Suchergebnisse

A partir de la década de 1980, el Perú, a diferencia de otros países de América Latina, ha sufrido un fuerte deterioro en sus fuerzas electorales, sobre todo en la organización y confianza que inspiran sus partidos políticos. No obstante, desde la época de Fujimori cuando los partidos sufrieron un ataque sistemático, lograron restablecer un espacio en la actividad electoral recuperando la actividad partidaria. La Ley de los Partidos Políticos del año 2003 tuvo la finalidad de fortalecer un sistema partidario pluralista; sin embargo, sus resultados fueron decepcionantes. En el año 2006 se realizaron tres rondas electorales que contribuyeron muy poco a renovar la confianza entre los votantes. Los partidos políticos cuentan con una estructura vertical, sin raíces profundas en la sociedad. No obstante, las elecciones municipales y regionales de noviembre de 2006 sugirieron la emergencia de nuevas fuerzas a nivel meso – de la política, junto con los movimientos sociales. El estudio de la política peruana requiere su propia descentralización. ; More than most Latin American countries in recent times, Peru has seen party voting strength, organisation and loyalties eroded. Since the Fujimori period, however – when parties found themselves under systematic attack – the return to more normal electoral activity has opened up a space for parties to reemerge. The 2003 Law on Political Parties was designed to strengthen a pluralistic party system. However, the results proved disappointing. Three rounds of elections in 2006 did little to restore voter confidence in Peru's major parties; these remain 'top-down' affairs with only shallow roots in society. However, the November 2006 local elections suggested that new forces may be emerging at the meso- level of politics in tandem with social movements. Study of Peruvian politics requires its own decentralisation.

More than most Latin American countries in recent times, Peru has seen party voting strength, organisation and loyalties eroded. Since the Fujimori period, however – when parties found themselves under systematic attack – the return to more normal electoral activity has opened up a space for parties to reemerge. The 2003 Law on Political Parties was designed to strengthen a pluralistic party system. However, the results proved disappointing. Three rounds of elections in 2006 did little to restore voter confidence in Peru's major parties; these remain 'top-down' affairs with only shallow roots in society. However, the November 2006 local elections suggested that new forces may be emerging at the meso- level of politics in tandem with social movements. Study of Peruvian politics requires its own decentralisation. ; A partir de la década de 1980, el Perú, a diferencia de otros países de América Latina, ha sufrido un fuerte deterioro en sus fuerzas electorales, sobre todo en la organización y confianza que inspiran sus partidos políticos. No obstante, desde la época de Fujimori cuando los partidos sufrieron un ataque sistemático, lograron restablecer un espacio en la actividad electoral recuperando la actividad partidaria. La Ley de los Partidos Políticos del año 2003 tuvo la finalidad de fortalecer un sistema partidario pluralista; sin embargo, sus resultados fueron decepcionantes. En el año 2006 se realizaron tres rondas electorales que contribuyeron muy poco a renovar la confianza entre los votantes. Los partidos políticos cuentan con una estructura vertical, sin raíces profundas en la sociedad. No obstante, las elecciones municipales y regionales de noviembre de 2006 sugirieron la emergencia de nuevas fuerzas a nivel meso – de la política, junto con los movimientos sociales. El estudio de la política peruana requiere su propia descentralización.

More than most Latin American countries in recent times, Peru has seen party voting strength, organisation and loyalties eroded. Since the Fujimori period, however – when parties found themselves under systematic attack – the return to more normal electoral activity has opened up a space for parties to reemerge. The 2003 Law on Political Parties was designed to strengthen a pluralistic party system. However, the results proved disappointing. Three rounds of elections in 2006 did little to restore voter confidence in Peru's major parties; these remain 'top-down' affairs with only shallow roots in society. However, the November 2006 local elections suggested that new forces may be emerging at the meso- level of politics in tandem with social movements. Study of Peruvian politics requires its own decentralisation. ; A partir de la década de 1980, el Perú, a diferencia de otros países de América Latina, ha sufrido un fuerte deterioro en sus fuerzas electorales, sobre todo en la organización y confianza que inspiran sus partidos políticos. No obstante, desde la época de Fujimori cuando los partidos sufrieron un ataque sistemático, lograron restablecer un espacio en la actividad electoral recuperando la actividad partidaria. La Ley de los Partidos Políticos del año 2003 tuvo la finalidad de fortalecer un sistema partidario pluralista; sin embargo, sus resultados fueron decepcionantes. En el año 2006 se realizaron tres rondas electorales que contribuyeron muy poco a renovar la confianza entre los votantes. Los partidos políticos cuentan con una estructura vertical, sin raíces profundas en la sociedad. No obstante, las elecciones municipales y regionales de noviembre de 2006 sugirieron la emergencia de nuevas fuerzas a nivel meso – de la política, junto con los movimientos sociales. El estudio de la política peruana requiere su propia descentralización.

