Suchergebnisse

В статье рассматриваются проблемы повышения качества работы органов местного самоуправления, которые в структуре современного социального устройства играют особую роль и выполняют соответствующую гуманитарную миссию. Органы местного самоуправления важнейший элемент организации публичной власти в современном обществе. С одной стороны, они интегрированы в единый государственный механизм управления страной, а с другой местное самоуправление является важным элементом гражданского общества как формы прямой демократии. В статье обоснован перенос центра тяжести практического решения многих территориальных социально-экономических проблем в современных условиях на региональный и местный уровни. Отмечается, что в целом процесс переосмысления идеи местного самоуправления в нашей стране идет довольно медленно. Показаны объективные и субъективные причины данного процесса. На примере наукограда Реутова (Московская область) продемонстрирована продвинутая социально-коммуникативная площадка с точки зрения открытого обмена мнениями, а также раскрыты ресурсы сензитивной деятельности органов местного самоуправления к различного рода запросам жителей. В статье приведены результаты проведенных в 2010-2014 гг. социологических исследований в г. Реутове с целью оптимизации социально-экономической и информационной политики в области местного самоуправления. В качестве комплексного показателя, отражающего оценку людьми своего положения в определенном социуме, выбрано социальное самочувствие. Учитывались историко-географические особенности образования г. Реутова, которые показали, что его жители находились в более выгодном экономическом положении относительно среднероссийских показателей. Результаты проведенных опросов помогут выявлять, уточнять и определять пути решения задач развития отношений местного самоуправления с муниципальными властями. Данные исследований могут быть использованы в создании системы мотивации населения к участию в территориальном общественном самоуправлении. Тем самым повышаются возможности местного самоуправления в обеспечении условий для построения основ солидарного общества локальной организации. ; The article studies the problems of improving work quality at self-governing local administrations. These issues play an important role and have a crucial humanitarian mission in the structure of modern society. Local self-governing bodies are a crucial element of public power in modern society as they are integrated into the single mechanism of state authority, on the one hand, and, being a type of direct democracy, form an important part of civil society, on the other. The article argues in favor of shifting the burden of practical decision-making onto the regional and local levels. However, this change is coming rather slowly. The objective and subjective reasons for that are listed in the article. Reutov, a technopolis in Moscow Oblast, can serve as an example of a town where an advanced space for social communication has been set up to promote open exchange of opinions. Local authorities of Reutov have accumulated resources of sensitive activity to solve the problems of the community. These resources are detailed in the article. In 2010-2014, a series of sociological surveys was held in Reutov in order to help optimize the social, economic and information policy in the field of local self-governance. Social well-being was chosen as a composite indicator reflecting how residents assess their status within the community. Taking into account the specifics of Reutov's history and geography, the research has shown that the residents of Reutov have a more beneficial economic position compared to the national average. The outcomes of the research will help define and fine-tune the ways and methods of problem solving in the relations between municipal authorities and local self-government. The research data can be used to motivate the community residents to participate in the system of self-governance. Thus, self-governance can achieve more power to provide the foundation for a solidarity-based society of local communities.

Рассматривается проблема определения субъекта одного из специальных составов мошенничества, введенных в Уголовный кодекс РФ Федеральным законом от 29.11.2012 № 207-ФЗ, мошенничества при производстве выплат. Обращается внимание на отсутствие в науке единого мнения относительно того, является ли субъект данного преступления специальным или общим. Приводятся имеющиеся на этот счет точки зрения различных авторов, производится их анализ. На основании приведенного анализа автором делается вывод об отсутствии оснований для признания субъекта исследуемого вида мошенничества специальным. ; In the article the problem of definition of the subject of one of the special structures of fraud is considered introduced into the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation by the Federal law No. 207-FZ of November 29, 2012, Art. 159.2, which is fraud when obtaining payments. The necessity of researching of the problem is caused by the absence the common point of view on this matter in science. According to the author, the current situation reasons the usage by the authors of the bill and the legislator of a number of unsuccessful formulations developing the norm about the criminal liability for fraud when receiving payments. In the article the points of view of the scientists believing that the subject of this crime is special (A.V. Shesler, I.A. Aleksandrova, A.I. Plotnikov), and general (N.A. Kolokolov) are given. The analysis of each of the given points of view is made. The author of the article comes to the conclusion that the definition of the subject of fraud when receiving payments as special is not based on the law and unreasonably narrows the circle of people, amenable to the criminal prosecution under this article of the Special Part of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation. The author of this article supports the opinion that the subject of this crime is general, i.e. that any sane individual who has reached the age of 16. For this justification the arguments are given that the law does not contain the direct instruction in P. 1 Art. 159.2 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation on the presence of the special subject or other instructions, which would give the grounds to limit the circle of people capable to commit this crime. To steal the money when making social payments in the ways specified in Art. 159.2 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation under certain conditions can be done by any person regardless of whether they have the right to such payments, whether the decision on social payment was made in their case or such a decision was not made, whether this person addressed the competent authority on their own behalf or not for payment receiving. From the author's point of view there are no bases to qualify the actions, on the one hand, according to Art. 159.2 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation, and, on the other hand, according to other articles of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation that provide responsibility for fraud only depending on who committed these crimes, because these crimes have the same object and the same subject of criminal encroachment; larceny is made in similar ways; public danger of these crimes is absolutely identical under equal conditions. In the conclusion the author pays attention to the fact that by consideration of the question of the subject of fraud when obtaining payments he did not take into account the sanctions of Parts 1, 2 and 3 of Art. 159.2 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation existing now because the establishment in the specified norms of such low sanctions in comparison with the main structure of fraud is represented unreasonable both from scientific and practical points of view.

