Suchergebnisse

RESUMEN: En los Estados Unidos y otros países de democracia establecida existen teorías de opción electoral (vote choice) para explicar cómo y por qué los votantes toman decisiones electorales. Éstas nos explican cómo votan los ciudadanos, incluso qué peso dan a las evaluaciones de los candidatos, la económica, y otros factores en sus decisiones de voto. Conforme América Latina se democratiza y algunas naciones en el continente cuentan con varios años de continuidad electoral, surgen preguntas con respecto a la relevancia de teorías electorales desarrolladas en las democracias más antiguas para el análisis del contexto de las nuevas democracias. Particularmente, si ciudadanos de naciones pobres que carecen de las ventajas asociadas a la riqueza económica, educación y cobertura extensiva a través de la televisión, presentan patrones de conducta electoral reconociblemente similares a aquéllos presentes en las democracias más antiguas.Este estudio aplica dos teorías electorales de las democracias antiguas a un contexto donde la democracia es nueva: Nicaragua. Éstas son la teoría de retrospección (Fiorina) y la teoría de prospección (Sniderman, Tetlock, Brody). El artículo muestra que, no obstante su pobreza y el bajo nivel educativo de muchos de sus habitantes, en las tres últimas elecciones los nicaragüenses tenían una capacidad de voto que sigue las dos teorías. Además, los votantes nicaragüenses pensaron no solamente en los candidatos y la economía sino también en el tipo de régimen, una cuestión que nunca se presentaría en Estados Unidos o en otras democracias antiguas. Los menos educados se mostraron tan capaces de utilizar prospección como los más educados. A pesar de la poca antigüedad de la democracia nicaragüense y de la relativa inexperiencia de su población, hemos descubierto una importante evidencia de la utilización de procesos evaluativos retrospectivos y prospectivos en Nicaragua en las elecciones para las cuales contamos con información estadística. La conducta electoral desarrollada para democracias establecidas es también válida para las nuevas democracias, lo cual tiene fuertes implicaciones para la democratización. ?ABSTRACT: Voting studies in the United States and other established democracies offer vote choice theories to explain how and why voters make electoral decisions. These theories explain what weight voters give to evaluations of candidates, the economy and other factors in making their decisions. As Latin America has democratized and some nations of that continent have now had several years of electoral continuity, the question emerges about whether vote choice theories from established democracies have relevance for today's developing democracies. In particular, it is important to know if citizens from poor nations that lack the advantages associated with wealth, education, and extensive media coverage demonstrate vote choice patterns recognizably similar to those found in older democracies.This study applies two vote choice theories from older democracies to a context where democracy is new: Nicaragua. These are the theory of retrospective voting (Fiorina) and the theory of prospective voting (Sniderman, Tetlock, Brody). The article illustrates that, despite poverty, low educational levels, and lack of extensive media coverage, in the last three elections Nicaraguans demonstrated a vote choice capacity that fits with these two theories. Moreover, Nicarguan voters considered not only the candidates and the economy but also the regime type in making their choice. This last is a question that does not emerge in established democracies. The less educated were as capable of using prospection as the more educated. Despite the newness of the Nicaraguan democracy and the relative electoral inexperience of the population, we have found important statistical evidence of the utility of retrospective and prospective theories. Electoral patterns developed for established democracies are also valid for new democracies, a finding that has important implications for democratization.

