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The concept of "time & space compression," as formulated by a number of prominent social theorists, has far-reaching consequences for democratic theory. The time & space horizons of human activity are undergoing dramatic changes, chiefly because the high-speed character of crucial forms of social & economic activity tends to "annihilate" distance. Simultaneity & instantaneousness increasingly become constitutive features of the human condition. By examining traditional assumptions about time & space within liberal democratic political theory, we can begin to see how time & space compression undermines conventional ideas about legislative-executive relations, majority rule, constitutionalism, & the rule of law. However, there may be ways by which defenders of liberal democracy can overcome the dilemmas generated by time & space compression. Adapted from the source document.

Power is the key concept within political science. The majority of political scientists argue that power should be defined in behavioral terms as a relation of coercion between human agents. The traditional view confines power to human behavior & directly observable actions & reactions. Drawing on modern sociological, structuration theory, it is possible to generate a concept of structural power that goes beyond the behavioral perspective. Power is coercion, but the concept of power also refers to agents' structural capabilities. In a fundamental sense the concept of structural power directs attention to the unequal resource agents derive from their structural positions within the societal system. Moreover, structural power is intimately linked to other key notions, such as anticipated reactions & enduring relations of control. Finally, the structuralist perspective on power is highly illuminating of permanent barriers to full democratization in modern society. Unequal resources & social inequality represent major obstacles to the realization of the principles of political equality. 3 Figures, 1 Skema, 31 References. Adapted from the source document.

The article is concerned with the influence of the German historical school on Czech economic thought. In an analysis of the life & work of four important representatives of Czech economic thought in the 19th century, it is shown that Frantisek Chleborad distanced himself from the German school because of patriotic feelings, while Josef Kaizl was an enthusiastic adherent of the German school. Albin Braf attempted to combine the German & Austrian traditions, Jan Kolousek rehabilitated the German approach & criticized the Austrian school. In each case, without knowledge of the German historical school, the development of Czech economic thought would have remained limited. 52 References. Adapted from the source document.

Terror Management Theory, based on the ideas of Ernest Becker, suggests that the fear of death is universal. When forced to think about the possibility of one's own death, the first response is denial & deferral. Next, after this impulse has passed, defensive behavior is invoked that usually involves shoring up one's cultural worldview & one's self-esteem. It also involves derogation of other beliefs leading to prejudice, discrimination, & even to murderous acts. This paper briefly recounts Terror Management Theory & supporting evidence. It attempts to draw parallels between the behavior of individuals whose unconscious death anxiety has been raised through a "mortality salience" manipulation to the behavior of authoritarian persons. There is little direct evidence, but there seem to be ample reasons to believe that the authoritarian personality is particularly sensitive to threats of death. 30 References. Adapted from the source document.

This essay proposes a deliberative model of bureaucratic accountability & assesses its feasibility. Conventional wisdom suggests that a deliberative theory of bureaucratic accountability has little utility outside corporatist contexts. I reject this view because recent changes in patterns of interest representation have transformed both corporatist & pluralist bureaucracies into more hospitable environments for public deliberation. Contrary to the claims of democratic corporatists, recent pluralist practices of interest representation also seem to be compatible with public deliberation. Hence, movement toward greater openness in administrative decision-making is possible from both liberal pluralist & corporatist starting points. Corporatism clearly has no monopoly on democratic deliberation. 1 Table, 51 References. Adapted from the source document.