Незаконное отчуждение имущества, являющегося собственностью несовершеннолетнего ребенка, является, к сожалению, распространенным явлением в отечественной действительности. Данная проблема, несмотря на то, что привлекает огромное внимание законодателей, правоохранителей и общественности, всё ёщё ждет достойного правового решения. Различные аспекты этой проблемы широко исследованы представителями юридической науки, однако заслуживающие внимания предложения по устранению последствий нарушения имущественных прав несовершеннолетних высказываются весьма нечасто. Целью автора в данной статье стал анализ особенностей восстановления нарушенного права ребенка, оставшегося без попечения родителей, при незаконном отчуждении принадлежащего ему имущества, сравнительный анализ имеющихся способов защиты, установленных различными нормативными актами. Для достижения указанной цели автор последовательно применяет методы системно-структурного анализа, формально-юридический, сравнительно-правовой методы. В статье автор исследует условия недействительности сделок, совершенных с участием несовершеннолетних, предусмотренные отечественным законодательством способы защиты нарушенных имущественных прав, рассматривает механизм защиты имущественных интересов подопечных, применяемых в отдельных зарубежных странах. Помимо исследования содержания норм правового регулирования, автор изучает мнения специалистов по вышеозначенной проблематике, выдвигает и отстаивает собственные суждения. Новизна представленной статьи может выражаться в том, что в ней приводится справедливая и обоснованная критика правового механизма возврата незаконно отчужденного имущества несовершеннолетнего на основании применения норм ГК РФ о недействительности сделок. Полезность данной статьи видится в том, что автором найден и юридически обоснован действенный механизм возврата имущества как специального последствия расторжения договора об отчуждении на основании п.4 ст. 21 Закона об опеке и попечительстве. Социальный результат принятия на вооружение данного механизма органами и общественными организациями по защите прав ребенка видится в повышении эффективности в отстаивании этих прав в судебных инстанциях. Умозаключения автора, приведенные в представленной статье, достойны стать предметом дальнейшего обсуждения ведущими специалистами в сфере защиты прав ребенка. ; Illegal alienation of property owned by the minor child is, unfortunately, common in domestic reality. This problem, despite the fact that it attracts a lot of attention of legislators, law enforcement and the public is still waiting for a decent legal solutions. Various aspects of this problem extensively studied representatives of legal science, but noteworthy proposals on elimination of consequences of a violation of property rights of minors expressed very infrequently. The author's purpose in this article was to analyze the features of redress for children left without parental care, with the illegal alienation of property belonging to him, a comparative analysis of existing methods of protection established by various regulations. To achieve this goal by consistently applies methods of systemstructural analysis, formal-legal, comparative legal methods. The author explores the conditions of invalidity of transactions made with minors, provided ways to protect domestic legislation violated property rights, considers the mechanism of protection of property interests wards used in some foreign countries. Besides investigating the contents of the legal regulation, the author examines the opinions of experts on the aforesaid issues, advances and defends their own judgment. The novelty of the present article may be expressed in the fact that it provides a fair and reasonable criticism of a legal mechanism for returning illegally expropriated property on the basis of a minor application of the Civil Code of the invalidity of transactions. The usefulness of this article is seen in the fact that the author found and legally justified effective mechanism for returning the property as a special effects termination of the contract for the alienation based on paragraph 4 of Art. 21 of the guardianship. Social result of adopting this mechanism, agencies and community organizations to protect the rights of the child lies in increasing the effectiveness in upholding these rights in the courts. Inferences website listed in the submitted article, worthy to become the subject of further discussion by leading experts in the field of child protection.

Статья посвящена обзору Федерального закона от 23 июня 2014 г. № 171-ФЗ «О внесении изменений в Земельный кодекс Российской Федерации и отдельные законодательные акты Российской Федерации», основные положения которого вступают в силу с 1 марта 2015 г. Авторы провели подробный анализ масштабных изменений, внесенных в Земельный кодекс Российской Федерации, Гражданский кодекс Российской Федерации и иные законодательные акты. Данные изменения направлены на выполнение ряда задач, поставленных Президентом Российской Федерации, в том числе в целях гармонизации земельного законодательства с Гражданским кодексом и законодательством о градостроительной деятельности, повышения прозрачности процедур в сфере земельных отношений, исключения коллизий между федеральными законами и положений, способствующих возникновению коррупциогенных проявлений на практике. Авторы уделили особое внимание новому порядку образования и предоставления земельных участков, находящихся в государственной или муниципальной собственности, новым институтам земельного законодательства и переходным положениям, предусмотренным Федеральным законом от 23 июня 2014 г. № 171-ФЗ «О внесении изменений в Земельный кодекс Российской Федерации и отдельные законодательные акты Российской Федерации», подчеркнуты правовые особенности норм, имеющих важное значение для формирования правоприменительной и судебной практики. Авторами высказано мнение о последствиях реализации перечисленных нововведений как для органов публичной власти, так и для граждан и юридических лиц, заключающихся в повышении доступности земельных ресурсов для населения страны, в том числе для льготных категорий граждан, а также для инвесторов. В статье также обоснованы причины появления ключевых нововведений, изучена судебная практика, указывающая на существование спорных вопросов, на разрешение которых направлены новые нормы законодательства. Авторами перечислены подзаконные акты и законы субъектов Российской Федерации, которые должны быть приняты в целях реализации положений Федерального закона от 23 июня 2014 г. № 171-ФЗ «О внесении изменений в Земельный кодекс Российской Федерации и отдельные законодательные акты Российской Федерации» ; The article deals with the review of the Federal Law of June 23, 2014 No 171-FZ On Making Alterations to the Russian Federation Land Code and other Russian Federation Legislative Acts, which is to be enacted March 1, 2015. The authors have carried out a detailed analysis of significant changes in the Russian Federation Land Code, the Russian Federation Civil Code and other legislative acts. These changes target a number of tasks set by the Russian Federation President to harmonize the Land Code with the Russian Federation Civil Code and the legislation on urban development, increase the transparency of the procedures as to land relations, exclude collisions between federal laws and clauses causing corruption. The authors have focused on the new order of arranging and providing land plots which are in state or municipal ownership, new institutions of land legislation and transitional rules provided by the Federal Law of June 23, 2014 No 171-FZ On Making Alterations to the Russian Federation Land Code and other Russian Federation Legislative Acts, stress legal features of norms pivotal to arrange enforcing and court practice. The authors express the opinion on the consequences of the alterations both for public authorities, legal entities and natural persons, as the land resources will be easier to get into possession for the country's population including benefit-entitled citizens and investors. The paper also justifies the causes for the key alterations, studies case practice showing some controversial issues which the new legislative norms may facilitate. The authors specify norms and the laws of the Russian Federation subjects which may be adopted to implement the Federal Law of June 23, 2014 No 171-FZ On Making Alterations to the Russian Federation Land Code and other Russian Federation Legislative Acts.

