Suchergebnisse

Mexico's current government, led by president Andrés Manuel López Obrador (December 2018-November 2024), launched a program of major overhaul of the country's governance named "The Fourth Transformation (4T)". While the reform agenda is largely supported by the masses, these measures have met a strong, multifaceted and relentless reaction from the social and political interests being affected, couched in a right-wing discourse. This opposition, carried out either by individual actors or by coalitions of organized interests, has been sarcastically dubbed TUMOR ("Todos unidos contra Morena", All United against Morena, the party in power) by 4T supporters.This article aims at mapping and analyzing the right-wing movement of resistance to the 4T, identifying its main individual and collective actors, their strategies and their international allies. It tests the hypothesis suggested in Kevin Middlebrook's theory about conservatism and the right in Latin America: when economically and socially privileged actors feel deprived of political power to protect their interests, they resort to whatever means and strategy is at their disposal to regain the lost influence. If no political party offers them a reasonable expectation of representing them, winning elections and protecting their unquestioned influence, they will not hesitate to sabotage democracy and disrupt the legal order.Empirical information—under the form of a mostly qualitative narrative detailed in Annex (Appendix) 1—to test the hypothesis was obtained with a systematic follow up of events spanning from the inauguration of Mexico's current government on December 1, 2018 to June 6 2021 midterm elections; as reported in mainstream media, the president's office and internet-based information sources. Annex (Appendix) 2 offers a profile of the main actors in the opposition movement.

INTRODUCTION: Due to erratic growth of COVID-19 infection across the globe, the mortality and morbidity due to COVID-19 is rapidly changing across the world. An assessment of the perception and practices of community members is important to reduce the risk for COVID-19 infection. Therefore, this study aims to assess the perception and practice regarding prevention of COVID-19 infection among community people before and after lockdown. MATERIALS AND METHODS: A cross-sectional study was conducted among community sample from November 2020 to January 2021 at Janakpur sub-metropolitan city of Dhanusha district, Province-2, Nepal. Two stage random sampling technique was used to select the study sample (n=422). A structured questionnaire was administered. McNemar Chi-square test was used to assess the association of perception and practice regarding prevention of COVID-19 infection during and after lockdown. P-values less than 0.05 were considered as significant. RESULTS: The perception among community people regarding prevention of COVID-19 infection during and after lockdown was insignificant for all the component (p>0.05) except perception regarding preventive measures against COVID-19; p=0.002 whereas the practices for prevention of COVID-19 infection among community people for all the components during and after lockdown was found to be significant (p<0.0001). CONCLUSIONS: The study showed decreased practices among community people after lockdown for the prevention of COVID-19 infection compared to practices during lockdown. However, perception remains unchanged during and after lockdown for the prevention of COVID-19 infection. Therefore, the government and non-government agencies should implement awareness program through mass media and social campaigns to improve the practices on prevention of COVID-19 infection even after lockdown, among community people.

The COVID-19 pandemic has disrupted various sectors. As for the sectors affected is the education sector. Many countries decide closing schools, colleges as well as universities, including Indonesia as an effort to break the chain of the spread of Covid-19. To cut off the spread of Covid-19 and comply government regulations, educators and all students are forced not to be face to face temporarily. The COVID-19 pandemic is forcing schools, colleges and universities to shift their entire instructional device to one online delivery overnight. It is no longer a question of whether online education can deliver on the promise of quality higher education and more to how universities can promptly and effectively embrace the mass adoption of online learning. This research was conducted in locations affected by the covid-19 pandemic, because the covid-19 pandemic has a very significant impact on the survival of the lower class in particular. Entrepreneurs are expected to help overcome the economic problems of the nation and the State, although there are many challenges and obstacles that must be faced in overcoming problems due to limited education. and resource knowledge. This community service activity is carried out by providing online learning and training assistance for 1 month on building entrepreneurship character to youth organization (Karang Taruna). The activity is the increasing entrepreneurial knowledge and skills of participants in optimizing information technology-based programs in the marketing media for organic hydroponic vegetable Urban Farming products. The result of this activity is the increasing creativity of youth group organization and to motivate them and also create a connection model for microenterprise entrepreneurship and value creation with the economic, social and environmental aspects of sustainable development.