[ES] En los Estados Unidos y otros países de democracia establecida existen teorías de opción electoral (vote choice) para explicar cómo y por qué los votantes toman decisiones electorales. Éstas nos explican cómo votan los ciudadanos, incluso qué peso dan a las evaluaciones de los candidatos, la económica, y otros factores en sus decisiones de voto. Conforme América Latina se democratiza y algunas naciones en el continente cuentan con varios años de continuidad electoral, surgen preguntas con respecto a la relevancia de teorías electorales desarrolladas en las democracias más antiguas para el análisis del contexto de las nuevas democracias. Particularmente, si ciudadanos de naciones pobres que carecen de las ventajas asociadas a la riqueza económica, educación y cobertura extensiva a través de la televisión, presentan patrones de conducta electoral reconociblemente similares a aquéllos presentes en las democracias más antiguas. Este estudio aplica dos teorías electorales de las democracias antiguas a un contexto donde la democracia es nueva: Nicaragua. Éstas son la teoría de retrospección (Fiorina) y la teoría de prospección (Sniderman, Tetlock, Brody). El artículo muestra que, no obstante su pobreza y el bajo nivel educativo de muchos de sus habitantes, en las tres últimas elecciones los nicaragüenses tenían una capacidad de voto que sigue las dos teorías. Además, los votantes nicaragüenses pensaron no solamente en los candidatos y la economía sino también en el tipo de régimen, una cuestión que nunca se presentaría en Estados Unidos o en otras democracias antiguas. Los menos educados se mostraron tan capaces de utilizar prospección como los más educados. A pesar de la poca antigüedad de la democracia nicaragüense y de la relativa inexperiencia de su población, hemos descubierto una importante evidencia de la utilización de procesos evaluativos retrospectivos y prospectivos en Nicaragua en las elecciones para las cuales contamos con información estadística. La conducta electoral desarrollada para democracias establecidas es también válida para las nuevas democracias, lo cual tiene fuertes implicaciones para la democratización. ? ; [EN] Voting studies in the United States and other established democracies offer vote choice theories to explain how and why voters make electoral decisions. These theories explain what weight voters give to evaluations of candidates, the economy and other factors in making their decisions. As Latin America has democratized and some nations of that continent have now had several years of electoral continuity, the question emerges about whether vote choice theories from established democracies have relevance for today's developing democracies. In particular, it is important to know if citizens from poor nations that lack the advantages associated with wealth, education, and extensive media coverage demonstrate vote choice patterns recognizably similar to those found in older democracies. This study applies two vote choice theories from older democracies to a context where democracy is new: Nicaragua. These are the theory of retrospective voting (Fiorina) and the theory of prospective voting (Sniderman, Tetlock, Brody). The article illustrates that, despite poverty, low educational levels, and lack of extensive media coverage, in the last three elections Nicaraguans demonstrated a vote choice capacity that fits with these two theories. Moreover, Nicarguan voters considered not only the candidates and the economy but also the regime type in making their choice. This last is a question that does not emerge in established democracies. The less educated were as capable of using prospection as the more educated. Despite the newness of the Nicaraguan democracy and the relative electoral inexperience of the population, we have found important statistical evidence of the utility of retrospective and prospective theories. Electoral patterns developed for established democracies are also valid for new democracies, a finding that has important implications for democratization.

The subject of the research is the peculiarities of the functioning of tourism business enterprises in the context of rural development. The purpose of the article is to analyze the resource potential, conditions of organization and foreign experience of rural green tourism enterprises, assessment of the effectiveness of tourism and agricultural activities in rural areas. The methodological basis of the article is the methods and approaches of economic, institutional and sustainable development theory. In particular, systematic and holistic approaches, methods of analysis and synthesis, structural modeling were used; monographic; abstract-logical. The results of the article. It is determined that socio-economic resources of rural green tourism enterprises are understood as labor resources, accommodation facilities, separate utility rooms, machines and equipment or devices, production and technological processes (wine, food, oil and fat, fruit and vegetable canning, etc.), certain productions and activities growing flowers, medicinal herbs, farm animals, picking fruits and berries, mushrooms, honey production, fish farming, etc.) as sightseeing sites or tourist attractions. It is established that the tendency to increase the influence of tourism and resorts on the dynamics of economic and social development of the region is maintained by increasing domestic and foreign tourist flows, as well as increasing revenues from tourism to the local budget. It is substantiated that the assessment of economic efficiency of rural green tourism enterprises should be carried out on the basis of the volume of services provided by them, the costs of their implementation and profits. Field of application of results. The obtained results can be used in the process of further scientific study of an important problem – improving the efficiency of the market of tourist services and rural green tourism enterprises. Conclusions. It is established that rural green tourism enterprises in the leading countries of the world have developed significantly, and their number is 10.0-50.0 times higher than the number of domestic ones. Thus, rural green tourism is a mass activity, employment and income of rural residents. Therefore, in European countries, it is seen as an alternative to agriculture, where the number of employees is constantly declining due to automation and digitalization, and its support has become a state program. It also provides recreation for almost 1/3 of all tourists. Therefore, it is important to implement the most effective areas of experience in rural tourism in Ukraine. This is the organization of thematic annual advertising campaigns for rural recreation with state and regional support; indirect state support in the form of non-taxation; development of pilot projects for the development of rural green tourism for individual rural areas; combining rural green tourism with gastronomic, cognitive, etc. types of tourism; strengthening the greening of rural green tourism.

