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John Baitlet Brebner's notion of a "north Atlantic triangle" is now 65 years old, but it shows no signs of being ready for retirement -- although there are certainly critics who believe that it should be put out to pasture. To its supporters, it is a key concept that reveals important insights about Canadian foreign policy and its historical relationship with the United States and Britain. To its detractors it gives, at best, an exaggerated view of Canada's role in international relations and, at worst, conveys a complete misunderstanding of its relationship with the US and the United Kingdom. A few historians have even doubted the very existence of a north Atlantic triangle, in any meaningful sense. And yet the term is still one that interests historians and political scientists, not only in Canada but also in Britain and the US. Adapted from the source document.

Sociological studies of atheism have tended to coalesce around three primary themes: stigma, identity, and community. To date, however, no studies have taken a reflexive approach to these themes or applied them in the field to test their analytical utility as well as their relations in contemporary atheist experience. This study employs a mixed-methods approach that includes in-depth interviews (n = 19), participant observation, and one survey administered to two atheist groups, one local (n = 151) and one national (n = 456). Ethnographic findings confirm the central role of stigma, identity, and community in atheist experience and emphasize their nestedness in one another. Survey results find that atheist affiliates in both national and local groups rate political activism as more important than social reasons in motivating them to affiliate, while local affiliates rated social reasons significantly higher than national affiliates rated social reasons. Suggestions for future research include consideration of these themes' connectedness in subsequent analyses and further inquiry into the functional divergences between local and national atheist organizations.

El propósito de este artículo es presentar la concepción general del Plan Alianza para la Prosperidad del Triángulo Norte, uno de varios programas impulsados por el presidente Barack Obama para frenar la migración de niñas, niños y adolescentes centroamericanos que viajan sin acompañamiento de familiares, en el marco de una estrategia global de seguridad regional, que incluye la frontera sur de México como territorio de tránsito de migrantes y paso de drogas. También analiza el giro que se produce en la administración del presidente Donald Trump en materia migratoria cuyo énfasis es la seguridad y la militarización de las fronteras. ; The purpose of this article is to present the general conception of the Plan Alliance for Prosperity of the Northern Triangle, one of several programs promoted by President Barack Obama to stop the migration of children and adolescents from Central America traveling unaccompanied by their family members, on the framework of a regional security global strategy, which includes the southern border of Mexico as a territory for the transit of migrants and drugs. The article also analyzes the changes in immigration matters that occurs with the arrival of President Donald Trump administration, which emphasis the security and militarization of borders.

Summary in Central America, especially since the 2000s, a wide range of social policies have been implemented. The aim of the article is therefore to compare the social policies of Costa Rica and the Northern Triangle: Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador. From the perspective of the political economy, the working hypothesis suggests that political institutions are the fundamental variable that conditions development, particularly social policies. Research results show that Costa Rica's early democratisation has allowed it to have a considerable tradition of social policies, which is seen as a fundamental variable in understanding its relative success in reducing poverty compared to the countries of the Northern Triangle. ; Resumen En Centroamérica, especialmente desde la década del 2000, se ha implementado un amplio conjunto de políticas sociales. Por ello, el objetivo del artículo es comparar las políticas sociales de Costa Rica y del Triángulo Norte: Guatemala, Honduras y El Salvador. La hipótesis de trabajo plantea, desde la perspectiva de la economía política, que son las instituciones políticas la variable fundamental que condiciona al desarrollo, particularmente a las políticas sociales. Los resultados de la investigación evidencian que la temprana democratización de Costa Rica le ha permitido tener una considerable tradición de políticas sociales, lo que se plantea como una variable fundamental para entender su relativo éxito en la disminución de la pobreza en comparación con los países del Triángulo Norte.

The article explores the changing economic and security relationships between the USA, Japan and South Korea with particular attention to the implications of post-1985 exchange-rate shifts for political and economic stability in these three nations. It is argued that the stability and cohesion of this strategically important North Pacific triangle is significantly threatened by the ongoing shift from the American to the Japanese market as the locus of regional growth, due to disproportionate and destabilizing adjustment costs being imposed on South Korea. (DÜI-Sen)