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Neo-liberalism has been one of the most influential ideologies since the Second World War. This book provides an original account of its intellectual foundations, development and conceptual configuration as an ideology. It presents a comparative study of the development and the nature of neo-liberal ideas in the national contexts of Germany, Britain and the United States since the twentieth century, addressing the following questions: What are neo-liberalism's intellectual origins? What influence did neo-liberalism have on public policy debates? What are neo-liberalism's core concepts and how have they been interpreted in different national contexts that make it a distinctive ideology? In answering these questions, the book provides a deeper insight into the historical and intellectual origins and conceptual configuration of an ideology that reshaped politics and societies across the world. Key Features Explores the intellectual and historical genesis of neo-liberalism Presents a case study of ideological growth and formation Concentrates on the four core concepts at the centre of neo-liberal ideology: the market, welfare, the constitution and property Written in a clear and accessible style Offers a comprehensive analysis of neo-liberalism as both an ideology and a political movement.

"Liberal Peacebuilding and Its Critiques" published on by Oxford University Press.

1. Neo-liberalism and public goods -- 2. Neo-liberalism and English education -- 3. Neo-liberal educational reforms and social inequality : some insights from France -- 4. The education agenda of Turkey : marketing education in the context of neo-liberal policies -- 5. Neo-liberal reforms and governance in Mexican higher education -- 6. The neo-liberal reforms of education in Argentina and Latin America -- 7. The influence of neo-liberalism on Japan's educational reforms -- 8. The impacts of neo-liberalism on higher education in China : issues and challenges -- 9. Globalization and neo-liberalism as educational policy in Australia -- 10. Environmental education through global and local lenses : ecopedagogy and globalizations in Appalachia, Argentina and Brazil -- 11. The state and education policy change in South Africa : walking the tightrope between choice and equity.

According to some perspectives, it is difficult to imagine the collective West developing further relations with Russia beyond the regulatory and systemic – rather than the social – so long as their political systems remain divergent. At the same time, continued elements of Russian "Europeanness" raise fundamental questions about the future role and pre-eminence of liberal states – including Canada – in the contemporary international order, seeing as the Western-led liberal order appears to have failed to become synonymous with global order itself. As such, Russia remains a good case study for probing the extent to which a future world order must root itself in a monist frame in today's pluralistic world. This paper will seek to explore this question from a perspective rooted in the English School of international relations, with the aim ofderiving conclusions regarding the liberal international order's ability to maintain its hegemonic position in global international society.

This volume gathers a cast of eminent scholars for a critical and comparitive analysis of how neoliberal education policies have functioned in a range of countries in different stages of economic development. Treating case studies from Europe, Asia, the Americas and the Middle East, the volume shows how globalization operates differently in different societal contexts.

Kultur hat in (neo-)liberalen Entwicklungs- und Modernisierungstheorien zwei wesentliche Dimensionen: einerseits soll sie in den weniger industrialisierten Staaten einen gesellschaftlichen Wertewandel, von vermeintlich rückständigen Wirtschaftsweisen hin zu konkurrenzfähigen, säkularen Volkswirtschaften, bewirken. Zum anderen werden damit angeblich entwicklungshemmende und vergangenheitsorientierte Traditionen und Normen als defizitär diskreditiert. Trotz des offensichtlichen Scheiterns dieser Theorien erlebt die staatliche Entwicklungspolitik seit Verabschiedung der Millennium Development Goals und den darauf aufbauenden Sustainable Development Goals eine sich selbst wieder legitimierende Renaissance. Als Gegenentwurf dazu rücken kritisch-alternative Ansätze die Autonomie sowie die Bewahrung kultureller Identitäten der von Entwicklung "betroffenen" Gesellschaften in den Fokus. Torben Ehlers verfolgt im vorliegenden Buch zwei wesentliche Absichten: Zum einen untersucht er in Anlehnung an Foucault, wie die Überreste eines kulturellen Rassismus das dominierende, universalistische Kulturverständnis prägen. Andererseits wird aufgezeigt, wie sich auf Nicht-Diskriminierung, Gleichheit, Empathie und Respekt basierende Kulturkonzepte ohne vorbelastende Ideologisierung vom Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts bis in die Gegenwart gebildet haben und neue Lösungswege im Bereich partnerschaftlicher Entwicklungszusammenarbeit als gegenseitigen kulturellen Lernprozess auf Augenhöhe anbieten.

What are the political implications of 'expert' knowledge and especially scientific knowledge for liberal democracy? If knowledge is not evenly distributed upon what basis can the philosophy of equal rights be sustained?. This important book points to the crisis in knowledge in liberal democracies. This crisis, simply put, is that most citizens cannot understand, much less judge, the claims scientists make. One response is the appointment of public commissions to provide conclusions for policy-makers to act upon. There are also c̀ommissions from below', such as grass roots associations that qu