Youth is the nation's asset, determining the future direction of a better life. Their existence becomes a renewing energy and is critical of a distorted establishment. Youth is the breath of the times, the ideal group of the ummah and the nation who are rich in criticism, imagination, and their role in every event that occurs in the midst of changing society. It is undeniable that youth play an important role in almost every social transformation and struggle to achieve goals. The success of youth development as quality human resources with competitive advantage is one of the keys to opening opportunities for success in various other development sectors. Therefore, youth empowerment is considered as one of the programs that cannot be ignored in preparing the nation's life in the future. Youth have valuable assets as capital to make changes. These assets must be utilized so that they can be useful. Youth empowerment can be done through various ways, both in formal, informal, and non-formal channels. The purpose of empowerment is basically to shape the character of youth, so that they become fully Indonesian human beings or humans who have character that can optimize the talents or assets of youth so that they can prosper individuals and groups. Partners in community service with this Community Partnership Program scheme are the Talun Kenas Village Government, STM Hilir District, Deli Serdang Regency, North Sumatra Province. The output targets of this program are scientific publications, mass media publications, activity videos and being speakers in scientific meetings. The method used in this program is program socialization and Participatory Learning and Action (PLA) involving all targets so that young people can be empowered by releasing all their assets to form a joint business for mutual benefit.

BACKGROUND: In recent years, policymakers have increasingly used behaviourally informed policies, including 'nudges'. They have been implemented to produce desirable social outcomes such as healthier eating and physical activity. In Germany, a small research team at the Federal Chancellery acts as the central unit to promote the introduction of nudges in the design of public life. Despite this, the nudging concept itself as well as the understanding around it has not spread widely among German citizens. When reporting about the concept, German media is often very critical of the concept. METHODS: Using a for age, sex and educational level nationally representative online survey with 1000 participants, we investigate whether German citizens know about the concept of nudging. We also explore if they approve of the theoretical concept as well as a list of seven specific interventions regarding healthy eating and physical activity. A particular focus is placed on whether the level of approval is dependent on the target group of the intervention, as well as different intervention-initiators. RESULTS: We find that nearly 80% of the respondents have never heard of nudging. However when being provided with a definition, we find that a strong majority (90%) supports the concept of nudging as well as all the specific interventions. Acceptance rates are higher if interventions are targeted at the general population compared to only children. All initiators – statutory health insurers, the government, private companies, and independent experts – are accepted as nudge initiators. CONCLUSION: Amongst Germans nudges are an accepted method to promote health behaviours. Policy makers from various fields in Germany should take that into account to improve future health policy.

BACKGROUND: Depression is one of the most prevalent mental disorders among an estimated 25.6 million people living with HIV (PLHIV) in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). The depression rate is higher in HIV-seropositive men who have sex with men (MSM) regardless of their sexual orientation, identity or romantic attraction. This is due to various types of stigma including HIV-related stigma, social stigma, self-stigma and mental health stigma. Opportunistic infections, unemployment, poverty and food insecurity also predispose HIV-seropositive MSM to depression. Moreover, depression in heterosexual and sexual minority groups challenges and additionally burdens SSA health care systems due to inadequate economic developments, lack of mental health professionals who specialise in the treatment of depression, few MSM-centred facilities, inadequate mental health infrastructure (hospitals and clinics) and complimentary resources. Although studies have highlighted links between mental health disorder, an HIV diagnosis and sexual minority groups, there is limited research that focusses on depression and its causal factors in MSM living with HIV in SSA. Hence, the relevance of conducting this scoping review. METHODS: A scoping review guided by Arksey and O'Malley's framework, the enhancements and recommendations of Levac, Colquhoun and O'Brien, Daudt and associates and the 2015 Johanna Briggs Institute's guidelines will be conducted. Systematic electronic searches of databases and search engines such as Google, Google Scholar, CINAHL (EBSCOhost), MEDLINE (Ovid), and PsycInfo (Ovid) will be conducted to attain published peer-reviewed articles of all study designs. Grey literature will be sourced from media and conference abstracts and reports, governmental reports and unpublished dissertations and theses. Additionally, websites of humanitarian organisations and other relevant departmental websites will also be searched. Literature published between 2010 and 2020 that meets the review's inclusion criteria, research question and ...