Mophane worm is a name given to caterpillars hosted by the Mophane tree. The
mophane worm is harvested as food supplement in most of the Southern African
countries. For the past few years, there have been some reports indicating that the
worm has disappeared in some parts of Botswana. Hence, the aim of this research
study has been to investigate from an ethical perspective the impact of mophane
worm depletion on the environment. A qualitative approach was used in this study
and data was collected from the following target groups of people: villagers, headmen
of the stated two villages and the Ministry of Environment, Wildlife and Tourism
(MEWT) officers both at local and national level. The theoretical framework involved
traditional theories (i.e., Value Theory and Utilitarianism) and environmental ethical
theories (i.e., Social Ecology, Environmental and Intergenerational Justice).
The research instruments employed were individual interview schedules, focus
group discussions and observation. A fourfold model of analysis was used focusing
on the biological, economical, social and political dimensions. From the findings
of the study, it emerged that both natural and anthropogenic factors contributed to
mophane worm depletion. The natural factors were drought and predation while the
anthropogenic factors included massive usage of the host tree, destructive methods of
harvesting and demand for more land for agricultural and residential purposes. It also
emerged that mophane worm depletion had both negative and positive impacts on
the environment. These included lack of money by the local people to buy their daily
needs, lack of relish and poor livelihoods, loss of wildlife that fed on mophane worm
and tension between government and local people over the regulation of the resource.
Ethical evaluation revealed that the dominant value for the local people was utility
value to the almost total lack of explicit awareness of intrinsic and inherent value,
and that on utilitarian grounds, the overall evil that depletion of the mophane worm
brought about outweighed its overall good effects. With regard to justice issues, the
findings revealed that unjust social structures and injustices resulting from the unequal
distribution of benefits and burdens as well as from the lack of adequate participation
by the local communities in decision-making had a greater negative than positive
impact. Finally, recommendations were made emphasising the utmost importance of
government intervention to mitigate, if not, stop the depletion of the mophane worm.

Many free-market capitalists believe in the syllogism that if a free market results in progress, and if progress is good, then by definition a free market must be good. Two hundred years of economic development support this proposition. The capitalist model, which is premised on free-market ideology, is credited with producing many of the riches enjoyed by society as a whole. Indeed, the pursuit of economic freedom ranks among the primary motivations for the founding of the United States. The corporation has enabled that pursuit and can be credited with greatly contributing to the advancement of free-market capitalism. Proponents of the corporate enterprise argue that corporations have benefitted the American economy and, by extension, American society. Undoubtedly, the corporation has created economic opportunity for shareholders, and it is undeniable that "America owes much of its early development to these business enterprises." However, the use of the corporate device has exacted a heavy price on society, and observers have called its social utility into question. Concerns about abusive practices have resulted in calls for additional regulation of corporations and increased corporate social responsibility (CSR).13 Although corporations have yielded many great benefits to society, they also have imposed many substantial burdens. This Article contends that traditional legal theories have not adequately discouraged corporations from making socially undesirable choices and have not encouraged corporations to take socially responsible action. In response to the inadequacies of prior law, the CSR movement surfaced as an alternative and has become an important voice in the effort to call attention to corporations' irresponsible and unfettered actions. The CSR movement has contributed to gains in labor, environmental, and safety policies. However, the CSR voice lacks the power of legislation, and without legislation, its voice lacks legal authority. Without legislation mandating responsible corporate behavior, corporations will continue to engage in behavior that is socially undesirable, albeit profitable, for its shareholders.With the benefit of enabling legislation, the corporate entity can be both a profit-making device for its shareholders and a responsible corporate citizen. This dual function may translate into customer loyalty, consumer preference, and ultimately corporate profits. Part I discusses the corporation's early role and the debate concerning its purpose. Part II explores the legal justifications for the pursuit of profit and discusses how modern financial theory contributed to profit-maximization efforts. Part III then discusses the failure of traditional legal theories to provide either adequate public protections or corporate incentives for responsible action. Finally, Part IV proposes encouraging responsible corporate action through the use of accounting rules and tax law.

