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Although still neglected in legal writings, the 2014 agreement on illicit drugs between the FARC and the Colombian Government deserves attention for a number of reasons, including that it was conceived as an essential part of the broader strategy for peace in Colombia, as well as because of its aim of eradicating illicit crops. Starting with some remarks on the Colombian 'drug war' and the policy and legal arguments for classifying the Colombian armed conflict as a non-international armed conflict (NIAC), the paper will then proceed with an analysis of the main reasons behind the drafting of a partial agreement on illicit drugs between the FARC and Colombia in 2014. Next, the paper will address the relevant sections and enforcement mechanisms for putting the provisions of the agreement into effect. An assessment of how the 2014 agreement has addressed the issue of drug trafficking and the issues concerning drug related crimes will also be considered. The paper will conclude with the lessons to be drawn from the new Agreement on illicit drugs. ; Aunque todavía es un tema descuidado por la doctrina, el Acuerdo de 2014 sobre las drogas ilícitas entre el Gobierno de Colombia y las FARC, merece atención por muchas razones, incluyendo el que fue concebido como una parte esencial de una estrategia más amplia para la paz en Colombia, así como por su objetivo de erradicar los cultivos ilícitos. Se parte de algunas observaciones sobre la "guerra contra las drogas 'de Colombia y la política y los argumentos jurídicos para clasificar el conflicto armado en Colombia como un conflicto armado no internacional. Seguidamente se hace un análisis de las principales razones que hay detrás de la elaboración de un acuerdo parcial sobre las drogas ilícitas entre las FARC y Colombia en 2014. A continuación, este trabajo se dirige a los mecanismos de aplicación para poner que sus disposiciones entren en vigor. Se hace, igualmente, una evaluación de la forma en que el Acuerdo de 2014 ha abordado la cuestión del tráfico de drogas y también se examinan las cuestiones relativas a los delitos relacionados con las drogas. El trabajo concluye con las lecciones que caben extraer del nuevo Acuerdo sobre las drogas ilícitas.

With the recent developments in Syria the United Nations is once again making headlines. The failure to reach an agreement on a Security Council resolution demonstrates the continued problems in forging a coherent international response to crisis situations. This lack of coherence continues despite recognition of the need for more cooperation to solve the growing list of global problems. With the relative success of global governance initiatives in relation to the environment, health issues, and economic problems, the focus has increasingly shifted to the problems of international security. This timely and important book represents a response to that shift and the implications this has for the wider international system. Using a number of relevant case studies (including the UN interventions in Bosnia, Somalia, Burundi, the Democratic Republic of Congo and East Timor) it examines the securitisation of global governance through the prism of United Nations Peacekeeping Operations and demonstrates that the development of both global governance and global security governance have transformed the environment in which international organisations, such as the United Nations, are operating. Moreover this book brings together a number of the key academic debates surrounding both global security governance and peacekeeping. It combines an examination of the power relations of global security governance, with the changing nature of peacekeeping operations. By bringing the two areas together the book for the first time bridges existing literatures and debates, from theoretical discussions of global governance, to practical examinations of peacekeeping operations. UN-Tied Nations provides a concise and analytical introduction to the ongoing debates around the development of global governance, global security governance, and the continuous impact these are having on the ability of the United Nations to act as an international peacekeeper.

