Suchergebnisse

This article examines the sources from Ancient philosophy used by Bernard Manin in The principles of representative government, on which he based the main arguments of his political theory. Manin, almost in an unspoken way, will occasionally return – both in his own reflections and through engagement in dialogue with others – to diverse interpretations of Athenian democracy that arise controversy to the meaning of his work. This results in an endorsement of the validity of Athenian democracy as a model case for the understanding of modern democracies. This article points out, firstly, that both the author and his work are criss-crossed by an intellectual tension of a marked philosophical and political character; secondly, that this tension, along with the discussions over a definition of what is a good democracy, opens a space for clarification of those controversies. The disputes, we will conclude, are not the result of misunderstandings; or if they are, they make sense in Bernard Manin's own text. ; Este artículo analiza las fuentes que Bernard Manin recupera de la filosofía antigua y sobre las que sustenta los argumentos de una parte de su teoría política, contenida fundamentalmente en su obra: Los principios del gobierno representativo. Tanto en sus reflexiones como en el diálogo con otros, Manin volverá en ocasiones, casi siempre de forma poco explícita, a lecturas de la democracia ateniense sobre las que surgen controversias por el sentido de su trabajo, manteniendo de ese modo su vigencia para la comprensión del presente. En este artículo se mostrará que tanto el autor como su obra están atravesados por una tensión intelectual de un marcado carácter filosófico y político y que, entre dicha tensión y las disputas por una definición de qué es una buena democracia, se dibuja un espacio que arroja luz sobre tales controversias. Las controversias, concluiremos, no son resultado de malos entendidos; o si lo son, cobran sentido en el propio texto de Bernard Manin.

Intro -- Half Title -- Series Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- Figures -- Contributors -- Chapter 1: Introduction: Deconstruction: The portrait of the family -- Chapter 2: Preface -- Chapter 3: To live, Cellulairement - In memory of Bernard Stiegler -- Chapter 4: Memories -- Chapter 5: Sisyphus -- Chapter 6: Of adoption and inheritance: For Bernard -- Chapter 7: A thinking of suspension: Melancholy and politics where there is no epoch -- Chapter 8: The wind rises: In memory of Bernard -- Chapter 9: The universal right to breathe -- Chapter 10: A good night for long walks: For Bernard Stiegler -- Chapter 11: Melancholia -- Chapter 12: I will have been late -- Chapter 13: Psychoanalysis and Techne -- Chapter 14: The spirit of Bernard Stiegler -- Chapter 15: Bernard Stiegler: Friendship and fellowship -- Index.

Bernard Smith (1916–2011) was a giant on the Australian intellectual scene, and a major analyst of and contributor to the processes of cultural traffic between the antipodes and the centres of the world system. He was a lifelong Marxist, or historical materialist. Yet his scholarship also wore an open weave. Was he then a Marxist in politics? This essay argues that his historicism placed his thinking firmly with the owl of Minerva, rather than in the driver's seat of history. Marxism, for Bernard Smith, was ex post facto, placing him with the tragic irony of Marx's Eighteenth Brumaire rather than with the activist intent of the Theses on Feuerbach. Distance, for Smith, was everything.

"Bernard Lonergan (1904-1984) was a Canadian Jesuit priest, philosopher, theologian, and economist. The University of Toronto has undertaken the publication of The Collected Works of Bernard Lonergan, for which 20-25 volumes are projected. His groundbreaking work Insight: A Study of Human Understanding (1957) attempted to understand how knowledge was advanced in the scientific disciplines, and how this could be applied to the human sciences, the arts, ethics, and theology. From the Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy: "The success of the empirical methods of the natural sciences confirms that the mind reaches knowledge by an ascent from data, through hypothesis, to verification. To account for disciplines that deal with humans as makers of meanings and values, Lonergan generalized the notion of data to include the data of consciousness as well as the data of sense." Lonergan sought to apply this insight to the field of theology in his next major work, Method in Theology (1972), which aimed to establish a basis for agreement and progress in the discipline."--

"Honouring the memory of the late Bernard Stiegler, this edited collection presents a broad spectrum of contributions that provide a complex and coherently articulated image of Stiegler's thought which reached beyond the boundaries of academic, artistic and experimental techno-scientific enclaves where it had been originally received." --