Many free-market capitalists believe in the syllogism that if a free market results in progress, and if progress is good, then by definition a free market must be good. Two hundred years of economic development support this proposition. The capitalist model, which is premised on free-market ideology, is credited with producing many of the riches enjoyed by society as a whole. Indeed, the pursuit of economic freedom ranks among the primary motivations for the founding of the United States. The corporation has enabled that pursuit and can be credited with greatly contributing to the advancement of free-market capitalism. Proponents of the corporate enterprise argue that corporations have benefitted the American economy and, by extension, American society. Undoubtedly, the corporation has created economic opportunity for shareholders, and it is undeniable that "America owes much of its early development to these business enterprises." However, the use of the corporate device has exacted a heavy price on society, and observers have called its social utility into question. Concerns about abusive practices have resulted in calls for additional regulation of corporations and increased corporate social responsibility (CSR).13 Although corporations have yielded many great benefits to society, they also have imposed many substantial burdens. This Article contends that traditional legal theories have not adequately discouraged corporations from making socially undesirable choices and have not encouraged corporations to take socially responsible action. In response to the inadequacies of prior law, the CSR movement surfaced as an alternative and has become an important voice in the effort to call attention to corporations' irresponsible and unfettered actions. The CSR movement has contributed to gains in labor, environmental, and safety policies. However, the CSR voice lacks the power of legislation, and without legislation, its voice lacks legal authority. Without legislation mandating responsible corporate behavior, corporations will continue to engage in behavior that is socially undesirable, albeit profitable, for its shareholders.With the benefit of enabling legislation, the corporate entity can be both a profit-making device for its shareholders and a responsible corporate citizen. This dual function may translate into customer loyalty, consumer preference, and ultimately corporate profits. Part I discusses the corporation's early role and the debate concerning its purpose. Part II explores the legal justifications for the pursuit of profit and discusses how modern financial theory contributed to profit-maximization efforts. Part III then discusses the failure of traditional legal theories to provide either adequate public protections or corporate incentives for responsible action. Finally, Part IV proposes encouraging responsible corporate action through the use of accounting rules and tax law.

The aim of this thesis is to describe the system of competition between the combined transport and the road transport through a quantitative analysis of the factors influencing the choice of the domestic combined transport. This analysis is based on the use of econometric tools for the choice of the transport mode based on the theory of consumer utility maximization. In order to find the factors sensitive to combined transport, the research followed a dual path: on the one hand, aggregated modelling of modal split using data from a sample of 44 primary corridors for domestic combined transport, and on the other hand, disaggregated modelling using data from an INRETS's survey of carriers. The results obtained during this work are rather encouraging. Our study confirms that factors such as price and distance have a strong influence upon the choice of combined transport. Moreover, other factors such as time intervals for train departures, the various categories of carriers, and the value per kilo of the parcel to be sent also influence the choice of combined transport. The method we used is able to forecast the influence of competition on the freight market and can also be a useful analytic tool for helping a policy that would develop combined transport. ; Le but de cette thèse est de décrire la problématique de la concurrence entre le transport combiné et le transport routier, par une analyse quantitative des facteurs influant le choix du transport combiné intérieur. Cette analyse s'appuie sur des outils économétriques du choix du mode de transport qui reposent sur la théorie de la maximisation de l'utilité du consommateur. Une double démarche de la modélisation a été conduite afin de trouver les facteurs sensibles à l'égard du transport combiné : d'une part, la modélisation agrégée du partage modal à l'aide des données recensées sur un échantillon de 44 axes principaux du transport combiné intérieur, et d'autre part, la modélisation désagrégée à l'aide des données tirées de l'enquête auprès des chargeurs de l'INRETS. Les résultats obtenus au cours de ce travail sont plutôt encourageants. Notre étude confirme que les facteurs tels que le prix et la distance ont une forte influence sur le choix du transport combiné. En plus, d'autres facteurs tels que les plages horaires de départ des trains, les différentes catégories de chargeurs et la valeur au kilo de l'envoi se révèlent également sensibles vis-à-vis du choix du transport combiné. La méthode utilisée permet de prévoir l'influence de la concurrence sur le marché de transport de fret et peut s'avérer aussi un outil d'analyse dans le but d'éclairer la politique du développement du transport combiné.