У статті автор розкриває історичні аспекти становлення та розвитку професійної підготовки народних мас у кінці ХІХ – початку ХХ століття в педагогічних працях В. В. Рюміна. У роботі наголошується на тому, що на початку ХХ століття в країні існувала проблема нестачі необхідної кількості кваліфікованих робітників для потреб промисловості. Розв'язання означеної проблеми пов'язується з розвитком приватної та суспільної ініціативи у справі відкриття народних шкіл, у яких первинна загальна освіта поєднується з підготовкою робітничим професіям. У дослідженні представлено основні положення педагогічних поглядів В. В. Рюміна на підготовку робітників на базі народних шкіл: поєднанні первинної загальної освіти з професійною підготовкою учнів конкретній робітничій професії; демократичність у виборі учнями тієї робітничої професії, яка є актуальною на ринках робочої сили регіону; стимулювати учнів до якісного освоєння загальноосвітніх предметів через бажання опанувати ними робітничу професію; перспективність навчання дівчат робітничим професіям на базі народних шкіл, у яких вони отримають якісні знання й навички, можливість влаштуватися на робоче місце на заводі чи фабриці. ; In the article the author discloses the historical aspects of professional education of the masses at the end of the XIX-th and the beginning of the XX-th centuries in the pedagogical works of V. V. Ryumin. At the end of the XIX-th and the beginning of the XX-th centuries the Russian Empire was going through plentiful growth of industry, which required a great number of qualified workers. The development of capitalist relations brought along devastation of the rural commune in the patriarchal village, unemployment of a large numbers of peasants, having no professional skills, which went to the cities in search of work. The country's progressive public, worried about the existing situation, sought to find the way out in teaching professional occupations great numbers of illiterate and semiliterate peasants on the basis of primary schools. The solution of the problem was associated with private and social initiative in the cause of opening folk schools, where initial primary education was combined with professional training, with specific methodic councils being set up in such educational institutions to organize education process. The article highlights the fundamentals of pedagogical concepts of V. V. Ryumin with regard to professional training on the basis of folk schools: - combination of initial primary education with professional training in specific jobs, which will enable trainee to obtain employment at a plant or factory right after graduation from primary school without unnecessary apprenticeship with craftsmen; - democratic selection by trainees of such a job, which is in demand in regional labor market. V. V. Ryumin believed that through possibility to choose independently one's job, primary school pupil could get additional motivation to master that job and achieve self-realization his life. - to inspire trainees to learn properly general subjects by exploiting their will to master their jobs. V. V. Ryumin thought that successful learning of general subjects and professional theoretical provisions in folk schools was possible due to «educational measures» of detachment from practical preparation in a selected job, which brought about positive results. - to use promising method of professional training of the girls on the basis of folk schools, whereby they obtain quality knowledge and skills, enabling them to become employed at a plant or factory. V. V. Ryumin was of the opinion that organization of needlework shops for the girls at folk schools could provide comfortable moral atmosphere within the school walls. The pedagogical concepts of V. V. Ryumin in the area of professional training are based on the humanistic principles of education.

В результате проведенного практического исследования мы прежде выявили критическую позицию, при которой возможно еще говорить о позитивно сформированной социокультурной идентичности больше, чем о несформированной в сознании молодежи. Мы определили уровень сформированности региональной идентичности «ниже среднего», что предполагает, прежде всего, уровень сформированности этнической идентичности югоосетинской молодежи. Мы также констатируем проявление качеств расизма у испытуемой молодежи как представление в сознании молодежи определенного образа превосходства своей этнической группы над другими этносами (людьми другой национальности). Мы заключаем также, что вовсе не региональная идентичность способствует развитию настроений расизма среди молодежи, а внешняя социокультурная идентичность. Мы выявили, что молодежь под воздействием социокультурной среды испытывает трудности формирования поведенческих стилей, характеризующихся такими важными социально-психологическими качествами как: искренность, непосредственность, прямолинейность, настойчивость в достижении цели, а также выраженная готовность помогать окружающим и развитое чувство ответственности. Тем не менее, полученные нами показатели индекса доминантности (V=10,388) и индекса доброжелательности (G=8,381) в целом выявляют преобладающие тенденции в сторону развития качеств самостоятельности, лидерства, независимости, сотрудничества и ответственности у молодежи Южной Осетии. Мы также выявили особенности личностных позиций молодежи по отношению к современному югоосетинскому обществу, характеризующиеся сильным влиянием традиций на формирование ее поведения, социальной ориентацией молодежи на мнение и позицию старшего поколения, а также на представителей государственной власти. Как следует из результатов исследования, внешняя социокультурная среда воспринимается молодежью Южной Осетии больше как агрессивная и недоброжелательная, нежели поддерживающая и помогающая. Региональная идентичность не определяется значимыми корреляциями с поведенческими стилями молодежи, что, скорее, свидетельствует об отсутствии выраженной социальной потребности у молодежи в ее формировании. Возможно, этот вывод выявляет отсутствие в сознании молодежи образа ее общественной значимости и, как следствие, определяет низкий уровень ее личностной и социальной активности. ; We have identified a critical position in which formed the socio-cultural identity as a result of the practical research. We determined the level of formation of regional identity «below average», which implies a level of formation of ethnic identity of the South Ossetian youth. We also state the expression of the qualities of racism as representation of in the minds of youth a certain way of superiority of their ethnic group over the other ethnic groups. External socio-cultural identity development attitudes of racism among youth rather than regional identity. We found that young people experience difficulties in the formation of behavioral styles under the influence of socio-cultural environment, characterized by such important socio-psychological qualities as honesty, sincerity, straightness, persistence of purpose, and expressed willingness to help others and a good sense of responsibility. Index of dominance (V=10,388) and the index of goodwill (G=8,381) identify trends towards the development of the qualities of self-reliance, leadership, independence, cooperation and responsibility among of the youth of South Ossetia. We also identified a particular personality of the youth perspective to the modern South Ossetian society, characterized by the strong influence of the traditions on the formation of its behavior, the social orientation of the youth on the opinion and position of the older generation, as well as representatives of the government. As follows from the results of research, the external socio-cultural environment perceived by youth of South Ossetia as an aggressive and unfriendly, rather than as a support and help. Regional identity is not determined by the significant correlations with behavioral styles of youth, indicating the absence of pronounced social needs of youth in its formation. This finding reveals the absence of young minds the image of its public importance and determines the low level of personal and social activity.

