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The end of the Cold War opened a Pandora's box of regionalism and separatism across Europe, and today they once again pose a significant threat to the territorial and political integrity of the traditional nation-states. Yet, the existence of various subnational groups is inevitable in democratic states. The scope of separatism and regionalism in Europe is quite wide. It includes de facto states, such as Kosovo, Transnistria, and North Cyprus; strong separatist movements aimed at achieving independence, like Catalonia, Basque Country, Scotland, Flanders, and Faroe Islands; strong movements aimed at achieving a more regional autonomy, for example, Lombardy and Veneto; and weaker regional movements, which could potentially escalate in the future, such as Transylvania in Romania or Vojvodina in Serbia. This edited volume tackles all the above-mentioned regional moments and even includes Greenland as a bonus. It brings together seventeen prominent scholars from a wide range of European and North American academic institutions who compiled ten chapters to shed light on the revival of regionalism and separatism via a thorough evaluation and analysis of some of the most important current separatist and regionalist/autonomist movements across modern Europe. Chris Kostov is an Adjunct Professor in the School of International Relations at IE University Madrid, Spain. He earned his PhD in History and Canadian Studies from the University of Ottawa, Canada. His main academic interests include Balkan and modern European nationalism and Communist repressions in Cold War Eastern Europe.

Abstract
Does the Russian war in Ukraine presage a change in the rules of the game for secessionisms around the globe? In this article, we explore how the Russian war in Ukraine and the contested international order from which it emerges can affect state contestation and secessionist movements through changing opportunities in the international order. International recognition plays a crucial role in state creation. The Great Powers of a given historical moment have the capacity to raise sovereignty expectations since having "friends in high places" has been essential to obtaining statehood, alongside de facto control of the territory. However, the liberal international order in place since 1945 has given way to a more contested landscape that opens new opportunities for different recognition patterns, which change how secessionists evaluate their optimal strategy for state contestation. The effects have already been notable in conflicts such as Transnistria, South Ossetia, Abkhazia, Kosovo, and many other territorial disputes, even "frozen conflicts" over the globe, from Western Sahara to Taiwan. We explore how Russia has created and exploited secessionist claims in eastern Ukraine to justify military aims in the Russian war in Ukraine. Based on a detailed review of the evolution of these claims, we draw different scenarios on the potential effects of a changing world order on state contestation. Our research suggests that the theoretical understanding of secession and secessionists' optimal strategies need to be reviewed, taking into account the changing contested international order.

The theme of the article is the EU participation in the transnistrian settlement with an emphasis on its observer status in the 5+2 format. It covers the period from the beginning of the negotiation process in 1994 until the EU gained observer status in 2005. Based on historical material, the author shows how the EU was gradually involved in the Transnistrian settlement process and how European mediation evolved, using political and economic tools more actively than the methods of traditional diplomacy. The author identified factors that affect the EU's interaction with the parties to the conflict and including – Russia. At the same time, the author focused on the tools used by the European Union in the conflict region even before its official involvement in the negotiations, including the introduction of sanctions against the leadership of Transnistria. The article also explores the essence of the institution of observer on the example of the EU participation in the negotiations in the "5+2" format. It is shown that the external participants in the negotiations on the Transnistrian settlement are equal, despite the difference in their official status. The Europeanization of the Transnistrian settlement failed to energies the negotiation process and increase its productivity, but it allowed the European Union to test new mediation tools, optimize approaches to the settlement of a modern international conflict, and strengthen its position in the conflict region, which remains a zone of geopolitical competition between Russia and the West.