The aim of this thesis is to describe the system of competition between the combined transport and the road transport through a quantitative analysis of the factors influencing the choice of the domestic combined transport. This analysis is based on the use of econometric tools for the choice of the transport mode based on the theory of consumer utility maximization. In order to find the factors sensitive to combined transport, the research followed a dual path: on the one hand, aggregated modelling of modal split using data from a sample of 44 primary corridors for domestic combined transport, and on the other hand, disaggregated modelling using data from an INRETS's survey of carriers. The results obtained during this work are rather encouraging. Our study confirms that factors such as price and distance have a strong influence upon the choice of combined transport. Moreover, other factors such as time intervals for train departures, the various categories of carriers, and the value per kilo of the parcel to be sent also influence the choice of combined transport. The method we used is able to forecast the influence of competition on the freight market and can also be a useful analytic tool for helping a policy that would develop combined transport. ; Le but de cette thèse est de décrire la problématique de la concurrence entre le transport combiné et le transport routier, par une analyse quantitative des facteurs influant le choix du transport combiné intérieur. Cette analyse s'appuie sur des outils économétriques du choix du mode de transport qui reposent sur la théorie de la maximisation de l'utilité du consommateur. Une double démarche de la modélisation a été conduite afin de trouver les facteurs sensibles à l'égard du transport combiné : d'une part, la modélisation agrégée du partage modal à l'aide des données recensées sur un échantillon de 44 axes principaux du transport combiné intérieur, et d'autre part, la modélisation désagrégée à l'aide des données tirées de l'enquête auprès des chargeurs de l'INRETS. Les résultats obtenus au cours de ce travail sont plutôt encourageants. Notre étude confirme que les facteurs tels que le prix et la distance ont une forte influence sur le choix du transport combiné. En plus, d'autres facteurs tels que les plages horaires de départ des trains, les différentes catégories de chargeurs et la valeur au kilo de l'envoi se révèlent également sensibles vis-à-vis du choix du transport combiné. La méthode utilisée permet de prévoir l'influence de la concurrence sur le marché de transport de fret et peut s'avérer aussi un outil d'analyse dans le but d'éclairer la politique du développement du transport combiné.

The history of American constitutional jurisprudence has been marked by a persistent fascination with the idea of natural law. This springs first and foremost from the fact that we understand as our constitutional foundation those "laws of Nature and of Nature's God" to which Thomas Jefferson made such eloquent appeal in the Declaration of Independence. Further, American politics since the founding of the republic has been characterized by a commitment, with more or less success, to the simple truth James Madison posited in The Federalist. "Justice," Madison declared, "is the end of government. It is the end of civil society. It ever has been, and ever will be pursued, until it be obtained, or until liberty be lost in the pursuit."1 Natural law has provided a convenient rhetorical framework for the moral progress of our politics. But natural law understood in what sense? In and of itself, the term natural law is vague and ambiguous; its content is not immediately apparent. As a result, the history of natural law in American political life is a history marked more by the utility of the phrase than by the moral certainty of the idea. It can be claimed by either side in almost any debate. At its deepest level, the idea of natural law that has periodically percolated to the surface of American politics is a confused collection of often contradictory claims. Whether "natural law" is being invoked in the sense of St. Thomas Aquinas or in the sense of Thomas Hobbes is a very important thing to know; the philosophic differences are profound.2 Sorting out those differences is thus essential to understanding the proper relationship of the Constitution to the Sweeping historical tradition of natural law. Implicit in the natural law foundation of the written Constitution is the question of when and how may the people recur to that foundation, to the natural law and natural rights that undergird the constitutional edifice. How is the textual permanence of the written Constitution to be reconciled practically with the philosophic permanence of those self-evident truths of the laws of nature and of nature's God? More precisely, what role was intended for natural law in interpreting the written Constitution? A useful guide in this inquiry is Thomas Rutherforth, whose Institutes of Natural Law was a work widely read and cited among those of the Founding generation and of the first generation under the Constitution of 1787.3 But Rutherforth's influence is not merely time-bound; he has been summoned as authority on both sides of the contemporary debated in constitutional theory.4

The 1950 Report of the APSA Committee on Political Parties, "Toward a More Responsible Two-Party System," is relevant today to current problems of public policy and party reform and to the efforts of political scientists, as political scientists, to contribute to the resolution of these problems. This essay examines the Report from a policy science perspective.The Report was explicitly therapeutic in aim. It defined health, diagnosed ills, and prescribed remedies for the American party system; through the remedies prescribed, the whole American political system was to be restored to health. The healthy democratic system was asserted to be one in which the two national parties were cohesive, disciplined, programmatic, and responsible; internally responsible to their members through primaries, caucuses and conventions, and externally responsible to the whole electorate for carrying out their programs. The programs of the two parties were to be clearly differentiated so as to provide the electorate a real choice. The ills of the Ameican system were said to be due to the failure of parties to have these characteristics. The prescription was recommendation for comprehensive reform.Despite the special expertise of political scientists on such "constitutional" questions and the work of such distinguished predecessors as Wilson, Goodnow, Lowell, Ford, and Herring, the Report was both normatively and empirically deficient. Little attempt was made to clarify or justify norms or goals. Repeatedly, instrumental propositions linking proposed reforms to goals were based on inadequate evidence or no evidence at all. Even in 1950, evidence (not mentioned in the Report) was available that cast doubt on the Committee's description of the political world. Subsequent research has produced a rich body of literature making clear that much of the substance of the Report is simply mistaken.The errors of the Report do not vitiate its goals; democratic potential is not revealed by democratic practices. But the errors drastically affect the utility of the Report as policy science. The failure of the Report as policy science is due, in part, to failures of the discipline to clarify the roles of political scientist as policy scientist, to explore adequately the problems of relating knowledge to goals, to pay appropriate attention to the development of political theory, and to develop intellectual tools more specifically suited to the tasks of policy science. The last half of the essay is devoted to an examination of these problems, concluding that the political scientist will succeed in being effective in the policy field just to the extent he succeeds at his own distinctive tasks, in sharpening his own tools, and in thoughtfully applying his special knowledge and skills.

