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Nowadays our lives are strongly influenced by the increased mortality and rising or progressing of various diseases, accidents and other social issues. Insecurity and fear are the companions of the majority of us. Solving various social problems is the way towards healthier, safer and happier society. Social marketing campaigns are conducted throughout the world, so it is crucial to examine their benefits and the exact implementation. The most desirable effect of these campaigns is the behavioral change, but intermediate effects, as the change in knowledge or attitude are also possible. The greater the change in behavior, the more effective the campaign is considered. The aim of the work: consider the effects and efficiency assessment problems. The goals of the work: 1. Define concept if social marketing. 2. To identify the differences of the social and commercial marketing. 3. To review the effects of social marketing. 4. Discuss social marketing efficiency. 5. Apply theoretical concepts of social marketing to specific social marketing campaign analysis. 6. To investigate the participants' attitude of social marketing campaign measures and efficiency. The methods of the work: while writing the work, information of the scientific articles, books and internet sources was used and a quantitative survey was conducted. This work presents a theoretical concept of social marketing, identifies and provides details of components of social marketing. It also analyzes the effects and the efficiency of social marketing and the influence of culture on them. The practical part of the work presents the research of the social marketing campaign aimed at smoking prevention, the assessment of its popularity and efficiency. Conclusion:The essential difference between social and commercial marketing is the different goals. Commercial marketing is based on financial gain, while social marketing to the public good or otherwise, to change a behavior in the desired way. To affect people, groups becomes a major goal of campaign, the effects are divided into three main types: the impact on knowledge, attitudes and behavior. To measure the efficiency of social marketing campaign, it is best seen in five levels: awareness, concentration, behavior, social norms, good. Understanding the importance of efficiency in each stage is critical for planning and following through social marketing campaign. Looking at the international aspect of the culture, traditions and customs are crucial for performance evaluation. Therefore, the development of social marketing campaigns need to take into account the cultural differences between countries and adapt them to the proper course of action. Social marketing campaign "HELP - For a life without tobacco" is an international program, conducted in all European Union countries. Since 2005, the anti-smoking campaign is carried out in the second round, which seeks long-term effects. Completed study showed that social marketing campaign is known in Lithuania, it attracts attention of young people, they visit the campaign web site and claims that the information is interesting, detailed, help to shape their attitudes to smoking, but unfortunately, only a small proportion of the respondents believe that these campaigns are effective and influence young people's behavior.

Anahtar Kelimeler: Birleşme, Kooperatiflerde BirleşmeÖZETKOOPERATİFLERDE BİRLEŞMEKooperatiflerin birleşmeleri ile ilgili 1163 sayılı kanunun 98. maddesin de "Bu kanunun aksine açıklama olmayan durumlarda Türk Ticaret Kanunundaki Anonim Şirketlere ait hükümler uygulanır" hükmü geçmektedir. Ülkemizde kooperatif birleşmeleri, Anonim şirketlerin birleşme hükümlerine bağlanmış ve bu şekilde birleşmeleri sağlanmıştır. Türkiye'de gerçekleşen kooperatif birleşmeleri 3 çeşit birleşme olarak görülmektedir. 1- birim kooperatif birleşmeleri (yatay birleşme), 2- kooperatif birlikleri (dikey birleşme), 3- kooperatif merkez birlikleridir.Gelişmiş ülkeler kooperatiflerin birleşmeleri ile ilgili ayrı kanunlar düzenlemiş, uluslar arası finansal standartlar ile bunu desteklemişlerdir. Bu ülkelerdeki kooperatifler, bulundukları sektörlerdeki diğer sermaye şirketleriyle baş edebilir duruma gelmiş hatta bazı kooperatif birleşmeleri bu sermaye şirketlerinin önüne geçmiştir.Kooperatifçilikte uluslararası örgütlenme çok eski yıllara dayanmaktadır. Dünyadaki en eski uluslararası örgütlerden biri Uluslararası Kooperatifler Alyansı'dır Günümüzde bile kurulan bölgesel seviyedeki bazı uluslararası örgütler ICA çatısı altında yer almayı tercih etmektedirler. Kooperatifler 115 yıl önce sadece ulusal çizgide kalmayıp, uluslararası düzeyde işbirliğinin temelini atmışlardır. 19-22 Ağustos 1895 tarihleri arasında 14 ülkeden 200 temsilcinin katılımı ile Londra Kooperatif Kongresinde bir araya gelen Avrupa kooperatif liderleri aldıkları karar sonucunda ICA çatısı altında bir araya gelmişlerdir. ICA'nın Merkezi İsviçre'nin Cenevre kentidir. İsviçre Medeni Kanununa göre tüzel kişilik olarak faaliyet gösteren uluslararası bir birliktir. Bugün örgüte 91 ülkeden 243 örgütün üyedir. Örgüte üye örgütlerin 800 milyondan fazla ortağı bulunmaktadır.Supervisor: Professor Osman AltuğDegree Awarded And Date: Master – November 2010 Keywords: Merger, Merger Of CooperativesABSTRACTMERGER OF COOPERATIVES The item of 98 in Law No. 1163 on cooperative merger cites ;"This is contrary to the law when there is no explanation, the provisions of law belonging to anonymous companies of the Turkish Commercial Law are applied. In our country, cooperative mergers has been linked to merger provisions of anonymous companies, and so supllied the mergers. 3 kinds of cooperative mergers are seen as the merger took place in Turkey. 1 - unit cooperative mergers (horizontal mergers), 2 - cooperative associations (vertical mergers), 3. central assosiation of cooperatives.Developed countries have organized different laws related to mergers of cooperatives, and supported it with international financial standards. Cooperatives in these countries has been able to cope with other capital stock companies in their sectors,moreever some cooperative mergers have taken precedence of these capital companies. International organization in cooperative trading system are based on previous years. One of the oldest international organizations in the world is 'International Cooperatives Alliance'. Even today, some international organizations established at the regional level seem to prefer to take place under the frame of ICA. Cooperatives have prepared the basis of cooperation, not only at the national line, but also at the international level 115 years ago. European cooperative leaders coming together by the participation of 200 representatives from 14 countries, between 19-22 August 1895 in the London Cooperative Congress has come together as a result of the decision under the frame of ICA.Centre of ICA is Swiss city of Geneva.According to the Swiss Civil Code,it is an international union of operating as a legal entity. Today, 243 organizations from 91 countries are members of this organization.There are more than 800 million partners of the organization.