Straipsnyje nagrinėjami teisinės, politinės ir ekonominės aplinkos veiksniai, ribojantys žiniasklaidos laisvę Lietuvoje. Analizuojama 2012–2013 m. situacija, įvertinant ankstesnių metų teisines, politines ir ekonomines aplinkybes, turinčias įtaką analizuojamo laikotarpio žiniasklaidos laisvės padėčiai Lietuvoje.Straipsnyje teigiama, kad žiniasklaidos laisvę Lietuvoje riboja teisės aktuose numatytos teisės laisvai gauti ir skleisti informaciją neužtikrinimas žiniasklaidos veikloje, perdėtai griežtos teisės aktų (ypač Baudžiamojo kodekso) normos, reglamentuojančios atsakomybę už netinkamą raišką viešojoje erdvėje, nepakankamas informacijos šaltinio atskleidimo reglamentavimo apibrėžtumas. Pagrindiniai politiniai veiksniai, ribojantys žiniasklaidos laisvę, yra susiję su politiniu žiniasklaidos pajungimu, naudojant žiniasklaidos nuosavybės bei finansavimo svertus. Ekonominiai veiksniai, turintys didžiausią įtaką žiniasklaidos laisvės varžymui: nepakankamas žiniasklaidos organizacijų ekonominis pajėgumas, valstybės finansinė politika žiniasklaidos subjektų atžvilgiu, žiniasklaidos organizacijų nuosavybės ir rinkos dalies koncentracija, žiniasklaidos organizacijų nuosavybės ir veiklos skaidrumo stoka, menkos žurnalistų ir redaktorių socialinės garantijos.Pagrindiniai žodžiai: žiniasklaida, laisvė, teisinė aplinka, politinė aplinka, ekonominė aplinkaFactors of limitation of media freedom in LithuaniaDeimantas Jastramskis

SummaryThe analysis presented in this article reveals what factors of legal, political and economic environment reduce the media freedom in Lithuania.The Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania stipulates that everyone has a right to hold opinions and freely express those, to obtain and disseminate information, whereas censorship of mass information is prohibited. The right to collect, obtain and publish information is stipulated by laws. However, journalists not always are able to access public records through clear administrative procedures in a timely manner.There are articles determining libel and defamation in the Lithuanian Penal Code (journalists and other citizens can be punished by fines or become imprisoned for up to two years). Although penalties for "irresponsible journalism" are applied only in exceptional cases, libel and defamation articles in the Penal Code stimulate self-censorship of some journalists.There are no special legal acts in Lithuania that would restrict the ownership concentration of the media organisations or the parts of the market that they occupy. Due to insufficient restriction on the property concentration in media, the legal environment (in relation to the independent media variety) is not assessed as very favourable.In Lithuania some editorial office owners (as well as editors) may support some political forces and consequently, the media administered by them disseminate quite biased political content. This is very obvious in the regional municipalities, where a large part of the local media is financially dependent on politicians and the main shareholders of the local media are also politicians. In connection to the political-financial influence on editorial offices self-censorship of journalists is a part of daily routine in some media organizations.There is an excessive concentration of media ownership in the hands of private interests that can be linked to the powerful societal actors. Highly concentrated groups that control organizations both in the media market and other fields of economy limit the variety of the media content on the national, regional and local levels.Since the property relations of the Lithuanian media subjects are only partially publicised and internal norms of behaviour and rules of the editorial offices are usually not developed, the management transparency of the media organisations is quite low.The economic pressure on the journalists is huge. Also one of the measures of reducing the journalist social benefits is a widespread practise not to enter into labour or authorship contracts, but rather to force them to work as freelancers on the basis of certificates issued by the State Tax Inspectorate.The analysed legal, political and economic factors of intervention in the media work process shows that the media independence from external actors is not ensured but the situation cannot be assessed as extremely critical from this point of view.

