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This article examines the conditions that underpin risk factor theory. It starts discussing the neoliberal governmentality as a political paradigm (Foucault). In this paradigm, one of the chief value is individual responsibility, where politics has as its task to normalise those that cannot adapt to that value. This normalisation is embedded in the practices which pertain public policies and social intervention. To shed light on these practices, the paper develops Foucault's concept of dispositive. In this context, one of the main dispositive is risk factor theory. It arises from the concept of risk, and by means of an historical reconstruction of this notion, we show that this theory does not reconstruct a natural condition of some people; rather, it is a contingent selection used in the context of the neoliberal governmentality. ; Este artículo examina las condiciones para la emergencia la teoría de factores de riesgo. Comienza dando cuenta de la gubernamentalidad neoliberal como paradigma político (Foucault), donde uno de sus valores centrales es la responsabilidad individual y la política tiene como función normalizar a los segmentos que no se adaptan a este valor. Esta normalización se concretiza en las prácticas asociadas a las políticas públicas y la intervención social. Para iluminar estas prácticas utilizamos el concepto de dispositivo propuesto por Foucault. En este contexto, uno de los dispositivos relevantes es la teoría de factores de riesgo. Ella surge del concepto de riesgo, y a través de una reconstrucción histórica de esta noción, mostramos que ésta no reconstruye una condición natural de algunas personas, sino que es una distinción contingente utilizada en el contexto de la gubernamentalidad neoliberal.

El objetivo del presente ensayo se centrará en analizar la historia política de los Estados europeos y Latinoamericanos, tras la II Guerra Mundial, pasando por la Guerra Fría hasta la actualidad; este análisis será realizado poniendo en el punto de mira la actuación de estos Estados de reciente construcción y el margen de actuación que éstos permiten a las reivindicaciones sociales, populares y revolucionarias. En estos términos se persigue una demostración de que los grupos guerrilleros, revolucionarios, insurgentes o "terroristas" como son llamados por los medios de "información" del poder son la manifestación inequívoca de la carencia de libertades democráticas de voz y representación que en estos Estados se ha dado desde estos años y en la actualidad, habiéndose blindado los partidos políticos que representan los intereses liberales (el llamado bipartidismo) frente a aquellos que defienden alternativas económicas, sociales y de desarrollo diferentes.

This paper analyzes the Venezuelan economic model during the governments of Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro (1999-2016), in order to find out if it is in a circumstantial crisis or in a bankruptcy of unsustainability. To do this, the fundamentals of the Chavista economic model are examined, analyzing the policies and reforms that have tried to reverse the structural problems of the Venezuelan economy. The emphasis on redistribution and social spending measures is the key in the popular legitimacy of successive governments. Then, it is described the importance of oil for the development of such policies, crucial element for the country's growth and survival of the implanted model.

Trabajo presentado al IROS: "Machine Learning in Planning and Control of Robot Motion Workshop" (IROS MLPC), celebrado en Chicago, Illinois (US) del 14 al 18 de septiembre. ; Este ítem (excepto textos e imágenes no creados por el autor) está sujeto a una licencia de Creative Commons: Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivs 3.0 Spain. ; Task learning in robotics is a time-consuming process, and model-based reinforcement learning algorithms have been proposed to learn with just a small amount of experiences. However, reducing the number of experiences used to learn implies that the algorithm may overlook crucial actions required to get an optimal behavior. For example, a robot may learn simple policies that have a high risk of not reaching the goal because they often fall into dead-ends. We propose a new method that allows the robot to reason about dead-ends and their causes. Analyzing its current model and experiences, the robot will hypothesize the possible causes for the dead-end, and identify the actions that may cause it, marking them as dangerous. Afterwards, whenever a dangerous action is included into a plan which has a high risk of leading to a dead-end, the special action request teacher confirmation will be triggered by the robot to actively confirm with a teacher that the planned risky action should be executed. This method permits learning safer policies with the addition of just a few teacher demonstration requests. Experimental validation of the approach is provided in two different scenarios: a robotic assembly task and a domain from the international planning competition. Our approach gets success ratios very close to 1 in problems where previous approaches had high probabilities of reaching dead-ends. ; This work was supported by EU Project IntellAct FP7-ICT2009-6-269959, by CSIC project MANIPlus 201350E102 and by the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation under project PAU+ DPI2011-27510. D. Martínez is also supported by the Spanish Ministry of Education, Culture and Sport via a FPU doctoral grant (FPU12-04173). ; Peer Reviewed