More than most Latin American countries in recent times, Peru has seen party voting strength, organisation and loyalties eroded. Since the Fujimori period, however – when parties found themselves under systematic attack – the return to more normal electoral activity has opened up a space for parties to reemerge. The 2003 Law on Political Parties was designed to strengthen a pluralistic party system. However, the results proved disappointing. Three rounds of elections in 2006 did little to restore voter confidence in Peru's major parties; these remain 'top-down' affairs with only shallow roots in society. However, the November 2006 local elections suggested that new forces may be emerging at the meso- level of politics in tandem with social movements. Study of Peruvian politics requires its own decentralisation. ; A partir de la década de 1980, el Perú, a diferencia de otros países de América Latina, ha sufrido un fuerte deterioro en sus fuerzas electorales, sobre todo en la organización y confianza que inspiran sus partidos políticos. No obstante, desde la época de Fujimori cuando los partidos sufrieron un ataque sistemático, lograron restablecer un espacio en la actividad electoral recuperando la actividad partidaria. La Ley de los Partidos Políticos del año 2003 tuvo la finalidad de fortalecer un sistema partidario pluralista; sin embargo, sus resultados fueron decepcionantes. En el año 2006 se realizaron tres rondas electorales que contribuyeron muy poco a renovar la confianza entre los votantes. Los partidos políticos cuentan con una estructura vertical, sin raíces profundas en la sociedad. No obstante, las elecciones municipales y regionales de noviembre de 2006 sugirieron la emergencia de nuevas fuerzas a nivel meso – de la política, junto con los movimientos sociales. El estudio de la política peruana requiere su propia descentralización.

More than most Latin American countries in recent times, Peru has seen party voting strength, organisation and loyalties eroded. Since the Fujimori period, however – when parties found themselves under systematic attack – the return to more normal electoral activity has opened up a space for parties to reemerge. The 2003 Law on Political Parties was designed to strengthen a pluralistic party system. However, the results proved disappointing. Three rounds of elections in 2006 did little to restore voter confidence in Peru's major parties; these remain 'top-down' affairs with only shallow roots in society. However, the November 2006 local elections suggested that new forces may be emerging at the meso- level of politics in tandem with social movements. Study of Peruvian politics requires its own decentralisation. ; A partir de la década de 1980, el Perú, a diferencia de otros países de América Latina, ha sufrido un fuerte deterioro en sus fuerzas electorales, sobre todo en la organización y confianza que inspiran sus partidos políticos. No obstante, desde la época de Fujimori cuando los partidos sufrieron un ataque sistemático, lograron restablecer un espacio en la actividad electoral recuperando la actividad partidaria. La Ley de los Partidos Políticos del año 2003 tuvo la finalidad de fortalecer un sistema partidario pluralista; sin embargo, sus resultados fueron decepcionantes. En el año 2006 se realizaron tres rondas electorales que contribuyeron muy poco a renovar la confianza entre los votantes. Los partidos políticos cuentan con una estructura vertical, sin raíces profundas en la sociedad. No obstante, las elecciones municipales y regionales de noviembre de 2006 sugirieron la emergencia de nuevas fuerzas a nivel meso – de la política, junto con los movimientos sociales. El estudio de la política peruana requiere su propia descentralización.