The text aims to discuss the crisis of confidence in archaeology and its possible causes. Confidence in a scientific discipline is based upon the social and individual confidence in the authority of science in general, in some particular discipline (e.g. archaeology), in scientific institutions, but also in prominent scientists and their public statements. Furthermore, the institutions and esteemed scholars who communicate with the public are the main pillars of confidence in a particular science. The crisis of confidence in archaeology is induced by current global anti scientific tendencies, but also by the media and the political support to ideologically preferred non-scientific statements promulgating the "better past" or supporting the interests of dubious investors. This is not an innocent, fringe phenomenon, but a dangerous process that may have devastating consequences for archaeology – the discipline that may offer solutions to numerous challenging questions of the modern world ; Овај рад је усмерен на питање да ли постоји криза поверења у археологију, и ако постоји чиме је она изазвана? Поверење у неку научну дисциплину заснива се на друштвеном и индивидуалном поверењу у ауторитет науке уопште, у поједине специфичне дисциплине (рецимо археологија), у научне институције, али и у истакнуте научнике и њихове објављене исказе. Штавише, управо су институције и угледни научници, који комуницирају с широм јавношћу, основни стубови поверења у одређену научну дисциплину. Криза поверења у археологију изазвана је, с једне стране тренутним глобалним антинаучним трендом, а с друге стране због медијске и политичке подршке ненаучним исказима који идеолошки пожељно доказују "бољу прошлост", или иду на руку интересима крупног капитала и сумњивих инвеститора. То није безазлена, маргинална појава, већ опасан процес који може имати погубне последице на археологију, дисциплину која би могла да понуди решења и одговоре на бројна изазовна питања савременог света.

COVID-19 outbreaks forced governments into epic policy choices conciliating democratic legitimacy and science-based policies. We examine conditions for citizens to deliberate over pandemic response policies and propose two ideal-types that public discourses may tend toward. One is pluralism, which includes authoritative voices that represent viable alternative policies and credible reasons for them. The opposite is monotony, where authoritative voices offer credible reasons for one policy option only. To characterize epistemic and political leading voices in relation to these ideal-types, the article asks: (i) were elected leaders or leading experts the official voices of COVID-19 response, and what did they say? And (ii) have national COVID-19 discourses represented arguments for policy alternatives evenly, or skewed in favour of national policy? ; COVID-19 outbreaks forced governments into epic policy choices conciliating democratic legitimacy and science-based policies. We examine how pervasive crises like this pandemic shape public discourses, proposing two ideal-types that discourse may tend toward. One is pluralism, which includes authoritative voices that represent viable alternative policies and credible reasons for them. The opposite is monotony, where authoritative voices offer credible reasons for one policy option only. Two crucial cases for monotony are analysed, where news media represents public discourse. In initial COVID-19 responses, Denmark pursued hard lockdown while neighbouring Sweden enacted voluntary distancing. Pluralism in public discourses could be advantaged while solutions remained uncertain and social and economic disruptions high, in polities with mature democratic and scientific institutions. The empirical analyses show that Denmark's elected leaders and Sweden's leading health scientists publicly represented their respective national responses. Yet in sampled public discourses on highly disruptive policies on school closures and crowding limits, both leaderships focused on ...

Eight minutes and forty-six seconds. This is the time in which the murder of George Floyd, in Minnesota, took place on 25 May 2020. A further act of institutionalized violence – granted, legitimized and overlooked by institutions – that made necessary for the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement to start a series of protests to draw attention to the abuse of power of a racist and corrupt system that highlights the breakdown of the social pact between people in a society. Beyond the ethical and political significance of the event, our contribution aims to reflect on the forms of occupation of the physical and virtual spaces through which BLM constitutes itself as a movement and organizes conflict. The analysis will focus on two fundamental aspects of the protest that are closely linked to the sense of space. The first concerns the way BLM fits into the lockdown condition imposed by the pandemic and tactically exploits the different spatial relationship that it imposes on the inhabitants of the planet, globally immobilized as physical bodies and hyper-exposed to the digital world. On the one hand, street demonstrations amplify the sense of resistance and dissent expressed by the mere fact of finding and moving together through public space at a time when everyone is ordered to stay at home. On the other hand, when protests and actions are organized trough digital media, they do not limit to individual complaints or petitions, but involve meetings and discussions on different platforms. Discussions range from political and cultural debate to the organization of the protest, coordinating collective actions such as "If You Can't Be Here, Be Here", implemented by LDNBLM