The years since the terrorist attacks on the United States of 11 September 2001 have seen the West revert to a familiar historical trajectory, one dating back a millennium and extending into the foreseeable future. This is the running contestation with the world of Islam. Underpinning this phenomenon is a persistent anti-Islam discourse whose roots can be traced to the early Western images of the Muslims, essentially Church propaganda crafted in the eleventh century CE amid the mobilization for the First Crusade. In such an atmosphere, a distinct portrait began to take shape, with the practices and beliefs of the Muslims conceived as mirror-images of self-evident Christian virtues: Islam is a religion of violence and cruelty; Mohammad and the Qu'ran stand for falsehood and deception; Muslims are sexual deviants. Later accretions to this discourse include a string of essentialist ideas that remain regular features in today's political arena, on the Internet, on "talk" radio, and with greater erudition but much the same substance in the so-called quality press, and, all too frequently, in the Academy: Muslims are backward and fearful of modernity; the West is rational, Islam is fanatical; Muslims are jealous of Western lifestyles; they hate women; they are anti-democratic and despise Western notions of civic freedoms. Contemporary currents in sociology, from secularization theory to notions of globalization, have failed to predict or explain the appearance today of a "resurgent" Islam, or to account for what it is that Muslims say, and do, and believe in any meaningful way (Sutton and Vertigans 2005). Likewise, traditional Western history of ideas has proven unable to explain the unchanging nature of the anti-Islam discourse in the face of ever-new data amassed in ten centuries of trade, travel, study, warfare, and so on. These shortcomings exercise a profound, corrosive effect on a range of issues across the contemporary social sciences, including sociology, politics, intellectual history, law, theology, international relations, human rights, and security studies. In response, this thesis applies the analytical techniques of Michel Foucault to explore the creation of the anti-Islam discourse in the medieval period and the social, intellectual, and political influences that this has exerted ever since. It then applies a sociological framework which revolves around one central theoretical position – that the very idea of Islam has been perpetuated by those Western social groups and institutions that stand to benefit from its survival. Three interrelated research questions are examined: How is this discourse formed? How does it operate? And, lastly, Cui bono? Who benefits? Specific themes of concern to the contemporary West – Islam and science; Islam and violence; and Islam and women – are then explored in terms of these questions. Finally, new avenues for future research are proposed that would set aside, or "reverse," central aspects of the anti-Islam discourse and open the way for sociologists and other social sciences to begin to fill the considerable gaps in the Western idea of Islam.

Im Mittelpunkt der Dissertation steht die Entwicklung der deutschen Frage im Sport bis zu und bei den Olympischen Spielen 1972 in München. Die zeitgeschichtliche Untersuchung stellt die wechselseitigen Einflüsse von Sport und Politik in den Vordergrund. Für die deutsch-deutsche Sportgeschichte und die Geschichte der Sportverbände beider Staaten war diese Phase, in der um Anerkennung, Alleinvertretung und die sportliche Vormachtstellung gekämpft wurde, von entscheidender Bedeutung. Die gesamte Sportpolitik der DDR orientierte sich an dem außen- und deutschlandpolitischen Konzept der SED, während in der Bundesrepublik die Problematik der Zwei-Staaten-Lösung zu einer wachsenden Auseinandersetzung der Politik mit dem Sport führte. Im Zuge dieser Auseinandersetzung standen sich die Interessen der Sportfunktionäre und der Politiker der Bundesrepublik zum Teil diametral entgegen, in anderen Fällen gingen Regierung und Sportorganisationen eine Allianz ein. Die Vergabe der Olympischen Spiele an München und die eigenständige Teilnahme einer Mannschaft aus der DDR stellten für beide deutsche Staaten schließlich eine besondere Herausforderung dar. Während die Regierung der DDR einerseits auf sportlichen Erfolg und damit eine regelmäßige Präsentation ihrer Staatssymbole im Land des Klassenfeindes und eine entsprechend negative Darstellung der Bundesrepublik bedacht war, sorgte sie sich um die Zuverlässigkeit der Bürger. Mit hohem Aufwand betrieb sie eine gezielte Auslese und Vorbereitung aller nach München reisenden Sportler, Touristen, Journalisten, Künstler, Studenten und Schüler. Für die Bundesregierung auf der anderen Seite boten die Spiele eine willkommene Gelegenheit, der Welt das "moderne Deutschland" zu zeigen. Die Teilnahme der Mannschaft der DDR war jedoch bis 1968 ein kaum zu überwindendes Hindernis – schließlich waren ihre Staatssymbole in der Bundesrepublik verboten. Akten der Sportorganisationen und Regierungen beider Staaten, des Internationalen Olympischen Komitees sowie des Ministeriums für Staatssicherheit der DDR und des Bundesnachrichtendienstes bilden die Grundlage der Analyse, die sich nach einer eingehenden Darstellung der sportpolitischen Entwicklungen nach 1949 besonders den Olympischen Spielen 1972 in München widmet. ; The central theme of the doctoral thesis is the development of the German question in the field of sports up to and at the 1972 Summer Olympics in Munich. The contemporary-historical study places special emphasis on the reciprocal influences of sports and politics. This period, in which both German states fought for recognition, sole agency, and supremacy in sports, was of crucial importance to the East-West German sport history and the history of their respective sports associations. The sports policy of the GDR was generally aligned to the foreign and German policy concepts of the SED, whereas in West German politics, the problematic situation of the two-state solution led to an increasing interest in sports. Over the course of this discussion, the varied interests of sports officials and politicians were at times diametrically opposed to one another while at others sports organisations and the administration formed an alliance. The IOC's vote for Munich in 1966 and the independent participation of a national team of the GDR were a significant challenge for both German states. On the one hand, the government of the GDR was concerned about successful perfomances in sports and thus a continuous presentation of the symbols of its state and a corresponding negative image of West Germany, while on the other hand it worried about its citizens' reliability. The GDR made a huge effort to deliberately select and prepare all the athletes, tourists, journalists, artists, students and pupils that travelled to Munich. The West German government regarded the Games as a welcome opportunity to present the "modern Germany" to the world. However, until 1968 the participation of the independent team of the GDR seemed to be an insurmountable obstacle – after all the symbols of the German Democratic Republic were banned by law in West Germany. Files and documents of the sports organisations and governments of both German states, of the IOC as well as the respective intelligence services form the basis of this study, which, following a detailed investigation of the sports-political developments after 1949, focuses especially on the 1972 Summer Olympics in Munich.