The article provides a diachronic quantitative comparison of the political regimes of the First (interwar, LR I) and Second (contemporary, LR II) Republics of Lithuania, which is supplemented by synchronic comparisons with the neighbour countries. For this comparison, the data set and Index of Democracy by the Finnish political scientist Tatu Vanhanen (known in the literature as the Vanhanen Index, VI) is used, whose values are calculated by multiplying those of the indicators of public contestation and of participation at the elections. The data of Vanhanen are corrected, extended, and some of his assumptions are criticised. (1) Calculating the VI values for interwar Lithuania, Vanhanen uses imprecise demographic and electoral statistical data for 1920–1923. (2) The III Seimas (Lithuanian parliament) election in 1926 and that of IV Seimas in 1936 are missing in his data. Therefore, the VI values for Lithuania in 1920–1939 are underestimated. In his calculations for the LR II, Vanhanen (3) used incorrect contestation data on the elections to the Restoration Seimas in 1990 and (4) misclassified the LR II after adoption of the 1992 constitution as a political system with parliamentary dominance. In fact, contemporary Lithuania is semi-presidential republic and should be classified as a system of concurrent powers. Vanhanen's data-set is extended with the data for 2001–2009. According to the author's recalculations with corrected data, the VI values in 1920–1925 were no less than in 1990–1995, and its value in 1926 is on a par with the highest VI values for the LR II. Importantly, participation in all four free Lithuanian Seimas elections in 1920–1926 was constantly high, while participation in the parliamentary elections in the LR II is steadily decreasing. In 1926, the value of the VI index for Lithuania caught up with those in the other Baltic States, which are reputed as more advanced in terms of social and political modernization. With 86.4% of all voters included into the lists going to the polls, the election to the III Seimas in 1926 set an absolute all-time participation record for all free elections in Lithuania (there is no reliable data on its most close competitor – elections to the Constituent Assembly in 1920). These and other comparisons reveal the Vanhanen's index to be a measure just of electoral democracy and not of the full-scale liberal democracy. In interwar Lithuania, liberal democracy existed only for 5 months in 1926, when the state of emergency (justified by the conflict with Poland) was recalled. In the LR II, the consolidation of liberal democracy made a rapid advance after 1992. The high participation in all Seimas elections (including unfree and unfair election in 1936) in the interwar Lithuania contradicts the established opinion that interwar Lithuanian society was not ready for democracy. Even if one indeed may doubt their maturity for liberal democracy, Lithuanians accepted and appreciated electoral democracy. As a matter of fact, Lithuania in 1920–1926 is quite on a par with or even surpasses the LR II in terms of the level of electoral democracy. The LR II surpasses the LR I in terms of liberal democracy. Vanhanen's index is not a valid tool for measuring liberal democracy. However, the application of Vanhanen's index to the time of the 1926 coup helps to highlight in the decorative parliamentarism of the IV Seimas in 1936–1940 some non-fictive elements of a genuine electoral regime, which have survived because of the obstacles for the complete entrenchment of authoritarianism set by the autonomy of the Klaipėda region under defense of international treaties.

The article provides a diachronic quantitative comparison of the political regimes of the First (interwar, LR I) and Second (contemporary, LR II) Republics of Lithuania, which is supplemented by synchronic comparisons with the neighbour countries. For this comparison, the data set and Index of Democracy by the Finnish political scientist Tatu Vanhanen (known in the literature as the Vanhanen Index, VI) is used, whose values are calculated by multiplying those of the indicators of public contestation and of participation at the elections. The data of Vanhanen are corrected, extended, and some of his assumptions are criticised. (1) Calculating the VI values for interwar Lithuania, Vanhanen uses imprecise demographic and electoral statistical data for 1920–1923. (2) The III Seimas (Lithuanian parliament) election in 1926 and that of IV Seimas in 1936 are missing in his data. Therefore, the VI values for Lithuania in 1920–1939 are underestimated. In his calculations for the LR II, Vanhanen (3) used incorrect contestation data on the elections to the Restoration Seimas in 1990 and (4) misclassified the LR II after adoption of the 1992 constitution as a political system with parliamentary dominance. In fact, contemporary Lithuania is semi-presidential republic and should be classified as a system of concurrent powers. Vanhanen's data-set is extended with the data for 2001–2009. According to the author's recalculations with corrected data, the VI values in 1920–1925 were no less than in 1990–1995, and its value in 1926 is on a par with the highest VI values for the LR II. Importantly, participation in all four free Lithuanian Seimas elections in 1920–1926 was constantly high, while participation in the parliamentary elections in the LR II is steadily decreasing. In 1926, the value of the VI index for Lithuania caught up with those in the other Baltic States, which are reputed as more advanced in terms of social and political modernization. With 86.4% of all voters included into the lists going to the polls, the election to the III Seimas in 1926 set an absolute all-time participation record for all free elections in Lithuania (there is no reliable data on its most close competitor – elections to the Constituent Assembly in 1920). These and other comparisons reveal the Vanhanen's index to be a measure just of electoral democracy and not of the full-scale liberal democracy. In interwar Lithuania, liberal democracy existed only for 5 months in 1926, when the state of emergency (justified by the conflict with Poland) was recalled. In the LR II, the consolidation of liberal democracy made a rapid advance after 1992. The high participation in all Seimas elections (including unfree and unfair election in 1936) in the interwar Lithuania contradicts the established opinion that interwar Lithuanian society was not ready for democracy. Even if one indeed may doubt their maturity for liberal democracy, Lithuanians accepted and appreciated electoral democracy. As a matter of fact, Lithuania in 1920–1926 is quite on a par with or even surpasses the LR II in terms of the level of electoral democracy. The LR II surpasses the LR I in terms of liberal democracy. Vanhanen's index is not a valid tool for measuring liberal democracy. However, the application of Vanhanen's index to the time of the 1926 coup helps to highlight in the decorative parliamentarism of the IV Seimas in 1936–1940 some non-fictive elements of a genuine electoral regime, which have survived because of the obstacles for the complete entrenchment of authoritarianism set by the autonomy of the Klaipėda region under defense of international treaties.

