Suchergebnisse

Nur wenige Tage vor dem Referendum über die Unabhängigkeit Schottlands im September 2014 publizierten Filmregisseurin Eleanor Yule und Universitätsdozent David Manderson das erste Werk über das ihnen zufolge typisch schottische Kulturphänomen des "Miserablismus". Sie kritisieren "Miserablismus" für die Propagierung einer laut ihnen zutiefst pessimistischen Vision von Schottland auf den Seiten seiner Fiktion, und identifizieren den Glasgower Schriftsteller James Kelman als dessen Hauptvertreter. Yule und Manderson sind lediglich die neuesten Mitglieder einer Bewegung in der schottischen Literaturkritik, welche Schottlands Kulturproduktion als unvorteilhaft von diesem Sentiment dominiert erachtet. Der führende Kelman-Experte Scott Hames argumentiert jedoch, dass die literarische Politik des Künstlers oft durch eben diese klischeehafte Darstellung seiner Fiktion als ungeschönter sozialer Realismus verdeckt wird. Diese Diplomarbeit untersucht die Gültigkeit von Kelmans Bewertung als "Miserablist" sowohl im Hinblick auf den aktuellen sozio-kulturellen Diskurs zur Schottland-Frage als auch auf den Aufschwung des Historismus in der schottischen Literaturkritik. ; Mere days before the Scottish independence referendum in September 2014, film director Eleanor Yule and academic David Manderson published the first book-length discussion of "miserablism", which they view as a distinctly Scottish cultural phenomenon. They criticise "miserablism" for promoting an utterly pessimistic vision of Scotland on the pages of its fiction, and identify Glaswegian writer James Kelman as its chief exponent. Yule and Manderson are only the most recent members of a movement within Scottish literary criticism which regards the countrys literary output as harmfully dominated by this sentiment. However, leading Kelman expert Scott Hames argues that the artists literary politics have often been obscured precisely by the clichéd likening of his fiction to gritty social realism. This dissertation examines the validity of Kelmans assessment as a "miserablist" writer in light of both the current socio-political discourse surrounding the Scottish Question and the revival of historicism in Scottish literary criticism. ; vorgelegt von Ines Kirschner ; Abweichender Titel laut Übersetzung der Verfasserin/des Verfassers ; Zsfassung in dt. und engl. Sprache ; Graz, Univ., Dipl.-Arb., 2015 ; (VLID)495860

While much has been written about the pathologizing of Jewish bodies by European sexologists, and while the role of Jewish scholars in the study of deviance has been recognized, next to nothing has been written about how European Jews theorized their own sex, in their own deviant tongue. This article proposes to rectify this lack by turning to a completely neglected body of work: sexology written in Yiddish. Yiddish sexology, produced globally across the first half of the twentieth century, reveals an array of new imaginaries of corporeality and sociality, coming from diverse transnational Jewish communities and reflecting varying engagements with the emergent science of sex. This article focuses on the work of one doctor, Leonard Landis, working at the turn of the twentieth century in New York, who was by far the most prolific (and controversial) author of Yiddish sexology and yet remains entirely unstudied. Recovering his unique voice and exposing some of its intricate intertextual and cross-cultural dialogues, this article argues for the vitality of including Yiddish sexology within global histories of sexuality.

Within the extensive scientific and policy discussions about climate change migrants, detailed analyses continue to highlight the lack of evidence thus far for climate change directly causing migration. To understand better how climate change might or might not lead to migration, this paper explores possibilities for developing a robust, repeatable, and verifiable method to count or calculate the number of people migrating or not migrating due to climate change. The discussion starts by examining definitions of &ldquo ; climate change&rdquo ; and &ldquo ; migration&rdquo ; then looking at how to determine numbers of climate change migrants based on those definitions. These points lead to descriptions of the subjectivity and arbitrariness of the decisions needed for counting or calculating climate change migrants and non-migrants. While the scientific study of working out numbers of climate change migrants and non-migrants is challenging and interesting, especially due to its complexity, changing baselines alongside legitimate concerns about necessary assumptions lead to questions regarding the usefulness of the calculations for policy and action. Ultimately, labelling, counting, and calculating climate change migrants and non-migrants depend on political choices, so any numbers reached might not be scientifically robust. Improved understanding of people&rsquo ; s motivations for migrating and not migrating under different circumstances, including under climate change and perceptions thereof, would be preferable to a starting point assuming that climate change inevitably causes migration.

AbstractThe breakthrough character of the Oslo agreement is attributed to the mutual recognition between the State of Israel and the PLO and the opening of direct negotiations between them. The parties were induced to go to Oslo and negotiate an agreement there by macro-level forces evolving over some time: Long-term changes, going back to the 1967 War, and short-term strategic and domestic-political considerations, resulting from the Gulf War and the end of the Cold War, created new interests that persuaded them of the necessity of negotiating a compromise; and unofficial interactions between the two sides over the course of two decades persuaded them of the possibility of doing so. Once the parties decided to negotiate, the micro-process provided by Oslo, with its peculiar mixture of track-one and track-two elements, contributed to the success of the negotiations. Key elements included secrecy, the setting, the status of the initial participants, the nature of the third party, and the nature of the mediation process. Finally, what made the accord viable were some of its main substantive features, including the exchange of letters of mutual recognition, the distinction between the interim and the final stage, and the territorial base and early empowerment of the Palestinian Authority.

This article provides a brief overview of the relationship between disaster vulnerability and demographic variables. Population numbers and densities are examined along with using a gender focus as illustrative of individual characteristics. For the most part, people's and society's choices create vulnerabilities based on demographics rather than specific demographic characteristics inevitably conferring vulnerability.