The end of the Cold War opened a Pandora's box of regionalism and separatism across Europe, and today they once again pose a significant threat to the territorial and political integrity of the traditional nation-states. Yet, the existence of various subnational groups is inevitable in democratic states. The scope of separatism and regionalism in Europe is quite wide. It includes de facto states, such as Kosovo, Transnistria, and North Cyprus; strong separatist movements aimed at achieving independence, like Catalonia, Basque Country, Scotland, Flanders, and Faroe Islands; strong movements aimed at achieving a more regional autonomy, for example, Lombardy and Veneto; and weaker regional movements, which could potentially escalate in the future, such as Transylvania in Romania or Vojvodina in Serbia. This edited volume tackles all the above-mentioned regional moments and even includes Greenland as a bonus. It brings together seventeen prominent scholars from a wide range of European and North American academic institutions who compiled ten chapters to shed light on the revival of regionalism and separatism via a thorough evaluation and analysis of some of the most important current separatist and regionalist/autonomist movements across modern Europe. Chris Kostov is an Adjunct Professor in the School of International Relations at IE University Madrid, Spain. He earned his PhD in History and Canadian Studies from the University of Ottawa, Canada. His main academic interests include Balkan and modern European nationalism and Communist repressions in Cold War Eastern Europe.

In September 1989, speaking to the Republican Strike Committee of the Moldovan Soviet Socialist Republic (MSSR), Erkin Nurzhanovich Auel'bekov, assistant chairman of the All-Union Soviet of Nationalities, asked a question of great importance to Soviet citizens in the increasingly fragile union: "Is there such a thing as a Sovietnarod(people), or is this just an empty fiction?" For Auel'bekov and the assembled strike committee, the answer was not in doubt. "Certainly for all of us here," he continued, "there is such anarod.There is a passport, there are Soviet people (sovetskie liudi) and, moreover, there is justification for thinking that this is the most important achievement of the past seventy years of Soviet power." Soviet patriots, they agreed, needed to protect thisnarodfrom the process of "nationalization" that threatened the Soviet Union and its constituent people both locally in Moldova and more broadly in the union in general. The protection of this achievement in Soviet nation building became the mission of an "internationalist' " movement as it moved from a strike campaign to stop language laws in 1989 to an election campaign in 1990. The political strike of 1989 had achieved none of its immediate goals and as internationalist activists moved into the second phase of the conflict over the future of Moldova they invoked imperiled Soviet achievements as they first attempted to take the Moldovan government through the ballot box, and failing at that, to take the eastern region of Transnistria out of Moldova.

Separatist polities that have managed to break away from their parent states and meet the basic criteria for statehood seek other states' formal recognition to achieve full statehood and membership of the international society. There is no established pattern to explain external recognition of statehood empirically and theoretically. Kosovo declared independence and attained widespread recognition while Somaliland, despite successful separation from Somalia, has not. What factors explain states' recognition decisions, or the selective conferring of recognition? The existing literature indicates that national interests, domestic politics, systematic level factors, international legal and normative standards, regime type, and identity politics shape recognition decisions. This thesis attempted to enhance the literature by focusing on less-explored factors through a Large-N cross-national quantitative analysis of ten cases. This study argues that when all other potential explanations are constant or absent, susceptibility of states to domestic separatism, regime type, and religious affinities influence states' recognition decisions.

Intro -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Figures -- Acknowledgements -- Contributors -- Introduction -- An "invisible" genocide -- Legacies of the Romani genocide: Persecution continues -- Notes -- Bibliography -- Part I: The forgotten genocide? Producing, circulating and silencing knowledge about the genocide of Roma -- 1. Mass arrests and persecution of "Nomads" in France, 1944-1946: Post-liberation purges or evidence of anti-"Gypsyism"? -- 1.1 Summary executions in the Massif Central region (July-September 1944) -- 1.2 Court martial judgements in the city of Clermont-Ferrand (September-October 1944) -- 1.3 Nomades before the court of justice in Riom (1945-1946) -- 1.4 Administrative internment (1944-1945) -- 1.5 Conclusion -- Notes -- Bibliography -- 2. The return of Roma deportees from Transnistria in post-war Romania -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 The Roma in the policies of the Romanian authorities, 1945-1949 -- 2.3 The difficult return to normality -- 2.4 The problem of recovering the property lost in 1942 -- 2.5 Support for returning Roma -- 2.6 The special situation of the nomads. Combatting nomadism and the sedentarization -- 2.7 Conclusions -- Notes -- Bibliography -- 3. "The tragedy of the guilty victims"? The memory of the Roma genocide in the post-war Soviet Union -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Soviet knowledge for internal use: The ChGK -- 3.3 Knowledge "for external usage": Information channels and the shaping of the image of the occupation -- 3.3.1 Publications based on the ChGK documentation -- 3.3.2 Periodicals -- 3.3.2.1 The centralized press -- 3.3.2.1.1 The wartime central media -- 3.3.2.1.2 The post-war central media -- 3.3.2.2 Republic-level, regional and local media -- 3.3.3 The trials of local accomplices of Nazi crimes -- 3.3.4 Memoirs.