This publication contains presentations from the workshop "Identity and Pluralism" held at Linköping University in Sweden in June 2008. ¨The first article by Reevany Bustami, Ellisha Nasruddin and Sarmila Md Sum offers a critique of the 'diversity and inclusion' discussions in the present CSR discourse. In doing so, it seeks to expand the parameters of diversity to include the broader community as well as the supply chain networks within which companies exist. It also examines the issues of diversity and pluralism within the context of multi religious and multi ethnic Malaysian society as well as the continuing debates of affirmative action originated from Malaysia's New Economic Policy (NEP). In their essay on pluralism in Malaysian higher education Ellisha Nasruddin, Reevany Bustami and Ng Sen Fa discuss: 1) key future trends/alternatives within higher education and their cross-impacts; 2) how these trends/alternatives may create undesirable or desirable impact on ethnic pluralism; and 3) roadmap(s) for transformation within higher education vis-a-vis ethnic pluralism. What is the role of Christian churches in Malaysia? Göran Wiking discusses the isolationist characteristics inherent in some Malaysian churches and denominations. Secondly, a brief analysis of the phenomenon is attempted: is this a genuine or just a perceived impediment to national integration? Are there in fact indicators to the contrary, whereby a certain degree of ethnic isolation can serve to strengthen identity and foster more wholesome members of the society at large? Göran Collste discusses one aspect of Malaysian political pluralism; the policy of affirmative action. Affirmative action is favouring Malays and to be Muslim is one of the requirements for being beneficiary of affirmative action. He points at some problems for the policy of affirmative action in a time with increased religious tensions and an increased emphasis on religious affiliation as identity marker. What are the conditions for a real dialogue between members of different ethnic and religious groups? Peter Gan argues that openness to transformation by the other is not strictly speaking an ethic of reducing the other to the self. Rather, it is an orientation that is predicated upon a symmetric self-other relation. In exploring this form of openness, the author attempts to unravel the intricacies embedded within the dialogic process which permeates interethnic, particularly interreligious relations. The concept "secular state" is nowadays often used in both everyday discourse and scholarly debate. Often it comes with normative connotations; that the democratic state should be secular. However, the exact meaning of the concept is not clear. In his essay Marcus Agnafors examines different meanings of the concept "secular state". He also discusses some arguments commonly presented in support of the idea that the state should, in some sense, be secular. Finally, Anne-Christine Hornborg's essay deals with the struggle for identity by an Indian tribe in Canada. She discusses the impact of the so called residential school on contemporary Mi'kmaq life worlds and identities, drawing on interviews from fieldworks conducted in Cape Breton, Nova Scotia. ; Authors participating in this publication apart from the editor: Reevany Bustami, Ellisha Nasruddin, Sarmila Md Sum, Ng Sen Fa, Göran Wiking, Peter Gan, Marcus Agnafors and Anne-Christine Hornborg.