Este trabajo evalúa el efecto de cambios en los precios del café sobre la competencia política y desempeño de los diferentes partidos en Colombia. En el período 2002-2015, se encuentra que, ante incrementos en los precios del café, la competencia política en las elecciones disminuye de forma diferencial en los sitios más cafeteros. Una interpretación posible puntualiza que los cafeteros incidieron a través de inversiones en un mercado político, en un período de pérdida de poder político y económico (bajo poder de jure). En contraste, entre 1930-1946 se encuentra que los incrementos de los precios del café implicaron un aumento en la competencia política en los municipios más cafeteros. Una lectura de los resultados en este período, indica que los cafeteros contaban con instituciones favorables (alto pode de jure) y, por lo tanto, la mayor competencia se debe a que los partidos políticos disputaban por el acceso a los recursos del sector cafetero. ; This paper evaluates the effect of changes in coffee prices on the political competition and performance of the different parties in Colombia. In the period 2002-2015, it is found that political competition diminishes differently in more coffee growing areas when coffee prices increase. One possible interpretation states that the coffee growers had an impact through investments in the political marketing a period of loss of political and economic power (low de jure power). In contrast, between 1930 and 1946, it is found that increases in coffee prices imply an increase in political competition in the more coffee-growing municipalities. A reading of the results in this period indicates that coffee growers had favorable institutions (high de jure power) and therefore the greatest competition is due to political parties disputing access to the resources of the coffee sector.

New institutionalism has repeatedly shown that education has become a common institution in current world society, but so far parties have not been the subject of inquiry. This is surprising, given the fact that institutionalization processes relevant to politics should be well observable in political statements. In this article, I compare the political aim to expand educational opportunities in party manifestos of 25 OECD countries. The research question is whether or not there are significant differences in favoring educational expansion over time, across countries and political positions. The article is structured as follows: In a first step, I present the theoretical background of new institutionalism, concluding with three hypotheses related to political parties and educational expansion: We should be able to observe a growing consensus on educational expansion over time; we should able to observe this development across countries; and we should be able to observe such institutionalization in manifestos with different political positions. In a second step, I present data and methods. In the third to fifth steps, I test each of the hypotheses, differentiating the institutionalization of education over time, across countries and across different political wings. The results strongly support the theoretical assumption of new institutionalism. ; Neo-institutionalistische Arbeiten haben wiederholt nachgewiesen, dass Bildung ein wesentlicher Bestandteil einer Weltkultur ist. Während die meisten dieser Analysen vorrangig auf den gesellschaftlichen Wandel auf der Individualebene oder auf die Formulierung nationaler Bildungsgrundsätze fokussierten, untersucht dieses Arbeitspapier mögliche Effekte auf Parteiprogramme. Die grundlegende Annahme ist, dass Institutionalisierungseffekte von Weltkultur spezifischer: die Befürwortung von Bildungsmaßnahmen sich auch in diesen programmatischen Dokumenten nachweisen lassen müssten. Dazu analysiere ich hier quantitativ 25 Länder der OECD-Welt im Hinblick auf Unterschiede über Zeit, über Länder oder zwischen politischen Richtungen. Das Papier ist wie folgt aufgebaut: Zunächst präsentiere ich den theoretischen Hintergrund des Neo-Institutionalismus und leite daraus drei Hypothesen ab, die für Parteiprogramme relevant sind: Es sollte ein zunehmender Konsens hinsichtlich der Befürwortung von Bildungsmaßnahmen sichtbar werden, es sollten dabei keine signifikanten nationalen Unterschiede deutlich werden, und diese Befürwortung sollte in verschiedenen politischen Lagern sichtbar werden. In einem nächsten Abschnitt präsentiere ich die verwendeten Daten das Manifesto-Dataset und die Methoden dieser Untersuchung. In drei weiteren Schritten teste ich dann jeweils die aufgestellten Hypothesen. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass in der Tat ein zunehmender Konsens im Hinblick auf Bildung besteht: Das Thema wird über Zeit insgesamt wichtiger, und dies fast ungeachtet der Länder und politischen Richtungen, wenngleich einige Differenzen bestehen bleiben.

"A must-read for scholars across a broad sweep of disciplines. Laurel Weldon weaves together skillfully the theoretical strands of gender equality policy, intersectionality, social movements, and representation in a multimethod/level comparative study that unequivocally places women's movements at the center of our understanding of democracy and social change." ---Amy G. Mazur, Washington State University. "Laurel Weldon's When Protest Makes Policy expands and enriches our understanding of representation by stressing social movements as a primary avenue for the representation of marginalized groups. With powerful theory backed by persuasive analysis, it is a must-read for anyone interested in democracy and the representation of marginalized groups." ---Pamela Paxton, University of Texas at Austin. "This is a bold and exciting book. There are many fine scholars who look at women's movements, political theorists who make claims about democracy, and policy analysts who do longitudinal treatments or cross-sectional evaluations of various policies. I know of no one, aside from Weldon, who is comfortable with all three of these roles." ---David Meyer, University of California, Irvine. What role do social movements play in a democracy? Political theorist S. Laurel Weldon demonstrates that social movements provide a hitherto unrecognized form of democratic representation, and thus offer a significant potential for deepening democracy and overcoming social conflict. Through a series of case studies of movements conducted by women, women of color, and workers in the United States and other member nations of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), Weldon examines processes of representation at the local, state, and national levels. She concludes that, for systematically disadvantaged groups, social movements can be as important---sometimes more important---for the effective articulation of a group perspective as political parties, interest groups, or the physical presence of group members in legislatures. When Protest Makes Policy contributes to the emerging scholarship on civil society as well as the traditional scholarship on representation. It will be of interest to anyone concerned with advancing social cohesion and deepening democracy and inclusion as well as those concerned with advancing equality for women, ethnic and racial minorities, the working class, and poor people.