El artículo analiza la política exterior española con los miembros del Consejo de Cooperación del Golfo (CCG) -Arabia Saudí, Omán, Emiratos Árabes Unidos (EAU), Qatar, Bahréin y Kuwait- desde el establecimiento de la democracia en España hasta la actualidad (1978-2021). El análisis abarca un período donde las relaciones han ido progresivamente intensificándose, repercutiendo en ámbitos como el comercio, la energía, la seguridad, la cultura y la política. El reino saudí constituye el país de la región con el que España tiene unos vínculos más estrechos y consolidados, aunque también destaca el peso creciente de EAU y Qatar. Un elemento central de estas relaciones bilaterales recae en la figura del monarca español que con fuerte carácter diplomático y apoyado en la confianza entre la casa real española y sus homólogos de la región contribuye a potenciar la política exterior y la imagen del país entre los socios de la zona. La investigación demuestra que las relaciones con las monarquías árabes del Golfo es una de las áreas de la política exterior española que muestra una mayor continuidad y coherencia a lo largo del tiempo. Existe un consenso entre las principales fuerzas políticas, sociales y económicas españolas por mantener las especiales relaciones bilaterales en un entorno discrecional. No obstante, en los últimos aumentan las críticas y presiones en España por limitar la asociación con este tipo de regímenes. El trabajo expone la evolución de las relaciones hispano-árabes a través de diferentes etapas, que se corresponden con cambios políticos y sociales ocurridos tanto en el contexto doméstico como en el espacio internacional. El estudio se enmarca en el enfoque de política exterior, estableciendo dos líneas centrales de trabajo. En primer lugar, analizando las relaciones de España con las monarquías del Golfo según la evolución del contexto internacional, espacio regional y circunstancias internas; y, en segundo término, la exposición de los principales objetivos e intereses sobre los que el Estado español intenta desarrollar las asociaciones con los regímenes árabes, así como decisiones, medios y recursos implementados para su realización.

The Arab monarchies of the Persian Gulf enjoy a preferential position in Spain's foreign policy, due to their political and economic relevance. The Transición period and the first democratic governments involved a profound renewal of Spanish international relations, involving ways of interacting with the different regions worldwide, the Middle East regimes included. In 1976-1996, both Adolfo Suárez and Felipe González focused on strengthening bonds with Saudi Arabia, Oman, United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain and Kuwait. They established narrow relationships that have been kept up for more than forty years. All those countries still represent an area of vital importance for Spanish interests and objectives. ; Las monarquías árabes del golfo Pérsico ocupan una posición preferente en la política exterior de España, debido a su importancia política y económica. La Transición y los primeros Gobiernos democráticos supusieron una profunda renovación de las relaciones internacionales españolas, repercutiendo en la forma de interactuar con las distintas regiones del mundo, incluyendo los regímenes de Oriente Próximo. En el período entre 1976-1996, los ejecutivos de Adolfo Suárez y Felipe González pusieron especial interés en fortalecer vínculos con Arabia Saudí, Omán, Emiratos Árabes Unidos, Qatar, Bahréin y Kuwait, constituyendo unas bilateralidades muy estrechas que se han mantenido durante más de cuarenta años. El conjunto de los seis países sigue teniendo una importancia vital para los intereses y objetivos españoles.

Las monarquías árabes del golfo Pérsico ocupan una posición preferente en la política exterior de España, debido a su importancia política y económica. La Transición y los primeros Gobiernos democráticos supusieron una profunda renovación de las relaciones internacionales españolas, repercutiendo en la forma de interactuar con las distintas regiones del mundo, incluyendo los regímenes de Oriente Próximo. En el período entre 1976-1996, los ejecutivos de Adolfo Suárez y Felipe González pusieron especial interés en fortalecer vínculos con Arabia Saudí, Omán, Emiratos Árabes Unidos, Qatar, Bahréin y Kuwait, constituyendo unas bilateralidades muy estrechas que se han mantenido durante más de cuarenta años. El conjunto de los seis países sigue teniendo una importancia vital para los intereses y objetivos españoles. ; The Arab monarchies of the Persian Gulf enjoy a preferential position in Spain's foreign policy, due to their political and economic relevance. The Transición period and the first democratic governments involved a profound renewal of Spanish international relations, involving ways of interacting with the different regions worldwide, the Middle East regimes included. In 1976-1996, both Adolfo Suárez and Felipe González focused on strengthening bonds with Saudi Arabia, Oman, United Arab Emirates, Qatar, Bahrain and Kuwait. They established narrow relationships that have been kept up for more than forty years. All those countries still represent an area of vital importance for Spanish interests and objectives. ; Este artículo es resultado de investigaciones realizadas dentro del proyecto: «Crisis y procesos de cambio regional en el norte de África. sus implicaciones para España» (CSO2017-84949-C3-3-P) financiados por el Ministerio de Economía, Industria y Competitividad (MINECO), la Agencia Estatal de Investigación (AEI) y el Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional (FEDER).