En una asociación normalizada de los conceptos paz y democracia, a los mecanismos democráticos se les emplea como receta quimérica que, en el caso de las sociedades divididas por el conflicto armado interno prolongado, no solo garantiza la finalización del conflicto y la no posibilidad de reincidencia en el uso de las armas y la violencia, sino que supone el paso a una sociedad decente y reconciliada. Esta asociación, establece una nueva forma de relación entre los miembros de la sociedad emergente, suponiendo la prolongación de la paz como fruto de un proceso social en el que se siguen con fidelidad las reglas establecidas por los mecanismos como, por ejemplo, los acuerdos de paz firmados y legitimados popularmente. Paradójicamente, la exacerbada confianza respecto de los mecanismos de legitimación, refrendación o ratificación, como culmen de una negociación exitosa y garantía cuasi-ontológica del post-acuerdo, termina por diluir las preocupaciones esenciales del contexto al que se quiere transitar, impidiendo visibilizar previamente cuáles serían los cambios reales en las interacciones de los actores de la sociedad transitada. Se promociona la ratificación de algo que no sabe bien lo qué significa en términos prácticos ni a qué concreciones conducirá. Se omiten los riesgos de los procesos de implementación de la democracia como el hecho de que pueden y han, en efecto, conducido en diferentes casos más al recrudecimiento de la violencia y la división, que la sostenibilidad de una paz acordada. ; A common association between peace and democracy as concepts, employ democratic mechanisms as chimerical recipe that, in the case of deeply divided societies by long internal armed conflict, not only guarantees the completion of conflict and no possibility of recurrence in the use of weapons and violence, but it involves a move to a decent society and reconciliation. This association is always expecting a new relationship between the members of the emerging society, assuming the continuation of peace as a result of a social process in which the rules established by the mechanisms have been faithfully followed, for example, agreements signed peace and popularly legitimized. Paradoxically, excessive confidence in the mechanisms of legitimation, referendum or ratification, as the culmination of a successful negotiation or a quasi-ontological guarantee of post-agreement reality, ends up diluting the essential concerns of the context to which you want to move, preventing visualize what kind of real changes would be required in the interactions of the actors from this society.

International agreements governing rivers vary considerably in whether they contain institutional provisions for joint monitoring, conflict resolution, enforcement, and/or the delegation of authority to intergovernmental organizations. This article develops an explanation for why some river management treaties include more institutional provisions while others contain fewer, if any. The authors argue that certain types of issues related to river use—water quantity, water quality, and navigation—tend to be difficult to manage and prone to noncompliance. When forming treaties to address these specific issues, states will be more likely to include institutional provisions. The authors test the link between these river use issues and institutional design using a data set of 315 river treaties signed since 1950. The results show that highly contentious issues—and in particular water quantity and navigation—have a greater effect on the institutional design of river treaties than contextual and power politics factors.

Foreword -- Acknowledgements -- Acronyms and Abbreviations -- Contents -- List of Tables -- Chapter 1: Introduction -- Why Another DDR Book Is Necessary -- Methodology -- Case Selection -- Outline of the Book -- Notes -- Chapter 2: Conceptualizing Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration Processes -- Disarmament -- Demobilization -- Reintegration -- "First-Generation" and "Second-Generation" DDR -- Target Group -- State Agency in DDR -- Structural and Organizational Framework -- Linkages Between DDR and SSR in State-, Nation- and Peacebuilding -- Post-conflict Violence Types -- Notes -- Chapter 3: Zimbabwe: DDR by Trial and Error -- Introduction -- Zimbabwe's Liberation War -- Lancaster House Agreement: Sacrificing DDR to End the War -- Ceasefire and Elections: Creating a Legitimate Framework for DDR -- Pre-integration Disarmament and Demobilization: Pay and Scatter -- Military Integration and State- and Nation-­Building: A Prelude to Institutionalized DDR -- Demobilization and Reintegration -- Operation SEED (Soldiers Engaged in Economic Development) -- 1981-1983 Demobilization and Reintegration Process: Rectifying "Pay and Scatter" -- Demobilization Allowance -- Education and Technical Training -- Employment -- Co-operatives and Entrepreneurial Guidance -- DDR of Special Categories: A Double Jeopardy? -- Women Ex-combatants -- Ineligible Ex-combatants -- Civil Society and the Wider Community -- Taking Stock of the Second DDR Initiative -- Enter the ZNLWVA: Reviving State Agency by Ex-combatant Agency -- 1997 Phase of Reintegration: Third Time Unlucky? -- Land, War Veterans and Political Violence -- Renewed Phase of Reintegration: Better Late Than Never? -- Conclusion -- Notes -- Chapter 4: Namibia: Creating a Time Bomb -- Introduction -- UNTAG Background -- Namibia's Liberation War -- UNTAG's Disarmament and Demobilization

Against the background of the current crisis in multilateral arms control, regional confidence-building & disarmament approaches are receiving increased attention. Regional arms control's core functions are the establishment of a military balance & the improvement of military transparency between conflict parties. Regional arms control regimes can also contribute to post-conflict settlements & aim to involve external powers. Regional arms control can strengthen multilateral agreements by bringing problem states closer to global norms & improving the national implementation of multilateral agreements. While the focus in Europe is on consolidating regional arms control agreements, conflict parties in the Middle East & South Asia have yet to establish the preconditions for progress in arms control. In the future, regional alms control is likely to contribute to the solution of regional conflicts & in strengthening global arms control norms. References. Adapted from the source document.