Edmund Burke in recent years has assumed extraordinary stature in American political thinking as the father of neoconservatism. In this book, the first of a two-volume biography of this eighteenth-century English statesman, Mr. Cone brings important new evidence to his thesis that during the age of the American Revolution Burke was significant more as the politician and the party man than as a systematic political philosopher. This volume deals with Burke's career to 1782, when the Marquis of Rockingham, to whom Burke had attached himself seventeen years earlier, stood once again on the threshold of the prime ministership. In this period Burke was the voice -- and frequently the behind-the-scenes leader -- of the parliamentary opposition to George III, Lord North, and the "King's Friends." Ever since the repeal of the Stamp Act in 1766, he and his colleagues had struggled against the government over the great imperial questions of America, India, and Ireland and over the "influence" of the crown in domestic affairs through the patronage of the royal household offices. Mr. Cone stresses the importance of Burke's practical contributions to the art of government. By his partisan activities, his leadership in parliament, and his political writings, Burke gave expression to new ideas about the nature of English politics and emphasized the value of political parties as necessary instruments of free government. Indeed, Mr. Cone states, in so far as Burke the conservative championed the cause of party government, he did more than the political radical to change the nature of the cabinet, of parliament, of their relationship to one another, of the monarchy and its relationship to the cabinet and parliament -- in short, to revolutionize the practical working of the political and constitutional system of England. Based upon manuscript sources which were not opened to general scholarship until 1949, this book contains much new information about Burke's private life and provides a provocative reevaluation of his political career in the age of the American Revolution

AbstractIn this article I use new archival and elite interview data to improve our knowledge of how theCanadian Multiculturalism Actcame into existence. I show why some Canadians began to seek such an act, why political parties promised an act and how this act was created. The evidence in this article will also correct claims that scholars often make about this act and the policy of multiculturalism that it contains. This evidence also improves our knowledge of why the policy of multiculturalism in this legislation does what few scholars would expect. This is because scholars often claim that policies of multiculturalism are used to "repudiate" and remove understandings of a country. But my evidence helps to show why the policy of multiculturalism in this act promotes understandings of a country. Scholars also claim that policies of multiculturalism can be divisive if they are unaccompanied by nation-building policies. But my evidence helps to show why the policy of multiculturalism in this legislation was designed to be a nation-building policy.

The article describes the different approaches in understanding the nature of the dominant party and the instruments that it uses to institutionalize the political space. Also desctibes experience of party dominance in countries such as Mexico, Japan and India. Despite the regime differences in these countries, the author identifies the common features inherent in the dominant parties. Special attention is paid to fundamental differences between a "party of power" and the dominant party. ; Рассмотрены различные подходы к пониманию сущности доминирующей партии и ключевых инструментов, которые она применяет для институционализации политического пространства. Анализируется опыт партийного доминирования в таких странах, как Мексика, Япония и Индия. Несмотря на режимные различия этих государств, автор выделяет общие черты, которые присущи доминирующим партиям. Особое внимание в работе уделяется принципиальным различиям между понятиями «партия власти» и доминирующая партия. ; Розглянуті різні підходи до розуміння сутності домінуючої партії та ключових інструментів, які вона застосовує для інституціоналізації політичного простору. Аналізується досвід партійного домінування в таких країнах, як Мексика, Японія та Індія. Не зважаючи на режимні відмінності цих держав, автор виділяє загальні риси, які притаманні домінуючим партіям. Особлива увага в роботі приділяється принциповим відмінностям між поняттями «партія влади» та домінуюча партія.