Spanish foreign policy towards the Arab world is the object of numerous papers, and authors who approach Spanish relations with North Africa and the Middle East do so from different disciplines and theoretical perspectives. Studies with emphasis on Hispano-Arab relations take as their main focus the Maghreb area and, especially, Morocco, due to Spain's close political, economic, social and historical ties with the Moroccan kingdom. However, there are other scenarios within the broad and heterogeneous region which also acquire significant importance within Spain's international agenda, such as the Gulf monarchies. The last period of the Franco regime constituted a precedent in relations between Spain and the Gulf monarchies since it was the first rapprochement between the two parties. In this sense, the arrival of the democratic system in Spain does not introduce significant changes in Spanish foreign policy towards the region, but rather successive democratic governments will try to deepen the political, economic, cultural and security relations with the GCC members. This paper examines Spanish foreign policy towards the six members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC): Saudi Arabia, Oman, United Arab Emirates (UAE), Qatar, Bahrain, and Kuwait, from the consolidation of democracy in Spain until current days (1978-2021). The research includes a period in which relations have been progressively intensifying, reverberating in different areas such as commerce, energy, security, culture, and politics. The Saudi kingdom is the country in the region which Spain has the closest and most consolidated ties, although the growing weight of the UAE and Qatar also stands out. The energy sector and, particularly, oil commerce, is the main element that motivates Spanish interest in these six countries. Nonetheless, throughout the period analyzed, the attention of Spanish political and economic actors on the GCC countries has been extended to other sectors and issues such as infrastructure, financial services, or the food industry. Furthermore, the Gulf monarchies are also assuming an increasingly leading role in the Spanish economy, investing in strategic national sectors in recent years. Defense and military issues have become another fundamental aspect of relations between Spain and the members of the GCC. The Spanish state is one of the main exporters of arms and military equipment in the region. This type of link has resulted in consolidated political cooperation between the countries. Spain has always supported the different royal families and their political systems as mechanisms to guarantee stability in the region and safeguard foreign interests. The different Spanish governments have never conditioned relations with Arab partners on issues such as democracy or human rights, which are issues that have always been excluded from the common agenda. This is a political trend that remains within the Spanish strategy throughout the period analyzed. A central element of Spain-Arab countries axis is the high trust between the Spanish royal house and their counterparts in the region, with a strong diplomatic character that contributes to enhancing Spanish foreign policy and public image among the area partners. The research substantiates that relations with the Gulf monarchies is one of the areas of Spanish foreign policy which shows the greatest continuity and coherence over time. There is a consensus among the main Spanish political, social, and economic actors to maintain the special bilateral relations in a discretionary environment. However, in recent years, criticism and social pressure is increasing in Spain to limit the association with this type of political regime. The paper exposes the evolution of Hispanic-Arab relations through different stages, which correspond to political and social changes that have happened both at the domestic level and in the international context. However, Spain has always tried to sustain and preserve its relations with the members of the GCC, despite the numerous internal, regional, and global crises of the last decades. The study is framed within a foreign policy analysis approach, establishing two central lines of inquiry. In the first place, Spain's relations with the Gulf monarchies is elaborated according to the development of the international, regional, and domestic context. Secondly, it traces the main goals and interests on which the Spanish State tries to boost partnerships with Arab regimes, as well as the decisions, means and resources implemented to make them a success. Spanish foreign policy during the democratic period has shifted mainly along three axes: the United States, Europe, and Latin America. The Arab world represents the fourth pillar of Spain's foreign policy. At this point, the monarchies of the Gulf have an exceptional role, which is reflected in the excessive concern of the Spanish governments to preserve the special nature of relations above any external or internal conditioning factor. The research justifies the need to address a reality of Spanish foreign policy that is sometimes little studied and analyzed, even though it is shown to be an important component of the international relations of democratic Spain. Relations between Spain and the Arab monarchies seems to enter a new period of marked by the progressive distancing of the parties since their priorities and objectives are increasingly disparate. The general purpose of this paper is to describe and analyze Spain's foreign policy towards the region, but also to explore possible future scenarios for bilateral relations. Current circumstances and conjunctures in Spain, the Arab world and the international system are forcing the Spanish authorities to reformulate all foreign policy, including their relations with the Gulf monarchies. If Spain wants to continue being a relevant partner for the GCC monarchies, it has to rethink some of its political, economic and security positions. More and more foreign powers have interests in the Gulf region, while at the same time the six members of the GCC have more complex and ambitious foreign agendas, meaning that Spain has a difficult time in maintaining its relevance for its Arab partners. The paper tries to explain and define a large part of these unknowns and problems that arise within Spanish foreign policy. The Arab monarchies will continue to be political and economic partners for Spain in the short and medium term, although the trend seems to show important signs of change and disruption. ; El artículo analiza la política exterior española con los miembros del Consejo de Cooperación del Golfo (CCG) -Arabia Saudí, Omán, Emiratos Árabes Unidos (EAU), Qatar, Bahréin y Kuwait- desde el establecimiento de la democracia en España hasta la actualidad (1978-2021). El análisis abarca un período donde las relaciones han ido progresivamente intensificándose, repercutiendo en ámbitos como el comercio, la energía, la seguridad, la cultura y la política. El reino saudí constituye el país de la región con el que España tiene unos vínculos más estrechos y consolidados, aunque también destaca el peso creciente de EAU y Qatar. Un elemento central de estas relaciones bilaterales recae en la figura del monarca español que con fuerte carácter diplomático y apoyado en la confianza entre la casa real española y sus homólogos de la región contribuye a potenciar la política exterior y la imagen del país entre los socios de la zona. La investigación demuestra que las relaciones con las monarquías árabes del Golfo es una de las áreas de la política exterior española que muestra una mayor continuidad y coherencia a lo largo del tiempo. Existe un consenso entre las principales fuerzas políticas, sociales y económicas españolas por mantener las especiales relaciones bilaterales en un entorno discrecional. No obstante, en los últimos aumentan las críticas y presiones en España por limitar la asociación con este tipo de regímenes. El trabajo expone la evolución de las relaciones hispano-árabes a través de diferentes etapas, que se corresponden con cambios políticos y sociales ocurridos tanto en el contexto doméstico como en el espacio internacional. El estudio se enmarca en el enfoque de política exterior, estableciendo dos líneas centrales de trabajo. En primer lugar, analizando las relaciones de España con las monarquías del Golfo según la evolución del contexto internacional, espacio regional y circunstancias internas; y, en segundo término, la exposición de los principales objetivos e intereses sobre los que el Estado español intenta desarrollar las asociaciones con los regímenes árabes, así como decisiones, medios y recursos implementados para su realización.