Este artículo plantea una nueva interpretación del proceso de independencia en Ecuador, proceso que diera inicio en 1808 y que concluyera en 1822. Aquí se demuestra que la Revolución de Quito de 1809 no fue un movimiento anticolonialista. Antes bien, tal como sucediera con las Juntas en la Península, Quito intentó salvaguardar la Monarquía española ante los franceses "ateos". La independencia del Reino de Quito y la formación de la República de Ecuador tuvieron lugar dentro del contexto de la revolución del mundo hispánico y la disolución de la Monarquía española. El presente estudio analiza el surgimiento del gobierno representativo y de las elecciones populares instauradas por la Constitución Hispánica de 1812. Los habitantes de la Audiencia o Reino de Quito preferían establecer un reino autónomo dentro de la Monarquía hispánica constitucional. Aun cuando Guayaquil declarara su independencia en 1820 e intentara obtener el apoyo de la Sierra para establecer el Estado de Quito, su esfuerzo fracasó en última instancia debido a que los ejércitos de la República centralista de Colombia (Gran Colombia), encabezados por Simón Bolívar, obligaron a la región a unirse a la nueva república. Cuando la Gran Colombia se fragmentó en 1830, el antiguo Reino de Quito formó una república separada, pero algunas de sus provincias del norte quedaron en manos de Colombia. Antes que mantener el antiguo nombre –Quito, preferido por Guayaquil y la Sierra– el congreso constituyente decidió llamar a la nueva nación Ecuador, el nombre dado al antiguo reino cuando la región fue incorporada por la fuerza a la Gran Colombia. ; This article advances a new interpretation of the process of independence in Ecuador, which began in 1808 and concluded in 1822. It demonstrates that the Quito revolution of 1809 was not an anticolonial movement. Like the Juntas in the Peninsula and the rest of America formed after Napoleon's invasion of the Iberian Peninsula, Quito sought to safeguard the Spanish Monarchy from the "godless" French. The independence of the Kingdom Quito and the formation of the republic of Ecuador occurred within the context of the revolution of the Hispanic world and the dissolution of the Spanish Monarchy. This study analyses the rise of representative government and the popular elections established by the Hispanic Constitution of 1812. The people of the Audiencia or Reino de Quito favored establishing an autonomous kingdom within the constitutional Spanish Monarchy. Although Guayaquil declared independence in 1820 and attempted to obtain support from the sierra to establish the Estado de Quito, that effort ultimately failed because the armies of the centralist republic of Colombia (Gran Colombia) led by Simón Bolívar forced the region to join the new republic. When Gran Colombia fragmented in 1830, the former Kingdom of Quito formed a separate republic but lost some of its northern provinces to Colombia. Rather than retaining its historic name, Quito, which Guayaquil and the Sierra preferred, the constituent congress decided to call the new nation Ecuador, the name given to the former kingdom when the region was forcibly incorporated into Gran Colombia. ; Cuenca ; no. 22

High levels of inequality are a persistent feature of many rural areas in the developing world. Rural inequality is correlated with major impediments of rural development, such as crime, elite-capture, and lack of collective action. Government transfer programs, such as conditional cash transfer, unemployment insurance, old-age pension or similar programs that target the lower tail of a village's cumulative welfare distribution function have become a very popular public policy to tackle poverty and inequality in rural areas. While the poverty impacts of those programs are well documented in the literature less attention has been given to the redistributive capacity of such policies at the village level. Among the main reasons for the neglect is a common belief that monetary transfers to the lower tail of the village welfare distribution (i.e. 'the poor'), while excluding the upper tail (i.e. 'the rich') from the program, must lead to a reduction in inequality. In this paper we show that the impact of such programs on reducing rural inequality may be lower than previously thought. This is because program-eligible lower and program-ineligible upper tail do not behave in isolation from each other. They are linked via interactions in credit & insurance, as well as factor & commodity markets. If, consequently, a government transfer triggers the lower tail to shift then the upper tail follows, leading to modest reductions in local inequality. ; Un niveau élevé d'inégalités constitue une caractéristique récurrente des zones rurales des pays en développement. Ces inégalités rurales vont de pair avec nombre d'obstacles majeurs au développement, tel que la criminalité, et le manque d'action collective. Les programmes d'aides gouvernementales, tels que les aides conditionnelles, l'assurance chômage, les pensions vieillesses, ou d'autres programmes du même type ayant pour cible le bas de la distribution des richesses, sont devenus un outil de politique publique très populaire dans la lutte contre la pauvreté et les inégalités en zones rurales. Si l'impact de ces programmes sur la pauvreté a fait l'objet d'importantes recherches, l'impact redistributif de telles politiques n'a été que peu étudié à l'échelle des villages eux-mêmes. Une des raisons pour lesquelles cette thématique n'a pas fait l'objet d'une réelle attention est qu'il est couramment admis que les transferts monétaires dirigés vers le bas de la distribution des richesses ("les pauvres"), en excluant la partie haute ("les riches"), devraient permettre la réduction des inégalités. Le présent article montre que l'impact de programmes de ce type sur la réduction des inégalités en zone rurale pourrait s'avérer plus faible que ce l'on pensait. Le bas de distribution des richesses, éligible, et la partie supérieure, non-éligible, ne fonctionnent en effet pas de manière indépendante. Ils sont liés par leurs interactions sur les marchés du crédit et de l'assurance, ainsi que sur ceux des facteurs et des biens. Si, par conséquent, les aides gouvernementales permettent une élévation du niveau des richesses en bas de la distribution, la partie haute en bénéficiera elle aussi, ce qui se traduit donc in fine par une réduction modeste des inégalités au niveau local.

Thinking advertising as historical phenomena supposes a contextual approach to help us to get an appropriate theoretical frame in order to explain the specific nature of this problem. Being it an economic, politic, technologic and aesthetic multi-determined field of cultural practices, it becomes essential to know the specific frame that those determinations conform to configure our study object. The historical period analyzed in this paper is the argentine transition from the civil post independence war, to the modern state consolidation, approximately from 1862 to 1880, and the correlative transition in the press, from a factional pre-modern to a modern one, in a civil society organized by a market agro-export based economy and framed with a parliamentary modern state, connected with the world. This process completes itself in the first decades of the twenty century, and converges with de birth of a national cultural industry based not only in press, but also in new sound and visual media. Is in this transitional period when the advertising gets the basis of its modern characteristics and functions that we see along the twenty century, reorganizing the graphic supports, the technical possibilities, the aesthetical identities, inherited from the previous period, and going at the forefront of the innovation in press, innovation that some time later will be adopted by the whole graphic visual organization of the newspapers and magazines, and that not only transform the aesthetic or visual-organization dimensions, but the discursive and economic strategies of the press as a new big component of de economy and the relationship between civil society, enterprises and state. ; Pensar la publicidad como fenómeno histórico supone una aproximación contextual que nos ayude a obtener un marco teórico adecuado a la naturaleza del problema. Tratándose de un campo de prácticas culturales multideterminado por aspectos económicos, políticos, tecnológicos, estéticos, etc., resulta esencial conocer la trama específica que esas determinaciones conforman para constituirse en el núcleo mismo del objeto de estudio. El período histórico analizado en este trabajo es la transición argentina entre las guerras civiles post independencia y la consolidación del Estado moderno, aproximadamente entre 1862 y 1880, y la correlativa transición en la prensa, desde una faccional pre-moderna, hacia una moderna, en una sociedad civil organizada por una economía de mercado agroexportadora y enmarcada por un Estado parlamentario conectado con el mercado mundial. Este proceso se completa en las primeras décadas del siglo XX y converge con el nacimiento de una industria cultural nacional basada no sólo en la prensa, sino también en nuevos medios sonoros y visuales. Es en este período transicional cuando la prensa obtiene las bases de sus características y funciones modernas, reorganizando los soportes gráficos, las posibilidades técnicas y las identidades estéticas heredadas del período anterior, anticipando las innovaciones que tiempo después serían adoptadas por el conjunto de la organización visual de diarios y revistas, y que no sólo transformaron las dimensiones estéticas o de organización visual, sino las estrategias económicas y discursivas de la prensa como un nuevo gran componente de la economía y de la relación entre sociedad civil, empresas y Estado.