InLeft Turn: How Liberal Bias Distorts The American Mind,Tim Groseclose argues that media effects play a crucial role in American politics. His case rests on three arguments: (1) that journalists tend overwhelmingly to be liberal rather than conservative; (2) that their innate political bias slants their views in empirically measurable ways; and (3) that this bias fundamentally shapes American politics, by bringing US citizens further to the left than they would naturally be. According to Groseclose, in a world where media bias did not exist, American citizens would on average hold views close to those of Ben Stein or Bill O'Reilly. In such a world, John McCain would have defeated Barack Obama by a popular vote margin of 56%—42% in the 2008 presidential election.In making these claims, Groseclose draws on his own research, and on recent media scholarship by both political scientists and economists, making the broader claim that peer-reviewed social science—which seeks to deal with problems such as endogeneity and selection bias—should be the starting point for public arguments about the role of the media. His book, then, is clearly an effort to bring social scientific arguments into mainstream debates. Groseclose makes no secret of his conservative political leanings—but recent books from left-leaning political scientists such as Jacob Hacker and Paul Pierson are equally unapologetic. It is at least plausible that political scientists' typical unwillingness to engage directly in political arguments has weakened the discipline's capacity for public engagement.In this symposium a diverse group of contributors have been invited to engage with Groseclose's arguments in ways that bring together specific empirical and/or theoretical points and arguments aimed at the broader "political science public sphere" thatPerspectives on Politicsseeks to nurture. Contributors were asked to consider these five questions: (1): How do we best measure media effects? (2): If media bias exists, what are its plausible sources? (3): Can one use work on media effects to determine what people's views would be in the absence of such bias? (4): Do you agree that American politics is insufficiently representative, and if so what do you consider the primary sources of this problem? (5): What kinds of political and/or media institutions or practices might enhance democratic discourse?—Henry Farrell, Associate Editor

When Hugo Chavez was elected president of Venezuela the left governed only in one other country, Cuba. Since then, there has been a tectonic shift in Latin American politics. Left-of-center coalitions are now in office in more than half a dozen countries and many observers speak of a pink wave or left turns in the region. This article seeks to shed some light on this process. It outlines criteria of theoretical and practical reason to address what it means to speak of the left in this juncture and looks at ways of characterizing its resurgence. Winning elections is the undisputed benchmark to assess the left turns. It is also restrictive because the ongoing changes in the region seem to go beyond the fortunes of short-term coalitions. This is why I propose to supplement the standard benchmark with additional criteria. The main one is the success of the left in redefining the parameters of the political and ideological center. In the final section, I focus on what I see as the most innovative aspect of these turns, namely, their challenge to the conventionally liberal understanding of politics. A post-liberal political scenario is emerging as actors experiment with various formats and sites of engagement alongside the liberal sphere of electoral representation. It is not a Manichean either/or situation; ongoing insurgencies are weary of liberal politics but are nonetheless contaminated by them. My conclusion is that we are bound to see more rather than less hybridity in this post-liberal scenario. Key words: left politics, Latin America, post-liberal politics. ; Cuando Hugo Chávez fue electo como presidente de Venezuela la izquierda gobernaba sólo en Cuba. En el tiempo transcurrido desde entonces otra media docena de países se sumaron a la lista y muchos comentaristas han comenzado a hablar de una ola rosada o del giro a la izquierda en la región. Este artículo intenta conceptualizar lo ocurrido. Propone un marco analítico para caracterizar a la izquierda y el giro a la izquierda en la política latinoamericana. El éxito electoral sigue siendo el criterio habitual para determinar dónde ha habido un giro a la izquierda, y está bien que así sea. Pero se trata de un criterio restrictivo dado que los procesos en curso en la región parecen ir más allá de las vicisitudes electorales. Por eso propongo suplementar el criterio electoral con otros. Entre ellos, la capacidad de la izquierda para confi gurar la agenda política y el hecho de que ella está redefiniendo el centro político e ideológico. En la sección final abordo lo que me parece ser el aspecto más innovador de estos giros, a saber, su incipiente desafío al esquema liberal de la política. Un escenario post-liberal está surgiendo a medida en que los actores experimentan con formatos y lugares de intercambio político paralelos a los de la esfera liberal de la representación electoral. No se trata de proponer un maniqueísmo de lo uno o lo otro pues las insurgencias en curso son críticas de la política liberal pero no dejan de estar contaminadas por ella. Mi conclusión es que el escenario post-liberal está caracterizado por la hibridación política. Palabras clave: izquierda política, América Latina, política post-liberal.

"One of the first to provide a socio-legal comparative history of under-studied or ignored Jewish attempts in the 1930s 'Anglosphere' to counter the rise in fascist and Nazi antisemitism, this book examines the ways in which Jewish individuals and organized communal bodies in the mid-to late 1930s sought to counter this increasing antisemitic violence, physical and verbal, by using the law against their fascist and Nazi attackers. This is the first study to explore how Jews in these countries organized themselves, brought their oppressors to court, while seeking to convince their governments that an attack on Jews was a threat to the social order. The book analyzes the networks of knowledge and the personal relationships between and among key actors and institutions of the 'Antisemitic International.' Nazi 'nationalists' always participated in networks that transcended borders. Case studies from Canada, South Africa, the United Kingdom, and the United States, illustrate the ways in which different mechanisms of Jewish resistance were deployed throughout the mid-to-late 1930s. They embody significant concerns about the 'turn to law' and the importance of litigation and legislation. The book examines the ways in which professional legal discourse about public order and democratic citizenship proffered by Jewish communities and individual Jews was countered by their Nazi opponents with legal and political arguments about 'truth,' 'persecution,' and Jewish perfidy"--