Introduction--The Holocaust in the Borderlands : Interethnic Relations and the Dynamics of Violence in Occupied Eastern Europe / Gaëlle Fisher and Caroline Mezger -- The Rise of Antisemitism in the Multiethnic Borderland of Bukovina : Student Movements and Interethnic Clashes at the University of Cernauti (1922-1938) / Anca Filipovici -- Saving Christianity, Killing Jews : German Religious Campaigns and the Holocaust in the Borderlands / Doris L. Bergen -- Hungarians, Germans, and Serbs in Wartime Vojvodina : Patterns of Attitudes and Behaviors towards Jews in a Multiethnic Border Region of Hungary / Linda Margittai -- The Ustasha Youth and the Aryanization of Jewish Property in the Independent State of Croatia, 1941-1945 / Goran Miljan -- Local Agency and the Appropriation of Jewish Property in Romania's Eastern Borderland : Public Employees during the Holocaust in Bessarabia (1941-1944) / Svetlana Suveica -- Listening to the Different Voices : Jewish, Polish, and Ukrainian Narratives on Jewish Property in Nazi-Occupied Eastern Galicia / Anna Wylegala -- "Gornisht oyser verier"?! Khurbn-shprakh as a Mirror of the Dynamics of Violence in German-Occupied Eastern Europe / Miriam Schulz -- Law Decree on Racial Affiliation (April 30,1941) in the Independent State of Croatia / Sanela Schmid -- Fascist Italy and the "Other" : Italianization and the Holocaust in the Triveneto Borderlands, 1918-1948 / Elysa Ivie McConnell -- Vanishing Point Transnistria : Post-Imperial Biographies and German Transnational Continuities in an Age of Empire-Building and Ideologized Mass Violence / Frank Gorlich -- Transcultural Networks in Narratives about the Holocaust in Eastern Europe / Dana Mihailescu -- The Extermination Site Malyj Trostenec : History and Memory / Aliaksandr Dalhuoski -- EHRI Seminars : Researching and Remembering the Holocaust in the Twenty-First Century / Anna Ullrich -- About the Authors.

The study analyses the current situation of the peacekeeping operation in Pridnestrovie (Transnistria), carried out in conditions of a growing clash of interests between Russia and the West, the militarization of Moldova and its aspirations to join the EU and NATO, as well as the proximity of the security zone controlled by peacekeepers to the region of Russia's special military operation in Ukraine. The author summarizes the experience of Russia's peacekeeping activities in the region of the Moldovan-Pridnestrovian conflict, highlights the key features of the Dniester peacekeeping operation and shows its importance for the negotiation process on the Pridnestrovian settlement at the political and diplomatic level. The article provides an overview of the international peacekeeping initiatives in the conflict region, assesses the status of the negotiation process and the related military component of the settlement, identifies the specific features of the peacekeeping format and its control mechanisms, and analyzes the legal status of Russian troops. The author concludes that the peacekeeping operation in Pridnestrovie is still in demand, fully functional and ready for combat. According to the author, in case of withdrawal from the operation of the Republic of Moldova, the Russian military formations stationed in Pridnestrovie may be forced to receive the mandate of a special guarantee military operation to protect the stocks of Russian weapons remaining from Soviet times in the conflict region, to prevent the resumption of armed conflict and to ensure guarantees of peace and security for the population of Pridnestrovie, at least one third of which are citizens of the Russian Federation.