Saudi Arabia's foreign policy is one of the central elements in the analysis of the current dynamics of the Middle East. King Salman and the crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman, are introducing significant changes in the international activities of the kingdom, through a more assertive and militaristic policy, especially to deal with the different outbreaks of the region and the Muslim sphere. This article analyzes the objectives and strategies that support the responses of the Saudi Government, as well as the use of force as a resource for foreign policy. This paper studies the main challenges and resistance to the power of the Saud House. The formulation and development of the current monarch's doctrine is determined by Saudi interpretations of possible security threats and opportunities at different levels, which may have a direct effect on the interests of the crown.

El presente estudio relaciona la competencia de mercado en productos con la informalidad laboral (acceso a seguridad social) en el sector manufacturero mexicano. Con microdatos provenientes de encuestas laborales 1987-2004 y de la encuesta industrial anual se lleva a cabo una estrategia en dos etapas: en la primera, separamos los diferenciales de informalidad de cada industria y, en la segunda, combinamos los datos en un panel para determinar el efecto mayor en la competencia de mercado. Los resultados muestran que la competencia puede incrementar la informalidad dado el actual marco institucional laboral.

Los retos de la multivocalidad en los nuevos escenarios del patrimonio / María Luz Endere -- La producción del patrimonio cultural / David Barriero -- El rol de la interdisclipina en el ámbito del patrimonio arqueológico y su socialización / Bianca Vienni Baptista -- El patrimonio museológico en disputa: el museo como territorio de conflicto / Javier Royer -- Construção e partilha de conhecimento em arqueologia: o exemplo de dois projectos particulares em Portugal / António Carlos Valera -- El patrimonio arqueológico de la civilización caral y el desarrollo social integral y sostenible en el área norcentral del Perú / Ruth Shady Solía, Carlos Leyva -- Construyendo debates en torno del patrimonio, cultura material y memorias: las experiencias con jóvenes estudiantes de Campinas en el Laboratorio de Arqueología Pública Paulo Duarte (LAP/ Nepam/ Unicamp/ Brasil) entre los años 2012 y 2014 / Aline Vieira de Carvalho, Luciana Cristina de Souza, Victor Henrique S. Menezes, Tami Coelho Ocar --

The productive methods of aquaponics are relatively new compared to traditional agricultural and aquaculture methods, there is a great diversity of plant and animal species that can be cultivated in a huge variety of designs and scales, which vary according to needs. Given the great challenges facing the world population, aquaponics technology has the potential to be used to address various issues, from food security, reduction of environmental impacts, economic development and social well-being. Under the need to address the global crisis, the 2030 Agenda is created, made up of 17 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), which from the social, economic, political and environmental fields, aims to provide solutions to a large number of problems facing the humanity. The present work is an analysis of the literature consulted through different data sources, on aquaponics projects that have been carried out in different fields, whose objectives and results are aligned directly and indirectly, with some goals of the SDGs that make up the Agenda 2030, the selection criteria was based on the principles of acupony, the sustainability approach and types of documents. It was identified that aquaponics projects have a positive impact on 11 of the 17 objectives of the agenda, through different goals.