Die vorliegende Studie beschäftigt sich mit ethisch-politischen Vorstellungen im 12. Jahrhundert. Dieses Thema lässt sich auch in die Fragen der Mentalitätsgeschichte einordnen. Die Vielfalt der menschlichen Mentalitäten kann aus unterschiedlichen Perspektiven analysiert werden. Hier ist aus diesem Grund der aus Beumanns politischer Ideengeschichte hervorgegangenen Vorstellungsgeschichte gefolgt worden. Dadurch gewinnt die Diskussion über die ethisch-politischen Vorstellungen im 12. Jahrhundert an Vielfalt. Die Studien zu dem Zusammenhang von politischen Tugendvorstellungen und politischen Idealisierungen sind, vor allem aber bezüglich dieses Jahrhunderts, aber selten. Daher ist die Thematisierung dieser Fragen wünschenswert. Die Studie musste auf einige Elemente und Quellen beschränkt werden. Die klassischen politischen Schriften des 12. Jahrhunderts wurden in der Untersuchung übergangen. Das leitende Prinzip bei der Quellenauswahl war die Bedeutung des Autors in seinem Aktionsgebiet sowie dessen Behandlung von politischen Problemen in seinen Schriften. In dieser Hinsicht sind Otto von Freising und Bernhard von Clairvaux eine interessante Auswahl. Otto von Freising wird in erster Linie wegen seiner Geschichtsschreibung gepriesen, während Bernhard von Clairvaux wegen seiner Beiträge zur mönchischen Reformbewegung des 12. Jahrhunderts, zur christlichen Mystik und zu theologischen Diskussionen seiner Zeit angesehen wird. Indirekt aber haben beide Autoren politische Themen in ihren jeweiligen Schriften behandelt und dadurch ihre politischen Anschauungen und Vorstellungen vermittelt. Mithilfe der vorstellungsgeschichtlichen Analyse wurden einige Schriften dieser mittelalterlichen Autoren untersucht und wichtige Aspekte ihres Denkens herausgestellt. Analysiert wurden beide historiografische Werke Ottos von Freising sowie die Briefe und zwei Traktate – De consideratione und De laude novae militae – Bernhards von Clairvaux. Die Kardinaltugenden stellen die Grundlage der politischen Tugendvorstellungen sowohl Ottos als auch Bernhards dar. Sie deuten aber dieses traditionelle Thema der politischen Ideen neu. Ihre Anschauungen bezüglich der politischen Tugenden sind von ihrer Weltanschauung und ihren Erfahrungen geprägt. Sie nennen die Kardinaltugenden Ciceros, liefern aber ein im 12. Jahrhundert angepasstes Bild dieser Tugenden, das den Erwartungen dieses Zeitalters entspricht und die Fragen ihrer Zeit in den Mittelpunkt stellt. Die Vorstellungen der beiden Denker weisen viele Gemeinsamkeiten auf. So erscheint die fortitudo als militärische Tugend bzw. als Tugend des Schlachtfelds. Sie ist politisch, indem sie zur Erzeugung und Erhaltung eines politischen Ideals durch die Kriegsführung beiträgt. Wie ein Herrscher gut regiert, wird ihm mithilfe der sapientia und der prudentia offenbart. Die iustitia soll anschließend die richtige Ordnung bewahren und jedem das Seine zuteilen, was erneut auf die Vorstellungen von gemeinem Wohl und auf die Erhaltung eines politischen Ideals hindeutet. Letztlich sollen Herrschaften in allen ihren Aspekten mit moderatio geführt werden, damit auch keine der anderen Tugenden im Übermaß geübt wird. Neben den Kardinaltugenden präsentieren beide untersuchten Denker andere Tugenden, die eine politische Bedeutung in Zusammenhang mit ihren Idealen und Erwartungen beinhaltet: Bernhard stellt seine Auffassung der humilitas als Grundlage seiner Idealanschauungen dar, sodass diese Tugend seine politischen Erwartungen bestimmt, wenngleich sie in politischen Schriften bzw. Kontexten zumeist nur indirekt erfasst wird. Otto von Freising schreibt dagegen in seinen Werken deutlich über die Rolle von fides, constantia und largitas in Zusammenhang mit seinen politischen Idealvorstellungen. Fides und largitas deuten auf Ottos Wahrnehmung der sozio-politischen Strukturen seiner Zeit und seine Versuche, diese in seinen Erwartungen und Idealisierungen zu berücksichtigen und einzublenden. Die constantia weist schließlich auf die Betonung der politischen Stabilität als ein zentrales Thema in den Vorstellungen des Freisinger Bischofs hin. Diese Ergebnisse präsentieren neue Erkenntnisse über die politische Vorstellungswelt des 12. Jahrhundert. Sie lassen auf die Vorstellungen eines wichtigen Anteils der Zeitgenossen Ottos und Bernhards schließen. Wie herausgestellt wurde, sind die politischen Tugendvorstellungen dieser Denker kein Einzelfall, sondern repräsentieren eine bedeutsame Gedankenrichtung des 12. Jahrhunderts, die kaum in der aktuellen Forschung untersucht wurde. Insoweit stellt die vorliegende Studie über die politischen Tugendvorstellungen und ihre Rolle in den politischen Idealen des 12. Jahrhunderts einen Fortschritt in der historischen Forschung dar. Sie ergänzt die Kenntnisse über die politischen Ideen des Mittelalters und weist auf weitere Möglichkeiten zur Untersuchung dieses Themas, nicht nur in Hinsicht auf das 12. Jahrhundert, sondern bezüglich des ganzen Mittelalters hin. ; This study addresses the topic of ethical and political ideas of the 12th century. The present study follows the German Vorstellungsgeschichte, which developed from Beumann's politische Ideengeschichte. Through this methodological option the discussion of ethics and politics in the 12th century is enriched by diversity. This period is regarded among medievalists as one of the most important of the Middle Ages: the Renaissance of the 12th century. This renaissance also pertains to the political thought of the period, which has already, though insufficiently, been researched. Studies on the relation between political ideals and political virtues in this century are also rare. The discussion of these topics is therefore desirable. It was necessary to reduce this study to the research of specific elements and sources of the 12th century, however, avoiding the classical political treatises of this period, though the De consideratione from Bernard of Clairvaux is regarded by some historians as a central piece of political writing for this century. The guiding principle, however, in this source selection was the authors dealing with political problems in their writings. In this regard, Otto of Freising and Bernard of Clairvaux were an interesting choice. Both were influential churchmen in their time and attained important positions inside the ecclesiastical hierarchy. They were supporters of the 12th century reform movements in the Church, were considered politically very active and were highly regarded in their respective circles. However, neither of them produced writings whose core was the discussion of political ideas. Their significance is due to their contribution to other areas. Otto of Freising is mainly praised on account of his historical writing, while Bernard of Clairvaux is celebrated for his contributions on the monastic reform, Christian mysticism, and theological debates of his time. Yet both authors touched indirectly on political issues in their writings and thus presented their own views and ideas on such matters. Through an analysis based upon the Vorstellungsgeschichte, some of the writings of these medieval thinkers were examined and important aspects of their thinking were pointed out. These complement the knowledge about the political views of these authors and contribute to the research of the (political) mentalities of the 12th century. Both historical works of Otto of Freising – Historia de duabus civitatibus and Gesta Friderici – were analysed as well as the Letters of Bernard of Clairvaux and two of his treatises: De consideratione and De laude novae militae. The cardinal virtues – iustitia, fortitudo, sapientia/prudentia, temperantia/moderatio – represent the basis upon which the entire idea of political virtues is built in the writings of both authors. They are therefore part of a tradition which reaches back to the Ciceronian origins of the cardinal virtues theme. Both thinkers interpret however this traditional theme of political thought in a new way. Their beliefs about political virtues are determined by their own experiences and shaped by their own worldview. They mention Cicero's cardinal virtues, but deliver particular interpretation of them, meeting the expectations of their own age and putting them into focus. The ideas of both Otto and Bernard show similarities which point to a typical tendency for a significant part of 12th century thought. For example, fortitudo appears as a military or battlefield virtue and it turns political when in connection with the creation and preservation of an ideal government. According to both authors, one needs sapientia and prudentia to become a good ruler. Primarily, however, the government is considered good if it seeks the common good. The iustitia looks further to the maintenance of the right order of the world and finds its application in the just distribution of all things, referring again to the common good and the political ideals of these medieval thinkers. Finally, all rulers should govern with moderatio by avoiding all excesses. In addition to the cardinal virtues, both thinkers present other virtues which can be applied to their political ideals and expectations. Thus Bernard sets humilitas as the foundation of his concept of (political) virtue and Otto shows the connection between fides, constantia and largitas in his political expectations. These results offer new insight into the political thought of the 12th century. The ideas on political virtue presented by these thinkers represent a significant trend of thought of the 12th century, which so far has scarcely been studied. In this respect, applying the ideas of political virtue to political thought of the 12th century represents an advance in historical research. It complements current knowledge of political ideas and presents them in a new perspective, taking into consideration not only the 12th century, but the whole of the Middle Ages.