"The race of humanology and technology, with civilization as the prize, has challenged all social scientists to review their theories and to redouble their research efforts. The present volume is an effort to integrate thinking and findings in anthropology, sociology, psychology, and psychiatry, to provide an outline of basic principles governing the nature of human interaction. Our feeling has been that a well-grounded general theory can be of tremendous value in guiding seekers for answers, while specific answers represented by discrete studies tend to be rather limited in the scope of their utility. In reviewing past research, instead of being satisfied with sheer summary, we have consistently sought for principles that might help in the understanding of social behavior. On key problems, where no directly relevant research has been done, we have tried to find signposts and cues to the directions in which answers might lie. Although we have resisted the temptation to be encyclopedic, we have tried, where possible, to make principles explicit and to describe selected objective studies which corroborate them. In addition, we have attempted to stay within the boundaries of social psychology, as we conceive it, drawing as needed from related fields, but trying to keep the overlap with courses in general psychology, personality, and introductory sociology to a minimum. We have organized our presentation in three parts. Part One deals with communication, Part Two discusses socialization, and Part Three examines the functioning of the individual in the group. Each part is, of course, interrelated with the other two, but we have tried to write them so that each can stand as a unit. Our organization represents what for us is a logical approach to the subject matter, but we realize full well the importance of flexibility in organization to meet the variety of pedagogical and psychological needs encountered across the country. It was this consideration that led us to write the sections as we did even though that has resulted in a certain amount of repetitiveness. In actual classroom use, therefore, teachers can feel free to reorder the presentation as they see fit. Readers should take note that this book has uses in addition to serving as a text for courses in social psychology. Part One, the section on communication, should be of value as a secondary assignment to students of the language arts, journalism, and advertising. Part Two, the section on socialization, might well supplement traditional texts on child development for students of child and genetic psychology and developmental approaches to the study of personality. Part Three, the section on the individual in the group situation, would fill a frequently expressed need for students of personality and abnormal psychology. An additional use, of course, would be in a social science survey course and any general reading list in the social sciences or psychology"--Preface. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2010 APA, all rights reserved).

El capitalismo siempre está preparado para premiar a aquellos académicos y publicistas que aporten explicaciones plausibles y exculpatorias para sus crisis, fallos y crímenes. Frecuentemente, las explicaciones más efectivas son aquellas que se aprovechan de los prejuicios y supersticiones previas al desarrollo de la ciencia (o "premodernas"), pero que se presentan como modernas y científicas. Las alternativas preferidas al materialismo histórico han sido las teorías sobre la evolución histórica del mundo producido por el desarrollo de "civilizaciones" o "culturas", cerradas y separadas las unas de las otras. Estas "civilizaciones" y "culturas" no se explican por la historia, sino que explican la historia. Una de las versiones actuales de estas teorías es la del publicista (y Profesor de Harvard) Samuel Huntington, justificando los crímenes del imperialismo como producto de la "incompatibilidad" cultural. Esta es simplemente la "versión más autorizada" de un ruido que actualmente puede escucharse en todos ritmos, melodías y disonancias, a menudo con sus orígenes en una ligeramente disfrazada pseudociencia racial. Otras versiones, suavizadas e incompletas, se presentan a veces como "políticas identitarias" o "comunitarismo". El periódico egipcio Al Ahram ha preguntado a nuestro buen amigo y colaborador frecuente Samir Amin para darnos su opinión sobre la teoría del "choque de civilizaciones" de Huntington. Su demostración de por qué el culturalismo y el imperialismo se fortalecen mutuamente, y cómo las víctimas pueden ser llevadas a aceptar la "diferencia" en lugar de igualdad y liberación, es hoy de utilidad potencial en cualquier lugar del mundo ; Capitalism is always ready to reward academics and publicists who provide plausible exculpatory explanations for its crises, failures, and crimes. Frequently the most effective are those that play upon the prejudices and superstitions of the prescientific past but in modern (or "post-modern") and scientific farm. Favored alternatives to historical materialist social science have been theories of world-historical process as the working out of closed and separate "civilizations" or "cultures." These "civilizations" and "cultures" are not explained by history, but instead explain history. One current version is that of the publicist (and Harvard Professor) Samuel Huntington, justifying the crimes of imperialism as the product of cultural "incompatibility." This is merely the most Authorized Version of a noise that can be heard today in all rhythms, tunes, and dissonances, often with its origins in racial pseudo-science only slightly disguised. Other varyingly sanitized and fragmentary versions are sometimes presented as "identity politics" or "communitarianism." The Egyptian journal Al Ahram asked our good friend and frequent contributor Samir Amin to give his view of Huntington's theory of "clash of civilizations." His demonstration of why culturalism and imperialism reinforce each other, and how victims can be led to accept "difference" in place of equality and liberation, is today of potential utility everywhere

