках социологического дискурса. Отмечается, что социальная справедливость выступает как определяющая детерминанта преобразовательной деятельности, а также социальной политики государства как общественной надстройки. Автором рассматриваются четыре основные концепции социальной справедливости (эгалитарная, утилитаристская, роулсианская и рыночная), которые также проанализированы в контексте их возможного применения в Украине. Исследовано значение социальных индексов. В частности, рассмотрен Индекс социальной справедливости, который был разработан в Европейском Союзе и ежегодно обновляется евроинституциями. Определены общие тенденции изменения уровня социальной справедливости в странах ЕС. В рамках статьи проанализированы и оценены возможности применения Индекса социальной справедливости и его подиндексов в Украине. Также Украина анализируется с точки зрения Индекса человеческого развития ООН, как социального индекса. ; У даній статті розглядається сутність соціальної справедливості в рамках соціолог ічного дискурсу. Зазначається, що соціальна справедливість виступає як визначальна детермінанта перетворювальної діяльності, а також соціальної політики держави. Автором розглядаються чотири основні концепції соціальної справедливост і (егалітарна, утилітарна, роулсіанська та ринкова) та кожна з них проаналі- зована в контексті їх можливого використання в Україні. Основна увага в статті сфокусована на індексі соціальної справедливості, як новітньому соціальному показнику, що був розроблений в Європейському Союзі та щорічно оновлюється інститутами ЄС. Зазначається, що з кожним роком збільшується розрив між успішними країнами Північної Європи та країнами південної частини ЄС, які до сих пір перебувають в посткризовій фазі. Проте, в той же час, протягом останніх років в більшості країн ЄС індекс соціальної справедливості залишається не прийнятним на високому рівні, та в цілому не має тенденції до погіршення. Автор також розгляда є можливості застосування Індексу соціальної справедливості та його підіндекс ів в Україні. Україна також аналізується в рамках Індексу людського розвитку ООН, в якості іншого прикладу соціальних індексів.
There is much heated rhetoric about the widening gulf between Europe and America. According to the American right, Europeans are lazy, defeatist and irreligious, while Americans are entrepreneurial, optimistic, and pious. And according to Europeans, America is harsh, dominated by the market, crime-ridden, violent, and sharp-elbowed. But are the US and Europe so different? Peter Baldwin, one of the world's leading historians of comparative social policy, thinks not, and in this bracingly argued but remarkably informed polemic, he lays out how similar the two continents really are.
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Comments on Vera Pavone & Norman Scott's review of, Tough Liberal (2008), Richard Kahlenberg's biography of teacher & union leader Albert Shanker. Kahlenberg makes Shanker sound like a saint but Pavone & Scott describe him as a devil responsible for every misfortune that has befallen educators in the last 40 years. Shanker is described as a brilliant organizer whose venomous anti-communism & links with AFL-CIO's George Meany put him on the wrong side of history, making him "more a tragic figure than an evil one.". Adapted from the source document
1 января 2015 г. вступает в силу «Договор о Евразийском экономическом союзе», в котором содержаться определения и институты, в том числе и налогового права. В соответствии с п. 4 ст. 11 НК РФ в отношениях, возникающих в связи с взиманием налогов при перемещении товаров через таможенную границу Таможенного союза, используются понятия определенные таможенным законодательством Таможенного союза и законодательством РФ о таможенном деле, а в части не урегулированной им, НК РФ. Таможенный кодекс Таможенного союза и готовящаяся редакция Таможенного кодекса Евразийского экономического союза содержит немало противоречий с действующим налоговым законодательством РФ. В то же время регулирование косвенного налогообложения при перемещении товаров через таможенную границу Таможенного союза, а также внутри Таможенного союза в налоговом законодательстве РФ недостаточно регламентировано, а отдельные понятия отсутствует вовсе. В сложившейся ситуации особую роль приобретает правоприменительная практика Суда ЕврАзЭС и Суда ЕАЭС. ; On January 1, 2015 the Treaty on the Eurasian Economic Union enters into force, and it includes definitions and institutions including those of the tax law. According to para. 4 of Art. 11 of the Tax Code of the Russian Federation the terms defined in the tax legislation of the Customs Union and in the Russian legislation on taxation are applied in the relations arising due to collection of taxes when the goods are moved across the customs border of the Customs Union and in part, which is not regulated by the above-mentioned acts, the Tax Code of the Russian Federation is applied. The Customs Code of the Customs Union and the upcoming draft of the Customs Code of the Eurasian Economic Union contains several contradictions with the current tax legislation of the Russian Federation. At the same time regulation of the indirect taxation, when the goods are moved through the customs border of the Customs Union or within the Customs Union, is not being sufficiently regulated in the tax legislation of the Russian Federation, and some terms are simply absent. The legal practice of the Court of the Eurasian Economic Community and the Court of the Eurasian Economic Union may play a special role in the current situation.