Uno de los documentos más importantes en Historia Agraria, la Pragmática de 4 de marzo de 1633 supone un punto de inflexión en las relaciones de la Mesta con la Corona, al fracturarse para siempre el manido proteccionismo y confirmar el declive irreversible de la trashumancia. Ajeno a la responsabilidad histórica, Felipe IV ni pudo, ni quiso, adoptar una política de apoyo a la recuperación de la Cabaña Real y de la ganadería estante, sumergidas en un mundo agrario hostil y en decadencia y vapuleadas por ordenanzas locales, jurisdicciones especiales, intereses oligárquicos, impuestos abusivos, acotamientos, carestía de las hierbas o pérdida de los usos comunales. El texto de la Pragmática constituye una magnífica radiografía de los problemas y aspiraciones del Honrado Concejo, que todavía conservaba el compromiso de dirigir el programa pecuario castellano otorgado en los privilegios fundacionales. ; One of the most important documents in Agrarian History, the Pragmatic of March 4, 1633 supposes an inflection point in the relations between the Mesta to the Crown, after the well-worn proteccionismo finally fractures, and confirms the irreversible slope of the trashumancia. Oblivious to the historical responsibility, Felipe IV neither could, nor wanted, to adopt a policy to support the recovery of the Cabaña Real and of the settled cattle, plunged in a hostile and in decline agrarian world and thrashed by local ordinances, special jurisdictions, oligarchical interests, excessive taxes, berms, scarcity of the grasses or loss of the communal uses. The text of the Pragmatic provides an excellent radiography of the problems and aspirations of the Honrado Concejo, which there was still preserving the commitment to lead the Castilian cattle program granted in the founding privileges. ; Un des documents plus importants en Histoire Agricole, la Pragmatique du 4 mars 1633 suppose un point de flexion dans les relations de la Mesta avec la Couronne, en étant rompu pour toujours le vieux protectionnisme et confirmée la baisse irréversible de la trashumance. Étranger à la responsabilité historique, Felipe IV ni a pu, ni a voulu, adopter une politique d'appui à la récupération du Cheptel Royal et du bétail fixe, submergés dans un monde agricole hostile et en décadence et ravagés par des décrets locaux, des juridictions spéciales, intérêts oligarchiques, impôts abusifs, clos, la pénurie des herbes ou la perte des utilisations communales. Le texte de la Pragmatique constitue une radiographie magnifique des problèmes et aspirations du Conseil, qui conservait encore le compromis de diriger le programme d'élevage Castillan accordé dans les privilèges constitutifs. En alemán: Die Verordnung (Pragmática) vom 4. März 1633 ist eines der wichtigsten Dokumente der Agrargeschichte, die einen Wendepunkt in den Beziehungen der Mesta (d.h. der kastilischen Tierzüchtervereinigung) mit der Krone gebracht hat. Denn für immer zerbrach der schon überreife proteccionismo. Außerdem bestätigte sich darin der unumkehrbare Niedergang des Weidewechsels. Weit weg von historischer Verantwortung konnte noch wollte Philipp IV. eine Unterstützungspolitik hinsichtlich der Wiedererlangung der Cabaña Real und dem Viehhandel einnehmen, die in einer agrarisch feindlich geprägten und im Verfall befindlichen Welt aufkamen, und die durch örtliche Anweisungen, besondere Gerichtsbarkeit, oligarchische Interessen, übermäßige Steuern, Schranken, Gewürzknappheit und Verlust an gemeindlichen Bräuchen gegängelt wurden. Der Text der Pragmática bildet eine herrliche Radiographie der Schwierigkeiten und Bestrebungen des "Ehrenwerten Rates" (Honrado Concejo), der nach wie vor die Zwischenlösung beibehielt, das kastilische Viehprogramm nach den Gründungsprivilegien umzusetzen.