Capitalism is always ready to reward academics and publicists who provide plausible exculpatory explanations for its crises, failures, and crimes. Frequently the most effective are those that play upon the prejudices and superstitions of the prescientific past but in modern (or "post-modern") and scientific farm. Favored alternatives to historical materialist social science have been theories of world-historical process as the working out of closed and separate "civilizations" or "cultures." These "civilizations" and "cultures" are not explained by history, but instead explain history. One current version is that of the publicist (and Harvard Professor) Samuel Huntington, justifying the crimes of imperialism as the product of cultural "incompatibility." This is merely the most Authorized Version of a noise that can be heard today in all rhythms, tunes, and dissonances, often with its origins in racial pseudo-science only slightly disguised. Other varyingly sanitized and fragmentary versions are sometimes presented as "identity politics" or "communitarianism." The Egyptian journal Al Ahram asked our good friend and frequent contributor Samir Amin to give his view of Huntington's theory of "clash of civilizations." His demonstration of why culturalism and imperialism reinforce each other, and how victims can be led to accept "difference" in place of equality and liberation, is today of potential utility everywhere. ; El capitalismo siempre está preparado para premiar a aquellos académicos y publicistas que aporten explicaciones plausibles y exculpatorias para sus crisis, fallos y crímenes. Frecuentemente, las explicaciones más efectivas son aquellas que se aprovechan de los prejuicios y supersticiones previas al desarrollo de la ciencia (o "premodernas"), pero que se presentan como modernas y científicas. Las alternativas preferidas al materialismo histórico han sido las teorías sobre la evolución histórica del mundo producido por el desarrollo de "civilizaciones" o "culturas", cerradas y separadas las unas de las otras. Estas "civilizaciones" y "culturas" no se explican por la historia, sino que explican la historia. Una de las versiones actuales de estas teorías es la del publicista (y Profesor de Harvard) Samuel Huntington, justificando los crímenes del imperialismo como producto de la "incompatibilidad" cultural. Esta es simplemente la "versión más autorizada" de un ruido que actualmente puede escucharse en todos ritmos, melodías y disonancias, a menudo con sus orígenes en una ligeramente disfrazada pseudociencia racial. Otras versiones, suavizadas e incompletas, se presentan a veces como "políticas identitarias" o "comunitarismo". El periódico egipcio Al Ahram ha preguntado a nuestro buen amigo y colaborador frecuente Samir Amin para darnos su opinión sobre la teoría del "choque de civilizaciones" de Huntington. Su demostración de por qué el culturalismo y el imperialismo se fortalecen mutuamente, y cómo las víctimas pueden ser llevadas a aceptar la "diferencia" en lugar de igualdad y liberación, es hoy de utilidad potencial en cualquier lugar del mundo.