The article provides a diachronic quantitative comparison of the political regimes of the First (interwar, LR I) and Second (contemporary, LR II) Republics of Lithuania, which is supplemented by synchronic comparisons with the neighbour countries. For this comparison, the data set and Index of Democracy by the Finnish political scientist Tatu Vanhanen (known in the literature as the Vanhanen Index, VI) is used, whose values are calculated by multiplying those of the indicators of public contestation and of participation at the elections. The data of Vanhanen are corrected, extended, and some of his assumptions are criticised. (1) Calculating the VI values for interwar Lithuania, Vanhanen uses imprecise demographic and electoral statistical data for 1920–1923. (2) The III Seimas (Lithuanian parliament) election in 1926 and that of IV Seimas in 1936 are missing in his data. Therefore, the VI values for Lithuania in 1920–1939 are underestimated. In his calculations for the LR II, Vanhanen (3) used incorrect contestation data on the elections to the Restoration Seimas in 1990 and (4) misclassified the LR II after adoption of the 1992 constitution as a political system with parliamentary dominance. In fact, contemporary Lithuania is semi-presidential republic and should be classified as a system of concurrent powers. Vanhanen's data-set is extended with the data for 2001–2009. According to the author's recalculations with corrected data, the VI values in 1920–1925 were no less than in 1990–1995, and its value in 1926 is on a par with the highest VI values for the LR II. Importantly, participation in all four free Lithuanian Seimas elections in 1920–1926 was constantly high, while participation in the parliamentary elections in the LR II is steadily decreasing. In 1926, the value of the VI index for Lithuania caught up with those in the other Baltic States, which are reputed as more advanced in terms of social and political modernization. With 86.4% of all voters included into the lists going to the polls, the election to the III Seimas in 1926 set an absolute all-time participation record for all free elections in Lithuania (there is no reliable data on its most close competitor – elections to the Constituent Assembly in 1920). These and other comparisons reveal the Vanhanen's index to be a measure just of electoral democracy and not of the full-scale liberal democracy. In interwar Lithuania, liberal democracy existed only for 5 months in 1926, when the state of emergency (justified by the conflict with Poland) was recalled. In the LR II, the consolidation of liberal democracy made a rapid advance after 1992. The high participation in all Seimas elections (including unfree and unfair election in 1936) in the interwar Lithuania contradicts the established opinion that interwar Lithuanian society was not ready for democracy. Even if one indeed may doubt their maturity for liberal democracy, Lithuanians accepted and appreciated electoral democracy. As a matter of fact, Lithuania in 1920–1926 is quite on a par with or even surpasses the LR II in terms of the level of electoral democracy. The LR II surpasses the LR I in terms of liberal democracy. Vanhanen's index is not a valid tool for measuring liberal democracy. However, the application of Vanhanen's index to the time of the 1926 coup helps to highlight in the decorative parliamentarism of the IV Seimas in 1936–1940 some non-fictive elements of a genuine electoral regime, which have survived because of the obstacles for the complete entrenchment of authoritarianism set by the autonomy of the Klaipėda region under defense of international treaties.

The article provides a diachronic quantitative comparison of the political regimes of the First (interwar, LR I) and Second (contemporary, LR II) Republics of Lithuania, which is supplemented by synchronic comparisons with the neighbour countries. For this comparison, the data set and Index of Democracy by the Finnish political scientist Tatu Vanhanen (known in the literature as the Vanhanen Index, VI) is used, whose values are calculated by multiplying those of the indicators of public contestation and of participation at the elections. The data of Vanhanen are corrected, extended, and some of his assumptions are criticised. (1) Calculating the VI values for interwar Lithuania, Vanhanen uses imprecise demographic and electoral statistical data for 1920–1923. (2) The III Seimas (Lithuanian parliament) election in 1926 and that of IV Seimas in 1936 are missing in his data. Therefore, the VI values for Lithuania in 1920–1939 are underestimated. In his calculations for the LR II, Vanhanen (3) used incorrect contestation data on the elections to the Restoration Seimas in 1990 and (4) misclassified the LR II after adoption of the 1992 constitution as a political system with parliamentary dominance. In fact, contemporary Lithuania is semi-presidential republic and should be classified as a system of concurrent powers. Vanhanen's data-set is extended with the data for 2001–2009. According to the author's recalculations with corrected data, the VI values in 1920–1925 were no less than in 1990–1995, and its value in 1926 is on a par with the highest VI values for the LR II. Importantly, participation in all four free Lithuanian Seimas elections in 1920–1926 was constantly high, while participation in the parliamentary elections in the LR II is steadily decreasing. In 1926, the value of the VI index for Lithuania caught up with those in the other Baltic States, which are reputed as more advanced in terms of social and political modernization. With 86.4% of all voters included into the lists going to the polls, the election to the III Seimas in 1926 set an absolute all-time participation record for all free elections in Lithuania (there is no reliable data on its most close competitor – elections to the Constituent Assembly in 1920). These and other comparisons reveal the Vanhanen's index to be a measure just of electoral democracy and not of the full-scale liberal democracy. In interwar Lithuania, liberal democracy existed only for 5 months in 1926, when the state of emergency (justified by the conflict with Poland) was recalled. In the LR II, the consolidation of liberal democracy made a rapid advance after 1992. The high participation in all Seimas elections (including unfree and unfair election in 1936) in the interwar Lithuania contradicts the established opinion that interwar Lithuanian society was not ready for democracy. Even if one indeed may doubt their maturity for liberal democracy, Lithuanians accepted and appreciated electoral democracy. As a matter of fact, Lithuania in 1920–1926 is quite on a par with or even surpasses the LR II in terms of the level of electoral democracy. The LR II surpasses the LR I in terms of liberal democracy. Vanhanen's index is not a valid tool for measuring liberal democracy. However, the application of Vanhanen's index to the time of the 1926 coup helps to highlight in the decorative parliamentarism of the IV Seimas in 1936–1940 some non-fictive elements of a genuine electoral regime, which have survived because of the obstacles for the complete entrenchment of authoritarianism set by the autonomy of the Klaipėda region under defense of international treaties.