Рассматривается один из важных аспектов политической жизни российского общества: политическая деятельность оппозиции; анализируются процессы становления и развития оппозиционных партий в современной России. Прослеживается история формирования и развития российской политической оппозиции с конца 80-х гг. прошлого века по настоящее время; рассматриваются организации, представляющие лояльную оппозицию, полуоппозицию, а также принципиальную нелояльную оппозицию в России. ; In the present paper one of the most significant aspects of the political life of Russian society is discussed: the political activity of opposition. In the present-day world there is a continuous state of exploration of political system models. Accordingly, there is an actual interest to processes of formation and development of opposition parties in modern Russia. The formation and the development of political parties in the history of Russia in the 19th-20th centuries occurred in deep opposition. In 1960-80s, during the last days of the Soviet history, the prerequisites of the formation of the basic course of the current Russian political opposition were formed. From this article we can learn about the history of formation and development of the Russian political opposition from the end of 1980s up to the present days, about organisations, which represent loyal opposition and semi-opposition, and also about the basic disloyal opposition in Russia. For understanding modern Russian political opposition, it is necessary to define the general stages of formation of the political party system in Russia: 1. 1989 1991. First informal associations appeared. Then oppositional political parties appeared. These parties were united by the shared objective struggle against the CPSU. At the same time political parties out of the CPSU were formed. They supported communistic ideology and preservation of the USSR. 2. The beginning of 1990s (from 1991 up to the first half of 1993) the period of the highest influence of Liberal parties. 3. From the second half of 1993 up to 1995 a sharp decrease in influence of Liberal parties, the strengthening of positions of the Liberal Democratic Party, the beginning of revival of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. 4. 1996 1999 the strengthening of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation in regions, the central power is supervised by Liberal parties. 5. 1999 2003 the change of the basic opposition of the "left" and the "right" changes to the rivalry of the "left" of the Communist Parties of the Russian Federation and centrists ("Yedinstvo (Unity)", "Yedinaya (United) Russia"). There is a decrease in the influence of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and the strengthening of the position of the "party in power". 6. Since 2004 the strengthening and control of "Yedinaya (United) Russia" of the central and regional powers. There also were structural changes in the oppositional component. There is a conclusion in the article that the role and the place of the opposition in the Russian political system are not the long-standing phenomenon yet. And the decrease of interest to opposition parties on the part of the society is observed in practical activities today

Рассматриваются проявления так называемой «игры в царя» (ситуаций, характеризующихся временным присвоением царского титула «рядовому» лицу), бытовавшей в политической культуре России во второй половине XVI первой четверти XVIII в., и делается попытка объяснения ее психосоциального смысла ; The czar game, a term, introduced by I.I. Polosin, denotes situations, characterized by temporary assignment of the czar title to an "ordinary" person. Manifestations of the czar game recorded in the second half of 16th first quarter of 17th century. In the 17th century peasants and the aristocracy are known to have played it, but the greatest interest are those cases, when Ivan the Terrible and Peter I, Russian monarchs, became actors playing this game. Biographies of these two monarchs are different in frequency of czar game manifestations. In the life of Ivan IV there were only two single incidents (the murder of boyar Ivan Petrovich Fedorov (1567), disguised as czar before it, and 1575 enthroning of Kasimovsky Tsarevich Simeon Bekbulatovich). Peter had passion for the game throughout his life, playing the role of an ordinary servant, subordinated to Prince-Caesar F.Yu. Romodanovsky (and after his death to his son). The analysis of czar game manifestations suggests compensatory function for the psyche of the playing monarchs. Both Ivan IV and Peter I, being neurotic because of the tragic circumstances of childhood and socio-cultural environment of the transition time, with the help of inverted relations tried to reduce, transfer to a non-serious plan the source of their basal anxiety, which was the cargo of their traditions violated. However, the differences in the style of this game of the two monarchs are very indicative. If for Ivan it is separate bursts of unreflected fear, which did not play a special role in correcting his psyche; Peter, who made the czar game a permanent part of his life, could cope with his fears and complexes. Supplementing the czar game with a sort of a service game, Peter got possibility to overcome the basic mistrust to himself and the outside world with real achievements. At the same time Peter reduced the image of the old moskovit embodied by F.Yu. Romodanovsky to parody. He overcame and altered this image in his reform efforts. Self-humiliation, accompanying the czar game, also helped to self-assert on an unconscious level, because it demonstrated independence of the real status of the autocrat from its exterior design only a confident, strong ruler could afford to arbitrarily change the mask and tolerate his pseudodouble next to him. In addition, the deputy of the monarch could serve as a lightning-rod of fate, taking on the risk of retaliation for the negative features of his reign (in case with Simeon Bekbulatovich it was introduction of a new stage of oprichnina, whereas in the situation with Romodanovsky it was punitive functions of government). Due to the mentioned psychological differences Peter left a powerful (albeit mostly politically and militarily strong) empire after him, while the results of the reign of Ivan IV, who could not cope with his psychological problems, were many years of Smuta.