The article examines the evolution of right-wing radicalism and extremism in the United States during the period from 2015 to January 2021 and their destructive impact on elections and power transit. The main drivers of radicalization are explored, with special attention paid to the role of conspiracy theories, in particular the QAnon phenomenon. The article analyzes how the Internet in general and social networks in particular created echo chambers and accelerated the spread of radical ideas. Distinctions are made between the more traditional forms of radicalism and the new generation of radicals (that flourished under the Donald Trump administration). Righ-wing radicalism of the new generation is dominated by cultural libertarianism, comprised of "alt-right" and "alt-light" movements, antagonistic towards left-wing radicalism. While the Trump administration underplayed the rise in right-wing extremism, it considerably overstated the threat of left-wing radicalism. Special attention is paid to thе role of the media, including its growing lack of neutrality and emergence of the ecosphere for conservative viewers where fakes and conspiracy mindsets thrive. Anti-democratic behavior of the president and the Republican Party are explored, including deliberate misleading of voters and denial of the presidential election results. The storming of the Capitol on January 6, 2021 is interpreted as a natural progression of the above-mentioned trends. In conclusion, the forecast of future trends is made. These trends include persistence of populist sentiments, the increasing role of the alt-right, persistence of street violence, and the growing acceptance of anti-democratic behavior. All of this presents a serious challenge not only for the Republican Party, but also for the U.S. political institutions in general.

This paper will discuss how two media (websites) NU Online and Suara Muhammadiyah counteract radicalism in terms of the Islamic state discourse. The post-reform discourse on the Islamic State is not only in seminar forums with a physical presence but has penetrated internet sites, Facebook, WA and others. The purpose of this paper is to answer three main problems, first, what are the radical aspects of the idea of an Islamic state published by the NU Online website and the Suara Muhammadiyah website? Second, how is the deradicalization of the NU Online website and the Suara Muhammadiyah website in terms of the Islamic state in Indonesia? and third, what is the ideology behind the NU Online website and the Suara Muhammadiyah website in deradicalizing the Islamic state in Indonesia? To answer these three main problems, this paper uses Norman Fairclough's critical discourse analysis approach. Fairclough was chosen because he has an in-depth study of language as a practice of power. Fairclough's critical discourse analysis focuses on the study of three interrelated things, namely text, discourse practice and sociocultural practice. This paper finds several things. First, the aspects of radicalism discussed by NU Online and Suara Muhammadiyah are on intolerance of the subject, An ahistorical concept and symbolic and physical violence. Second, the way of deradicalization of NU Online and Suara Muhammadiyah is through normative theological arguments, arguments on the historical practice of Islamic social politics and Indonesian factual conditions. Third, the ideology of NU Online is al-Sha>fi'i> with the development of an open Sufism epistemology and the Suara Muhammadiyah ideology which is the ideology of schools without madhhab in the form of progressive Islam.

Scarce studies have addressed the relationship between citizenship education and coexistence. However, this article provides a description of the contribution of democratic education to democratic coexistence. For this review were selected indexed publications that offered elements to understand the training for citizenship coexistence in Colombia. The results of the analysis cast three big trends: (1) The consolidation of educational practices resulting from the struggle between educational policies and the teachers´ curricular concertation. (2) The design of citizen literacy programs based on the encouragement of interaction with political institutions and the ways to interact in society, the development of democratic experiences that settle the multicultural and intercultural conflict living together in diversity and the use of real problems and drills for democratic discussion and definition of citizen initiatives of participation and coexistence. (3) Reflections that propose: communicate the school with the ways of practicing political culture and establish social bonds that technology and media facilitate; articulate the training and school participation of the community with the regulations learned from the city and the educating city; supplement moral and civic teaching with deliberation and meeting with the others in places of decision; and, strengthen, from the classroom, the civic competencies learned in participatory spaces. ; Escasos estudios han abordado la relación entre educación ciudadana y convivencia. No obstante, este artículo proporciona una descripción de la contribución de la educación democrática a la convivencia democrática. Para esta revisión se seleccionaron publicaciones indexadas que ofrecieron elementos para comprender la formación de convivencia ciudadana en Colombia. Los resultados del análisis arrojan tres grandes tendencias: (1) La consolidación de prácticas educativas resultantes de la pugna entre las políticas educativas y la concertación curricular de los maestros. (2) El ...