De facto states, such as Somaliland (Somalia), are unrecognized separatist enclaves that display characteristics of statehood but lack an international legal status. To acquire domestic and external legitimacy, these actors engage in a wide range of governance practices: they set up military and police forces; executive, legislative, and judicial branches; hospitals; schools; banks; or social security networks. In spite of the obvious gains that can be accrued through the establishment of a complex governance architecture, de facto states exhibit great variation in the range of statelike institutions that they build: some, like Luhansk People's Republic (Ukraine), put together a rudimentary governance apparatus, while others, like Transnistria (Moldova), manage to construct a complex system of rule. What explains the variation in governance practices across these separatist enclaves? Using original data on governance institutions across all de facto states (1945–2016), this study offers an empirical examination of the key factors that shape separatists' incentives to supply governance. The findings reveal that de facto state separatists are less likely to provide governance when they have access to lootable mineral resources but are more likely to do so when they receive external military support, when peacekeepers are present, when they have access to relatively immobile assets, when they adopt a Marxist ideology, and when they control the territory for a long time. The findings help us better understand the conditions under which armed nonstate actors supplant sovereign states as de facto authorities and successfully institutionalize their rule.

De facto states, such as Somaliland (Somalia), are unrecognized separatist enclaves that display characteristics of statehood but lack an international legal status. To acquire domestic and external legitimacy, these actors engage in a wide range of governance practices: they set up military and police forces; executive, legislative, and judicial branches; hospitals; schools; banks; or social security networks. In spite of the obvious gains that can be accrued through the establishment of a complex governance architecture, de facto states exhibit great variation in the range of statelike institutions that they build: some, like Luhansk People's Republic (Ukraine), put together a rudimentary governance apparatus, while others, like Transnistria (Moldova), manage to construct a complex system of rule. What explains the variation in governance practices across these separatist enclaves? Using original data on governance institutions across all de facto states (1945–2016), this study offers an empirical examination of the key factors that shape separatists' incentives to supply governance. The findings reveal that de facto state separatists are less likely to provide governance when they have access to lootable mineral resources but are more likely to do so when they receive external military support, when peacekeepers are present, when they have access to relatively immobile assets, when they adopt a Marxist ideology, and when they control the territory for a long time. The findings help us better understand the conditions under which armed nonstate actors supplant sovereign states as de facto authorities and successfully institutionalize their rule.

This article presents important steps and achievements accomplished by the Republic of Moldova towards integration, by analysing its collaboration with the European Union.
The development of relations with the EU is the priority goal that Moldova strives for, which means not only economic, but also political and cultural integration. The first steps of the Republic of Moldova towards the EU were encouraging. After years of isolation, this process was difficult and required a lot of efforts. This is due to many reasons, the most important of which are Russia's political and economic pressure, theunresolved issue in Transnistria, the ideological and geopolitical schisms of the population, some of which see their future with Russia, and the other part with Europe. Despite the existing problems, cooperation with the EU has yielded tangible results: the EU-Moldova Association Agreement has been signed, the visa regime has been abolished and financial support for the socioeconomic and public sectors is provided.
Moldova, for its part, is making great efforts to form a single political, economic and cultural educational space with the EU, which supports its efforts in the process of European integration. Its speed and success largely depend on the country itself, its economic and political development. A strong statepolicymaking aimed at strengthening reforms and stimulating the transition to a market economy in accordance with the international principles is inherent in the future development of Moldova.
Keywords: Republic of Moldova, European Union,European Integration, foreign policy, Transniestrian conflict