The Next Generation Project is a multi-agent, multi-directional cultural diplomacy effort. The need for communication among emerging archaeologists has never been greater. Increasingly, archaeological sites are impacted by military activity, destroyed through the development of dams and building projects, and torn apart through looting. The Next Generation Project works to develop communication via social networking sites online and through in-person meetings at international conferences. As new archaeologists, we want to raise issues, create relationships and mobilize to expand our collective ability to improve our field; we will accomplish these goals through engagement of an increasingly diverse group that includes the next generation of practitioners. Our efforts attempt to create networks and relationships that would not exist otherwise between new archaeologists. This project seeks to co-opt institutions (including WAC), media, communication technology and networking tools to support and extend these networking opportunities beyond the Internet, towards the goal of future collaboration. Through the process of dialogue, we discover ways to affect the future development of our field - its practices, ethics, and policy matters. The Next Generation Project began in early 2009. The first step was developing a Facebook group and discussion board to enable digital networking and dialogue. The first in-person meeting of the project was at the World Archaeological Congress Inter-Congress in Ramallah (August 2009). This paper introduces the Next Generation and summarizes the first six months of its activity as presented to the Ramallah Inter-Congress in August 2009. ان مشروع الجيل التالي , هو مشروع متعدد العمالات ,بالاضافة الى كونه جهد دبلوماسي ثقافي متعدد الاتجاهات. حيث ان ضرورة التواصل بين علماء الاثار الناشئين لم تكن قط اكبر منها في هذا الوقت.فالمواقع الاثرية ,وعلى نحو متزايد , تتأثرا سلبا بالنشاط العسكري , وببناء السدود والمشاريع الاخرى , وتمزق بسبب عمليات السلب والنهب فيها . ان مشروع الجيل التالي يعمل من اجل تطوير الاتصال عن طريق مواقع الشبكات الاجتماعية المنتشرة على الانترنت, ومن خلال تنظيم اللقاءات والاجتماعات والمؤتمرات الدولية . وكأثريين جدد, نحن نريد ان نثير قضايا مختلفة ,ونخلق علاقات ونتواصل من اجل توسيع قدرتنا الجماعية لتطوير وتحسين وحماية هذا المجال , وسوف نحقق هذه الاهداف عن طريق الانخراط في جماعة تزداد تنوعا وتشمل الجيل القادم من الاثرين . ان جهودنا هي عبارة عن محاولة لخلق الشبكات والعلاقات التي لم تكن لتوجد بطرق اخرى بين الاثريين الجدد , ان هذه الدورة تسعى لاستمالة ومشاركة المؤسسات (بما فيها " " ) , وسائل الاعلام , تكنولوجيا الاتصالات , والشبكات من اجل خدمة مصلحتنا ودعم قيمنا. ومن خلال عمليات الحوار , اكتشفنا عدة عوامل تؤثر على التطوير المستقبلي لمجالنا وهي: الممارسة ,الاخلاق , ومسائل السياسة العامة. لقد ابتدأ مشروع الجيل التالي من الاثرين في بدايات العام 2009 , وقد كانت اول خطوة هي انشاء مجموعة على موقع الفيس بوك بالاضافة الى لوحة نقاش من اجل تبادل الاراء والحوار. ولقد كان اول لقاء للاثريين في هذا المشروع هو المؤتمر العالمي للاثريين الذي تم في رام الله –فلسطين في ( اب/ اغسطس 2009) . ان هذه المقالة تعرفكم بمشروع الجيل القادم , وتلخص الاشهر الستة الأولى من نشاطاتها كما قدمت الى مؤتمر رام الله في اغسطس 2009.

Tesis (Maestría en Ciencias, especialista en Estrategias para el Desarrollo Agrícola Regional).- Colegio de Postgraduados, 2010 ; El universo rural en los últimos años ha sufrido diversas transformaciones en ámbitos sociales, económicos, culturales, ecológicos, políticos; esto ha implicado en algunos casos la sustitución y rezago de formas tradicionales rurales de producción, por ejemplo, por aquellas que podrían considerarse actuales y modernas. Sin embargo, también existe la combinación de estas formas de vida rural con aquellas que provienen del universo urbano y que de alguna forma transforman a la primera debido entre otros factores, a su cercanía. La localidad de San Pablo Actipan, perteneciente al Municipio de Tepeaca, Puebla, muestra características interesantes no solo a lo previamente señalado; entre lo más destacable se encuentra la diversidad de actividades agrícolas y no agrícolas que las unidades domésticas campesinas (UDC) realizan, la combinación de las mismas, la diversificación de cultivos dentro de las actividades agrícolas, la organización de los miembros de las UDC en cuanto al trabajo productivo que proporciona un ingreso y las labores exclusivamente domésticas, y el trabajo de los miembros de la UDC fuera de la localidad y del país. Así, en la presente investigación se muestra la importancia que posee la pluriactividad en la localidad, pues es vista como una estrategia que garantiza a las UDC una mejor reproducción socioeconómica; por tanto, se evidencian las hipótesis establecidas previamente respecto al tema de acuerdo a la información obtenida a partir de las propias UDC de San Pablo Actipan; lo que fue posible a partir del cuestionario aplicado a estas UDC. _______________ PLURIACTIVITY PLAY AS A SOCIO-ECONOMIC PEASANT HOUSEHOLDS UNITS (PHU) IN SAN PABLO ACTIPAN, MUNICIPALITY OF TEPEACA, PUEBLA. ABSTRACT: The rural world in recent years has undergone various transformations in social, economic, cultural, ecological, political, and this has meant in some cases substitution and rural backwardness of traditional ways of production such as those that might be considered for current and modern. However, there is also the combination of these forms of rural life with those who come from urban universe that somehow spread to the first due among other factors, to their closeness. The community of San Pablo Actipan, belonging to the Municipality of Tepeaca, Puebla, shows interesting features not only the previously mentioned, among the most remarkable is the diversity of agricultural and non-farm rural households units (PHU) perform the combination thereof, crop diversification in agricultural activities, the organization of the members of the PHU within the same in terms of productive work that provides an income and exclusively domestic work and the work of members of the PHU out of town and country. Thus, this research shows the importance that has multiple jobs in the locality, it is seen as a strategy which ensures a better playback PHU socioeconomic, so we can observe the assumptions made previously on the issue according to the information from the PHU own San Pablo Actipan; what was possible from the questionnaire applied to these PHU.