Cover -- Half Title -- Series -- Title -- Copyright -- Dedication -- Contents -- Illustrations -- Contributors -- Acknowledgements -- Introduction Religious diversity in Europe: Mediating the past to the young (Patrick Pasture1) -- 1 Religious diversity in Europe: The challenges of past and present (Patrick Pasture and Christophe Schellekens1) -- 2 Views of the young: Reflections on the basis of European pilot studies (John Maiden, Stefanie Sinclair, Päivi Salmesvuori, -- 3 Representing European religious diversity in textbooks for history education (Karel Van Nieuwenhuyse, Madis Maasing and Laur -- 4 Society exhibited: Museums, religions and representation (Merve Reyhan Kayikci, Tamara Sztyma-Knasiecka, Naum Trajanovski an -- 5 Religious diversity and generation Z: TV series and YouTube as instruments to promote religious toleration and peace (Mikko -- 6 Refugees and the politics of memory: Political discourses of religious toleration and peace (Laura Galián, John Maiden, St -- 7 Commemorating the Good Friday Agreement (1998) and the Ohrid Framework Agreement (2001) (Lidija Georgieva, Naum Trajanovsk -- 8 Religious pluralism in the Islamic tradition in late al-Andalus and in contemporary Islamic transnationalism: A conceptual ap -- 9 From dialogue to peace: Organizations for interreligious and interconvictional dialogue in Europe (Elina Kuokkanen and Pat -- 10 Religious toleration in the new spirituality subculture: The Estonian case (Lea Altnurme) -- Notes -- References -- Index.

On 18 September India and Sri Lanka signed an agreement for the withdrawal of 40,000 Indian troops from Sri Lanka. On 20 September the Indian Peace-Keeping Force and the Tamil Tiger separatist guerrillas declared an indefinite ceasefire. But the civil war has left deep wounds in the Sri Lankan press

La transición de la organización guerrillera FARC –EP en el nuevo partido político Fuerza Alternativa Revolucionaria del Común – FARC, trajo al régimen político colombiano, un nuevo elemento en la dinámica democrática del país. La relevancia de este momento en la historia política de Colombia, está relacionado principalmente, por el abandono de la política con armas, para dar paso a la política desde la contienda democrática en la legalidad, hecho que fue producto de la firma del Acuerdo de Paz del 24 de noviembre de 2016 entre la organización guerrilla y el Estado colombiano. La consecuencia más importante de este hecho, se hizo evidente al tener menos muertes en el marco del conflicto armado colombiano, donde salió de escena la más antigua y numerosa organización guerrillera que al abandonar la lucha armada, abandonó también, el protagonismo compartido con otros actores del conflicto, de perpetrar actos de violencia en contra de la sociedad civil, dejando dolorosos números de víctimas en el territorio nacional. El panorama del partido político FARC atraviesa un crítico momento, debido a factores intrínsecos del colectivo y debido también, a externalidades que tienen implicaciones desde los ámbitos político, social y jurídico. Esta criticidad, podría impedir una transición a la democracia, en los términos esperados a partir de lo estipulado por las partes en el Acuerdo. ; The transition from Guerrilla organization FARC-EP to the new political party Fuerza Alternativa Revolucionaria del Común –FARC, brought a new element to the Colombian democratic regime. The relevance of this historical and political fact are primarly related to the withdrawal from the armed struggle and give way to democratic legality across the signing of the peace agreement on 24 November 2016 between the Guerrilla organization and the Colombian State's. The most important consequence of the fact, was shown fewer deaths in the Colombian armed conflict, where came up the largest and oldest Guerrilla organization which gave up the armed struggle and also the violent acts against the civilian population that shared with some other conflict actors, leaving numerous painful victims in the national territory. The political party FARC landscape is at a turning point, due to intrinsic factors and also external implications from political, social and legal fields. This criticality, could block the transition to democracy, expected in the terms of the parties to the agreement.