Рассматривается проблема применения метода «народной дипломатии» как одного из способов политической борьбы в процессе признания новых государственных образований на постсоветском пространстве, в частности Приднестровской Молдавской Республики (ПМР). Представленный анализ процесса применения данного метода общественной рабочей организацией Приднестровья – Объединенного совета трудовых коллективов свидетельствует о том, что именно эта организация явилась инициатором, организатором и главной движущей силой борьбы за юридическое признание Приднестровской республики в рамках Республики Молдова. Статья позволяет получить представления о способах и результатах применения метода «народной дипломатии» в ходе борьбы самопровозглашенной республики за собственное политическое признание в период распада СССР. Полученные данные могут служить дополнительным источником сведений о периоде создания новых государств на постсоветском пространстве. ; The article considers the problem of applying the method of "people's diplomacy" as a means of political struggle in the process of recognition of new states in the former Soviet Union, in particular the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic (PMR). Presented in this article analysis of the application of this method by the social labour organization of Transnistria – Joint council of labor collectives shows that this organization was the initiator, organizer and main driving force of the struggle for legal recognition of the Pridnestrovian republic within the Republic of Moldova. The article gives an idea of the methods and results of applying the method of "people's diplomacy" in the fight against the self-proclaimed republic in its political recognition during the collapse of the Soviet Union. These data can serve as an additional source of information about the period of the creation of new states in the former Soviet Union.

The Republic of Moldova was one of fifteen states to emerge from the dissolution of the Soviet Union. With weak historical legacy of statehood, deteriorating economy and serious national divisions, the young state lacked many of the prerequisites deemed necessary for successful democratization. From the very beginning of independence, Moldova became the battleground of Romanianists, propagating for the Romanian character of Moldova's majority population, and Moldovanists, who viewed the people as a separate nation. In the literature on democracy and democratization, a divided nation is singled out as a serious threat to statehood and democratization efforts alike. Without a nation in place it is generally understood that democracy cannot take root. Nevertheless, Moldova in a few years time managed to make considerable progress on its path towards democracy. A main theme of the dissertation is thus the issue of national division and how it has affected political developments in general and democracy in specific. This picture is then further expanded by including close analysis of political support. The dissertation contributes to discussions about how nation and democracy goes together in transitional states with no legacy of either of them. The analysis shows that national division in Moldova works on different levels. While political actors often seek support from the electorate according to their positions on the nation, national identity by itself does not suffice to explain differences in political support. Instead other aspects, such as generational values, degree of urbanity and level of education, play a much larger role. Democracy, as a platform where different political ideas and ambitions may form, can both complicate transitions since it provides opportunities for conflicts, but democracy also holds the prospects to find ways to resolve disagreements. In the long run, this carries the seed of consolidation of both democracy and nation alike.

Сегодня на территории постсоветского пространства существует четыре непризнанных государства Нагорный Карабах, Приднестровье, Южная Осетия и Абхазия, которые вместе образуют Содружество Непризнанных Государств или «параллельное СНГ». Задача мирового сообщества найти приемлемые варианты решения, применимые к конкретному случаю, так как каждый из них является особенным по своему существу. Проблема непризнанных государств является важнейшим геополитическим вопросом для России. Задача России убедить международное сообщество в том, что при имеющихся сложностях, непризнанные государства на постсоветском пространстве имеют право на существование, и если Россия уйдет из зон конфликтов, то это может грозить обострением обстановки в данных регионах, так как Россия способствует урегулированию этих конфликтов. Для США и ЕС включение данного региона в сферу влияния России означает усиление влияния последней, что является крайне невыгодным с геополитической точки зрения, поэтому основным стратегическим направлением в политике западных стран в отношении стран Содружества Непризнанных Государств является поддержка антироссийских настроений. ; Nowadays there are four unrecognized republics (Nagorno-Karabakh, Transnistria, Abkhazia and South Ossetia) on the territory of the former Soviet Union. Together they form the Commonwealth of Unrecognized States, or "parallel CIS". The main task of the international community is to find acceptable solutions applicable to a particular case, because each of these conflicts is unique. The problem of unrecognized states is a major geopolitical issue for Russia. Russia's task is to convince the international community that the unrecognized states on the post-Soviet area have the right to exist. Also Russia is one of the main forces that stimulates the resolving of these conflicts. The US and the EU can't allow Russia be the only leader on the post-Soviet area because it means the growing influence of Russia, which is extremely disadvantageous from a geopolitical point of view. Therefore, the main strategic direction of the policy of the Western countries regarded to the countries of the Commonwealth of Unrecognized States is to support anti-Russian sentiment.