The article gives grounds for a new paradigm of development - branding of the territory. The problem of region brand formation is actualized. The point of view of the author on the territorial branding as a technology of providing the balanced and stable socio-economic territory development in current conditions deserves particular attention. The analysis of territorial branding formation as independent marketing trend is given. The scientific interpretations of the category "territorial branding" are given. The proposition that branding is an effective instrument of attracting attention to the territory is stressed. In conditions of informational and creative economy the existence of the city brand and its development strategies become the necessary factor of the effective realization of territorial potential. The conceptual framework of territorial branding and main characteristics of the utility of the territory are considered. The results of scientific research develop scientific knowledge in the field of branding territory theory, promote the development and use of intellectual and institutional resources of the territory for the growth of its marketing potential. This indicates, that the basic principles of territorial development, starting from the main concept to the specific project documents need updating, which is connected with the economic processes and also democratization and globalization processes. The cultural-economical planning gets priority, the foundation of it is the use of human and cultural capital of the city. The novelty is that material assets, traditionally considered being the basis of territorial economy development, lose their significance comparing to intangible assets, which are of various character: creative and cultural potential of the inhabitants, management professionalism, information environment saturation, the possibility to create the atmosphere of tranquility and comfort on the territory. Not the territory size and its economic base become the main success factors, but new unconventional management decisions, an energetic wish of the territory to formulate clearly its strategical interests in the country, in the region and in the world. This is the aim of the territorial branding. Currently the changing of territory development paradigm takes place. It becomes the subject of socio-economic relations, goods, intangible assets concentration. The emphasis of the development shifts towards culture, entertainment, impressions. ; В статье рассматривается новая для Украины парадигма развития - брендинг территории. Актуализируется проблема формирования бренда региона. Особого внимания заслуживает точка зрения автора на территориальный брендинг как технологию обеспечения сбалансированного, устойчивого социально-экономического развития территории в современных условиях. Приведены научные трактовки категории "брендинг территории". Рассмотрены понятийный аппарат брендинга территории, основные характеристики полезности территории. ; У статті розглядається нова для України парадигма розвитку - брендинг території. Актуалізується проблема формування бренду регіону. На особливу увагу заслуговує точка зору автора на територіальний брендинг як технологію забезпечення збалансованого, стійкого соціально-економічного розвитку території в сучасних умовах. Наведені наукові трактування категорії "брендинг території". Розглянуто понятійний апарат брендингу території, основні характеристики корисності території.

This study set out to understand how child protection practitioners in the Northern Territory operationalise child neglect. It did so firstly because child neglect is a major reason such concerns are referred to the child protection service in the Northern Territory. Child neglect cases comprise 28 per cent of all substantiated child maltreatment cases in Australia, and 50 per cent in the Northern Territory (AIHW 2011). Secondly, as outlined in the Literature Review, child neglect remains an ambiguous concept in both theory and practice and child protection practitioners find it difficult to know how to respond effectively to the complexity of child neglect cases. Thirdly, child neglect is given less prominence in the child protection research discourse and negligible attention has been given to Australian child protection practice with cases of child neglect. The study used a mixed methods approach to answer the research question. The study employed in‐depth interviews and the Critical Incident Technique (Flanagan 1954) to explore the emic understanding of child neglect. Qualitative data were supplemented by quantitative data gathered using a postal questionnaire. Quantitative data were collected to inform and complement the qualitative findings, so as to improve the utility of and expand the breadth of, the study. The study found that the way child neglect is operationalised in the Northern Territory is only marginally referenced to policy and procedural documents which guide practice; formal definitions of child neglect do not reflect the world of practice as encountered by child protection practitioners. Similar to workers elsewhere, child protection practitioners found cases of child neglect particularly challenging, and the work engendered feelings of hopelessness and ambivalence about the value of the work. Further, the findings indicate practice in this area is constantly troubled by anxiety related to job related taint and practice occurring in a hostile professional service network; fear of being of being swamped by demand; concern lest child protection practitioners' practice be judged as continuing the legacy of the Stolen Generations; and distress arising from the gulf between practitioner understandings of what personal values suggested an appropriate practice response should be and professional judgement dictated was possible. Thus the highly charged political context of practice resulted in key threats to professional wellbeing. Firstly, the low status of child protection workers especially in their work with cases of child neglect threatened their sense of being a caring professional. Secondly, child neglect referrals threatened to overwhelm the child protection service. In addition the ideological position of cultural relativism was understood by participants as key to culturally sensitive practice, particularly with Indigenous people. The study found that practitioners developed their own practice wisdom to guide practice in cases of child neglect with Indigenous families. This was called by practitioners 'the community standard' and enabled them to process child neglect cases more efficiently, and, in their view, with cultural sensitivity. However, this occurred at the expense of individualised assessment of the care of children referred for cases of child neglect.