Through a feminist and intersectional reading of the "post-conflict"/post-agreement context, this study analyses: i) the violence against women as an instrumental and displayed power in war contexts; ii) the impact of violences against afrodescendant women during the armed conflict, drawn from Official Victims' Registries as well as from their own narratives; iii) the multiple overlapped violences that afrodescendant women suffer, as part of a continuum, understanding war as the setting where the violences are embodied and become more lethal publicly; iv) the transitional justice as contested arena, specially with the signing of the Peace Agreements. For that purpose, the work focuses in the narratives of afrodescendant women as political and active subjects in the transitional justice process, in order to provide truth, reparation and guarantees of non-repetition to victims. In this regard, it reads through the victim qua victim, assuming a constructivist approach to understand this category –as well as we try to overcome essentialist and patronizing perspectives. Finally, this research proposes the resignification of agency ability of these women to redefine and dispute over the State's control of justice, truth, reparation, and memory processes ; A través de una lectura feminista interseccional del escenario de "postconflicto"/post-acuerdo en Colombia, este trabajo analiza: i) la violencia contra las mujeres en contextos de guerra como poder exhibido e instrumental; ii) el impacto de las violencias contra las mujeres afrodescendientes en el conflicto armado –para lo cual se ha utilizado tanto la información disponible del Registro Único de Víctimas (RUV) como los relatos de las víctimas; iii) las múltiples violencias superpuestas que sufren las mujeres afrodescendientes, como parte de un continuum, entendiendo la guerra como un escenario en el que éstas se encarnan y letalizan de forma pública; y iv) la justicia transicional como arena en disputa, especialmente a raíz de la firma de los Acuerdos de Paz. Para ello, se parte de las propias narrativas de las mujeres afrodescendientes como sujetos políticos activos en el proceso de justicia transicional –verdad, reparación y garantías de no repetición–. En esta línea, se parte de una revisión de la víctima qua víctima, adoptando una mirada constructivista de esta categoría –en un intento por superar concepciones esencialistas y paternalistas de la misma–, y abogando por la resignificación de la capacidad de agencia de dichas mujeres para retejer y disputar al Estado el control sobre los procesos de justicia, verdad, reparación y memoria.

Constitutional Law--Constitutionality of Group Libel Statute Federal Employers Liability Act--Liability for Employment of Man with Violent Tendencies Federal Jurisdiction--Diversity Jurisdiction and the Multi-State Corporation Federal Jurisdiction--Erie Railroad Doctrine Extended to State-Created Rights Arising under Special Federal Question Jurisdiction Labor Law--Picketing--Injunction against Breach of Bargaining Agreement Landlord and Tenant--Exculpatory Agreement--Effect on Right of Subrogation of Landlord's Insurer Military Law--Failure to Instruct as Prejudicial Error Military Law--Infiltration of Command Influence as General Prejudice Trusts--Distribution of Stock Dividends between Life Tenant and Remainderman

El presente artículo de reflexión analiza la violencia sexual en el marco del conflicto armado por medio del estudio de la normativa nacional e internacional que regula el tema, así como su desarrollo en los procesos de paz en Colombia desde 1991 y el enfoque de género presente en el reciente acuerdo celebrado con las FARC-EP, para posteriormente realizar una caracterización de las víctimas de esta conducta. A través del método socio-jurídico y análisis documental de la información institucional disponible se efectúa un cruce de variables que permite evidenciar sobre la conducta objeto de estudio el espacio, tiempo y género de ocurrencia de la misma, las cuales serán presentadas mediante gráficas y tablas. También se observa un conjunto normativo que sanciona estas ilicitudes y protege a las víctimas, cuya materialización no ha sido efectiva en los procesos de paz desarrollados entre el Gobierno de Colombia y los actores armados. ; This reflection article analyzes sexual violence in the framework of the armed conflict through the study of national and international legislation that regulates the issue, as well as its development in peace processes in Colombia since 1991 and the gender approach present in the recent agreement with the FARC-EP to, subsequently, conduct a characterization of the victims of this behavior. Through the socio-legal method and documentary analysis of the available institutional information, a cross-section of variables was carried out which made it possible to demonstrate the space, time and gender of the occurrence of the conduct object of study which will be presented by graphs and tables. There is also a normative set that sactions these illegalities and protects the victims, whose implementation has not been effective in peace processes developed between the Government of Colombia and the armed actors.