The article discusses the fact that one of the most important problems in the contradictory democracy creation process is finding ways to reinforce the participation of society members in democratic processes that take place in municipalities. With the decrease of citizen participation in one of the main democracy consolidation measures— in elections—a serious problem arises not only in government legitimization, but also in democracy and citizenship of society itself. The use of other forms of citizen participation in municipalities can and must compensate the deficit of democracy in the country. The problem lies in the perception of democracy, and the perception will improve if we see democracy functioning in a specific sphere of public life or activity, in this case—in municipalities. The aim of the article is to assess how certain instruments function in Lithuanian municipalities based on the latest trends of democracy expression in democratic countries. The object is the local instruments of democracy in municipalities. For this aim and this object the following research methods were used: analysis of scientific literature and empiricalexperimental research. The article is relevant for scientists who will be able to discuss the proposed insights and for practitioners, first of all, municipality politicians, employees of administrations, and active citizens who will be able to develop local democracy more systematically based on given theoretical insights and data from the empirical research. The theoretical part of this article is based on the insights of British professor Colin Crouch. Crouch analyses data from research of Local Democracy 2009 performed by scientists from Mykolas Romeris University and Kaunas University of Technology that reveal certain trends of local democracy in Lithuanian municipalities. We can draw the conclusion that in Lithuania, which parted with totalitarianism only two decades ago, the wish of the political elite to identify with democracy processes that take place in the old democratic countries is noticeable, therefore, talks about democracy are a prevalent, but not an instrumental approach, i.e., discussions about important actions that would lead to the increase of democracy. Consequently, the gap between ordinary citizen and political elite attitudes towards democracy is increasing. The research revealed that a considerable part of the heads of Lithuanian municipalities is not prone to verifying the functioning of instruments of democracy with the use of research. The answers of participants in the research Local Democracy 2009 demonstrate that they do not tend to idealize local democratic processes that take place in municipalities, and the fact that opinions of three expert groups on almost all main issues of local democracy functioning in municipalities are different shows a lack of systemic work in the development of local instruments of democracy in municipalities. ; Šiuolaikinio pasaulio raida meta daug ir esminių iššūkių demokratiniam mąstymui. Rinkos ir demokratijos suaugimas nacionalinės valstybės mastu "išjudino" moderniosios demokratijos sampratų ir iš modelių turinio kylančias įtampas. Globalizacijos poveikis tolesnei demokratijos raidai kelia daug neatsakytų klausimų. Vieni mato išeitį demokratijos globalizacijos perspektyvoje, kiti ieško galimybių stiprinti nacionalinių valstybių demokratiją. Straipsnyje aptariama, kad prieštaringame demokratijos kūrimo procese viena svarbiausių problemų yra rasti būdų stiprinti visuomenės narių dalyvavimą demokratijos procesuose savivaldybėse. Mažėjant piliečių dalyvavimui vienoje iš pagrindinių demokratijos įtvirtinimo būdų – rinkimuose, iškyla labai rimta ne tik valdžios legitimacijos, bet ir pačios visuomenės demokratiškumo ir pilietiškumo problema. Kitų piliečių dalyvavimo formų naudojimas savivaldybėse gali ir privalo kompensuoti demokratijos deficitą valstybėje. Straipsnyje analizuojami tyrimo Vietos demokratija 2009 duomenys parodo tam tikras vietos demokratijos tendencijas, išryškėjančias Lietuvos savivaldybėse.

Конституционным судом Российской Федерации проведена проверка конституционности протокола о присоединении России к ВТО. Этого потребовала политическая оппозиция, которая не знала заранее, на что дает согласие правительство в процессе длительного переговорного процесса. Всемирная торговая организация (ВТО) продвигает идеи либерализации международной торговли, которые, по мнению многих зарубежных и отечественных исследователей, значительно мифологизированы. Поэтому необходимы меры государственного протекционизма, утверждают критики мировой свободной торговли. Вступление многих развивающихся стран в ВТО привело к росту безработицы, вытеснению национальных конкурентов транснациональными компаниями. Право ВТО стоит над законодательством национальных государств и предусматривает единственный путь развития экономики страны. На уровне права интересы международного торгового капитала стоят выше интересов населения страны-члена ВТО. Страны-члены ВТО понимают, что требования нахождения в ВТО совпадают с условиями предоставления кредитов МВФ и ВТБ, а ВТО работает с ними в тесном сотрудничестве. Либерализация международной торговли напрямую влияет на сельское хозяйство, которое в развитых странах неизбежно перепрофилируется в экспортно-ориентированную отрасль, что ведет к перенасыщению рынков периферии ранее субсидированными продуктами. Для усиления конкурентоспособности российских товаров предусмотрен адаптационный период от двух до семи лет, увеличение объема государственной поддержки сельскому хозяйству до 9 млрд долларов США. Только как эффективно освоить такие объемы в России? Нет гарантий, что требования ВТО будут выполнены всеми участниками сельскохозяйственного производства; многие сегменты сельского хозяйства попросту исчезнут. Противники вступления ВТО в России считают, что иностранцы получат примерно 15 % отечественного внутреннего рынка в дополнение к 15 % имеющимся. У сторонников ВТО имеются свои экономические аргументы, почему выгодно (сиі prodest) нахождение страны в этой международной торговой организации. Но реальный баланс потерь и приобретений России от включения в сферу свободной торговли будет зависеть исключительно от профессионализма российского правительства в экономической политике. ; Russian Constitutional Court audited the constitutionality of a protocol on Russia's accession to WTO. It required the political opposition, which is not known in advance what the government agrees into the long process of negotiations. The World Trade Organization (WTO) promotes the ideas of liberalization of international trade, which, in the opinion of many foreign and native researchers, are much mythologized. Therefore measures of state protectionism are necessary, critics of global free trade say. The entry of many developing countries in the WTO has led to increased unemployment, supplanting of national competitors by multinationals. WTO law is above the law nation states, and provides the only way of economic development. At the level of law international trade interests are ahead of interests of the population of the member country of the WTO. WTO members understand that the demands of being in the WTO agree the credit terms of IMF and WB, and the WTO is working with them closely. The liberalization of international trade directly impacts on agriculture, which in developed countries inevitably will shift into export-oriented branch, which leads to a glut in the market of periphery earlier subsidized products. To enhance the competitiveness of Russian goods an adjustment period of two to seven years and increase of public support for agriculture to 9 billion U.S. dollars are provided. Only how effectively to master such volumes in Russia? There is no guarantee that the requirements of the WTO will be executed by all participants in agricultural production, and many segments of agriculture simply disappear. Opponents of the WTO accession in Russia believe that foreigners get about 15 % of the domestic home market, in addition to 15 % available. Supporters of the WTO have their own economic arguments why it is profitable (sui prodest) being the country in the international trade organization. But the real balance of losses and gains from the inclusion of Russia into the free trade will depend solely on the professionalism of the Russian government's economic policies.