[eng] This paper, using the theoretical framework provided by political ecology, examines the impacts of state-making technologies in several areas of a first-world landscape in the Pyrenean mountain range. The Pyrenees are the mountainous range over which the contemporary border between France and Spain is located. Using regional examples, this paper discusses processes of governmental territorialization and shows how they relate to natural resources conceptualization and management with an emphasis on the political inequalities that act as a framework for these processes. We historicize the influences of public agencies on territory and natural resources, and discuss the ideological framework that sustains this, while also analyzing its social and political impacts on people and landscape. ; [spa] En este artículo examinamos, utilizando el marco teórico de la ecología política, los impactos de tecnologías estatales en diversas zonas de los Pirineos españoles. Describimos los procesos de territorialización gubernamental en un contexto no colonial, europeo, enfatizando su efecto en la conceptualización y la gestión de los recursos naturales. Las políticas de conservación son un tema de interés tradicional para la ecología política: en tanto que políticas públicas dedicadas a la gestión de los recursos naturales, se manifiestan como la materialización de la interacción entre política y ecología. El artículo tiene distintos objetivos analíticos: a) trasladar el énfasis del análisis de los procesos de territorialización desde una explicación basada en la tensión entre el primer y el tercer mundo, a otra que prioriza la tensa relación entre lo urbano y lo rural; b) señalar la resiliencia y la creatividad de las poblaciones locales frente a las disrupciones políticas masivas generadas por la implementación de políticas públicas; c) apuntar a la emergencia de las políticas europeas y las nuevas economías del ocio como elementos clave para la reconstrucción contemporánea de las montañas occidentales; y d) remarcar la naturaleza inacabada, o en flujo, del proceso descrito de negociación política de los derechos de acceso y control de los recursos naturales. ; [fra] Dans cet article, en utilisant un cadre de l'écologie politique, nous examinons les impacts des technologies de 'statemaking' dans le massif des Pyrénées, Espagne. Nous décrivons les processus de territorialisation gouvernementales dans un contexte européen, en soulignant leur effet sur la conceptualisation et la gestion des ressources naturelles. Les politiques de conservation sont un thème classique de l'écologie politique: les politiques publiques consacrées à la gestion des ressources naturelles, la politique de conservation incarnent l'interaction entre le politique et l'écologie. L'article a plusieurs objectifs d'analyse: a) de déplacer l'accent de l'analyse écologique politique vers l'impact de la relation conflictuelle entre les villes et les zones rurales en Europe. b) mettre en lumière la résilience et la créativité des populations locales face à la désorganisation politique massive par les politiques publiques. c) de signaler que les politiques européennes et les économies touristiques nouvelles sont des éléments clés de la reconstruction contemporaine de la chaîne des Pyrénées occidentales, et d) soulignent le caractère inachevé, ou le caractère continu, de la négociation politique des droits d'accès et de contrôle des des ressources naturelles.

Telah diyakini bahwa untuk mencapai visi Indonesia Sehat 2010 pembiayaan rumah sakit merupakan salah satu faktor penting yang mempengaruhi kualitas kesehatan masyarakat. Namun, menurut indikator Indeks Pembangunan Manusia, Indonesia masih menempati posisi ke-110 dari 117 negara di dunia. Penelitian ini telah dilaksanakan untuk memahamipolitik dan kebijakan pembiayaan pengelolaan rumah sakit pemerintah DKI Jakarta. Dua rumah sakit milik Pemerintah DKI Jakarta, yaitu Rumah Sakit Pasar Rebo dan Rumah Sakit Duren Sawit dipilih sebagai sampel. Studi ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif dimana pengambilan data primer dilakukan dengan cara wawancara mendalam. Pada kedua rumah sakit ini dikumpulkan data mengenai peraturan dan regulasi serta keuangan rumah sakit selama tahun 2004-2008. Hasil analisis aktor, konten, konteks, dan proses menunjukkan bahwa kebijakan pembiayaan rumah sakit terdiri dari penentuan tarif, subsidi anggaran pendapatan dan belanja daerah (APBD), keluarga miskin (gakin), dan surat keterangan tidak mampu (SKTM) serta pola pembiayaan yang terkait dengan status kelembagaan. Dalam penetapankebijakan ini, anggota dewan perwakilan rakyat daerah (DPRD) merupakan aktor utama. Proses pengambilan keputusan untuk menetapkan agenda dan rumusan keuangan masih belum sempurna sehingga menghambat pelaksanaannya. Selain itu, proses evaluasi dan adaptasi kebijakan pembiayaan belum dilaksanakan dengan baik. Dibutuhkan diskusi dan kerja sama antara berbagai aktor kebijakan untuk menghasilkan kebijakan. Administrator rumah sakit berfungsi strategis untuk melakukan upaya peningkatan secara internal menuju kemandirian rumah sakit dan kemandirian eksternal dengan cara advokasi pihak legislatif untuk perbaikan kebijakan selanjutnya.Kata kunci: Politik dan kebijakan, pembiayaan rumah sakit, rumah sakit pemerintahAbstractIt is believed that to achieve Healthy Indonesia 2010 vision health financing is a significant factor that affects the quality public health. However, according to Human Development Index's indicators, Indonesia is at 110th position of 177 countries in the world. The present study has been carriedout to understand the politic and financing policy in the management of government hospitals own by DKI Jakarta. Two DKI Jakarta own hospitals i.e. Pasar Rebo Hospital and Duren Sawit Hospital were selected as samples. This study is qualitative research with using indepth interviews. To collectprimery data deal with relevan roles from which the data on hospital rules and regulations as well as finance were collected during 2004-2008 period. The results of actor, content, context, and process analyses showed that financing policy consists of tariff, local revenue and expenditure budget(APBD) subsidy, poor households (gakin), notification letter for the poor (SKTM) as well as financial pattern related to hospital status. In deciding this policy, legislators of local people representative (DPRD) are the main actors. Decision making process of financing agenda and formulation was imperfect which in turn causes implementation constraint. In addition, financing policy evaluation, and adaptation processes are not implemented properly. It takes discussions and cooperation between various policy actors to produce policy. Hospital administrator who has a stategic funtionshould make effort to improve internal hospital toward independence as well as external hospital by advocates legislative to correct next policy. Key words: Politic and policy, hospital financing, government hospital