Using individual-level data from a large number of countries, this paper examines how self-reported subjective well-being depends on own income and reference income, where reference income is defined as the income of professional peers. It uncovers a divide between "old" -low mobility- European countries versus "new" European post-Transition countries and the United States. Whereas in the old Europe, the income of my reference group exerts a negative effect on my individual welfare, it has a positive impact in the new Europe and the United States. This finding is interpreted as reflecting the relative importance of comparisons ("jealousy") versus information ("ambition"), which in turn depends on the degree of mobility and uncertainty in the economy. ; Cet article tente de vérifier la conjecture selon laquelle la répartition du revenu affecte le bien-être des individus de manière différente suivant le degré de mobilité et d'incertitude qui caractérise leur environnement économique. L'accent est mis sur le lien entre satisfaction subjective et revenu du groupe de référence professionnel. Une analyse micro-économétrique portant sur plus d'un million d'observations permet de mettre en évidence une différence transatlantique dans la perception subjective des inégalités, c'est-à-dire une opposition entre les économies stabilisées de la "vieille Europe" d'une part, et les environnements plus mouvementés de la "nouvelle Europe" (centrale et orientale) et des Etats-Unis d'autre part.
Using individual-level data from a large number of countries, this paper examines how self-reported subjective well-being depends on own income and reference income, where reference income is defined as the income of professional peers. It uncovers a divide between "old" -low mobility- European countries versus "new" European post-Transition countries and the United States. Whereas in the old Europe, the income of my reference group exerts a negative effect on my individual welfare, it has a positive impact in the new Europe and the United States. This finding is interpreted as reflecting the relative importance of comparisons ("jealousy") versus information ("ambition"), which in turn depends on the degree of mobility and uncertainty in the economy. ; Cet article tente de vérifier la conjecture selon laquelle la répartition du revenu affecte le bien-être des individus de manière différente suivant le degré de mobilité et d'incertitude qui caractérise leur environnement économique. L'accent est mis sur le lien entre satisfaction subjective et revenu du groupe de référence professionnel. Une analyse micro-économétrique portant sur plus d'un million d'observations permet de mettre en évidence une différence transatlantique dans la perception subjective des inégalités, c'est-à-dire une opposition entre les économies stabilisées de la "vieille Europe" d'une part, et les environnements plus mouvementés de la "nouvelle Europe" (centrale et orientale) et des Etats-Unis d'autre part.
Using individual-level data from a large number of countries, this paper examines how self-reported subjective well-being depends on own income and reference income, where reference income is defined as the income of professional peers. It uncovers a divide between "old" -low mobility- European countries versus "new" European post-Transition countries and the United States. Whereas in the old Europe, the income of my reference group exerts a negative effect on my individual welfare, it has a positive impact in the new Europe and the United States. This finding is interpreted as reflecting the relative importance of comparisons ("jealousy") versus information ("ambition"), which in turn depends on the degree of mobility and uncertainty in the economy. ; Cet article tente de vérifier la conjecture selon laquelle la répartition du revenu affecte le bien-être des individus de manière différente suivant le degré de mobilité et d'incertitude qui caractérise leur environnement économique. L'accent est mis sur le lien entre satisfaction subjective et revenu du groupe de référence professionnel. Une analyse micro-économétrique portant sur plus d'un million d'observations permet de mettre en évidence une différence transatlantique dans la perception subjective des inégalités, c'est-à-dire une opposition entre les économies stabilisées de la "vieille Europe" d'une part, et les environnements plus mouvementés de la "nouvelle Europe" (centrale et orientale) et des Etats-Unis d'autre part.