Рассматривается аватон монашеской республики Афон в контексте проблемы разделения полов в религиозной действительности. Анализируется данный социально-религиозный феномен как характерный и устойчивый пример выстраивания физических границ гендерной сегрегации. Акцентируется внимание на самом понятии гендерной сегрегации, признаках ее в архаических и современных религиях, а также на взаимосвязи полового разделения с принципами православного монашества. Моногендерность монашеского социума рассматривается как его базисный элемент и неотъемлемая составляющая христианского аскетизма. ; In recent decades in the world there have been significant changes in public attitude to the restrictions and prohibitions of a religious nature. On the one hand, we see some changes in the strict taboos of the world's major religions. On the other hand, the promotion and advancement of religious movements and social movements do not restrict individuals in the manifestations of their rights and freedoms. Often these societies themselves initiate struggle against the prevailing traditional values. An example is the active role of feminist organizations in Europe on the abolition of centuries-old avaton monastic republic Athos. This religious phenomenon is expressed in a strict ban on the entry and residence in the monastery of the opposite sex. The monastic republic of Mount Athos located in Northern Greece and actually existing within the European Union is the subject of permanent conflict of various organizations defending the rights of women and minorities, who oppose the constitutional principles of the Joint European millennial socio-religious phenomenon. Avaton ancient Orthodox country for a secularized European society is primarily an anachronism and an invalid element of sex discrimination. This paper attempts to examine the phenomenon of avaton in the context of separation of the sexes in the religious reality. Christianity originally proclaimed a new reality in Christ via Apostle Paul, with no room for any kind of segregation and inequality. But along with such a revolutionary religious position Christianity also supports the tendency to gender segregation. Orthodox monasticism at its core refers to the life of Christ, who is free of family and kinship loyalties, who travels, lives in voluntary poverty, fasts and spends nights in prayer. Monasticism is the desire to maximize the closeness to this ideal. Monastic asceticism means nothing more than self-denial, and it is often rooted in negative attitudes to the outside world. In Christianity, the ascetic look at the world as a source of temptation and sin, and try to avoid contacts harmful for the spirit and concentrate their efforts on saving themselves alone. The most inappropriate contact for an ascetic, which can result in serious religious controversy, and which is directly associated with the concept of seduction, is the contact with the opposite sex. Hence the need for gender segregation, as necessary for the very existence of the institution of monasticism. Monogender character of monastic society, as one of the basic principles of the system is directly related to the implementation of gender segregation. Avaton of Mount Athos, in our opinion, is one of the most characteristic examples of sustainable building of physical boundaries of gender separation. After analyzing the problem of gender segregation in religion by example of the avaton phenomenon of the Orthodox Monastic Republic of Athos, we came to a conclusion that it is unacceptable to consider it as an extremely negative socio-cultural phenomenon, it is important to consider the criteria that make up this division. Segregation as a necessary condition for the preservation of unique social structures must be justified ethically, culturally and legally.

In this article, the late Anatoly Remnev explores the debates leading up to the establishment of the first Siberian University in Tomsk in 1888. These discussions emerged in the first decade of the nineteenth century in connec­tion with the establishment of universities in 1804 and the introduction of university degree requirements for bureaucrats. This measure in particular led to the influx to Siberia (exempt from the requirement) of many bureau­crats unable to acquire the degree or pass examinations. Initiated by the governor of Western Siberia, P. M. Kaptsevich, in the 1820s, the Siberian University project stalled with the governor's resignation. Many imperial administrators, including P. A. Slovtsov, considered the idea of a Siberian University premature due to lack of resources. In the 1840s and 1850s, the question of a Siberian University was cast in terms of the absence of Siberian nobility: institutions of higher learning were seen as a means to ameliorate the perceived "incompleteness" of Siberian society. The solu­tion, however, was found in the expansion of gymnasia and schools rather than in the establishment of a full-fledged university, and was tied to the problem of quality of the Siberian bureaucracy and ways to improve it. For instance, N. N. Murav'ev, an innovative and dynamic governor-general of Eastern Siberia, objected to the idea of a Siberian University because he wished to bring a greater number of educated and progressive bureaucrats from European Russia. In the 1860s the question of a Siberian University was taken up by the Siberian educated classes. Both mid-ranking Siberian bureaucrats and, especially, the emerging Siberian regionalist movement ( oblastiniki ) saw the establishment of the university as their central goal. In fact, the founding of the university was one of the questions that helped crystallize the regionalist movement. In 1864 in Tomsk, N. M. Iadrintsev delivered a public speech in which he defended the idea. For the Siberian regionalists the university was a means to create a Siberian intelligentsia and "awaken" the Siberian regional consciousness. They referred to the example of Wales in Great Britain to support their ideas. In the conditions of Siberia, though, this was possible only through an alliance between liberal bureaucrats and the Siberian intelligentsia. With the arrival of N. M. Kaznakov as the governor-general of Western Siberia, the regionalists acquired such an alliance - N. M. Iadrintsev, the leading regionalist, became his closest associate. For the regionalists and liberal bureaucrats, the task was to fight off critical opinions about the university and choose an appropriate city in which to locate the school. Omsk was touted by bureaucrats but was unacceptable for the regionalists who saw it as an administrative capital. Tomsk, on the other hand, had a large presence of political exiles. Irkutsk was relatively remote. As both regionalists and bureaucrats settled on Tomsk, the local bourgeoisie contributed financially to the establishment of the school. On the eve of the school's opening, concerns about "Siberian nationality" and sedition were raised by well-known publicist M. N. Katkov. The conservative Ober-Procurator of the Holy Synod K. Pobedonostsev continuously expressed his opposition to the idea of Tomsk University to Alexander III and the future Nicholas II. Although many in the upper levels of government shared these concerns, a compromise was found in opening the university with just one faculty of medicine. In a decade it was to be joined by the faculty of law. Tomsk was cleansed of political exiles, and the university was called the "University of Tomsk" rather than "Siberian University," possibly out of fear of Siberian separatism.