Bernard Smith's canonical book, Australian Painting, 1788-1960, was shaped by the Cold War. This forced the emerging discipline of Australian art history onto a trajectory that would not be shaken for another two decades. More than art history determined Smith's innovations. This article proceeds from that obvious but easily overlooked point, that Smith and his book were deeply conditioned by the intellectual climate of Cold War Australia. The appearance of Smith's book and, henceforth, Australian art history's concerns with postcoloniality and anxiety about nationality derive from this. Smith's particular Cold War has shaped Australian art history ever since.

"Deus vult!": the First Crusade and the capture of Jerusalem, 1095-1099 -- "May god's curse be upon them!": relations between Muslims and Franks in the Levant, 1099-1187 -- "A woman of unusual wisdom and discretion": queen melisende of jerusalem -- The "blessed generation": St. Bernard of Clairvaux and the Second Crusade, 1145-1149 -- Saladin, the leper king and the fall of Jerusalem in 1187 -- "Nowhere in the world would ever two such princes be found": Richard the Lionheart, Saladin and the Third Crusade -- "An example of affliction and the works of hell": the Fourth Crusade and the sack of Constantinople, 1204 -- From "little foxes in the vines" and the Children's Crusade to the greatest church council of the age -- "Stupor mundi": the wonder of the world: Frederick II, the Fifth Crusade and the recovery of Jerusalem -- "To kill the serpent, first you must crush the head": the crusade of Louis IX and the rise of the sultan baibars -- From the trial of the Templars to Ferdinand and Isabella, Columbus and the conquest of the new world -- New crusaders? From Sir Walter Scott to Osama Bin Laden and George W. Bush