Venezuela is experiencing an unprecedented exodus as a result of ongo­ing political, economic and humanitarian crises. While the majority of emigrants remain in neighbouring Latin American countries, the US and Europe are also among the preferred destinations. The way migrants are covered in the media shapes public opinion and has an impact on their integration into society. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to examine the coverage of Venezuelan migrants in the Spanish press in a timeframe from 2015 to 2020. For this purpose, a linguistic discourse analysis is conducted. The results contrast with the current state of research. With the help of the sociological othering-theory and the concept of the so-called aporof obia, it is possible to explain how the image of good (and bad) migrants is discursively constructed. ; Venezuela está expe­rimentando una emigración sin precedentes como resultado de las actuales crisis políticas, económicas y humanitarias. Aunque la mayo­ría de los emigrantes permanezca en los países vecinos de América Latina, los Estados Unidos y Europa también se encuentran entre los destinos. La forma en que los migrantes son reportados en los medios de comunicación influye en su integración en la sociedad. Por lo tanto, el objetivo de este artículo es examinar como la prensa española infor­mó sobre los migrantes venezolanos en el período comprendido entre 2015 y 2020. Para ello, se realiza un análisis del discurso lingüístico. Los resultados contrastan con el estado de la investigación hasta la fecha. Con la ayuda de la teoría del othering de las ciencias sociales y el concepto de aporofobia, se puede explicar cómo se construye dis­cursivamente la imagen de los buenos (y de los malos) migrantes.

The role of madrasas as models of Islamic education today is growing quite rapidly. It has even become an alternative institution for some Muslim families in educating their children. This is because madrasas are considered to provide two dimensions of Muslim scientific life between worldly and hereafter needs. Community participation in education development is an important issue in the National Education System Law no. 20 of 2003, a policy that involved the community in education programs and the birth of a school-based management (SBM) offer that gave relatively broad autonomy to schools and communities. In Chapter III article 8 it is stated that "the community has the right to participate in the planning, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of educational programs". This indicates that the existence and participation of the community is increasingly recognized and needed in the development and development of education, especially Islamic education. This research method is a qualitative method with a phenomenological approach. The research results of the current school Public Relations Program are very important, related to changes in the social, political, legal, and economic framework of the community. Management of competency development in educators is part of a human resource development strategy which is a basic need in an organization, both formal and non-formal. . This is an investment for the organization in this case the madrasa, which will have implications for the development of a nation's human resources. In Increasing Public Interest In Islamic Educational Institutions. The results of the study: the function of public relations in educational institutions is to grow and develop harmonious relationships through communication using media between schools and the community, both internally (lecturers / teachers, employees, students / students) and externally (parents, communities, and institutions). .

Iron is an essential micronutrient for all eukaryotic organisms because it participates as a redox cofactor in multiple metabolic processes. Iron bioavailability is highly restricted due to the low solubility of its oxidized form, frequently leading to iron deficiency anemia. The baker's yeast Saccharomyces cerevisiae is used as a model organism for iron homeostasis studies, but also as a food supplement and fermentative microorganism in the food industry. Yeast cells use the vacuolar Ccc1 transporter to detoxify and store excess iron in the vacuoles. Here, we modulate CCC1 expression and properties to increase iron extraction from the environment. We show that constitutive expression of full-length CCC1 is toxic, whereas deletion of its cytosolic amino-terminal (Nt) domain (NtΔCCC1) rescues this phenotype. Toxicity is exacerbated in cells lacking AFT1 transcription factor. Further characterization of NtΔCcc1 protein suggests that it is a partially functional protein. Western blot analyses indicate that deletion of Ccc1 Nt domain does not significantly alter GFP-Ccc1 protein stability. A functional full-length GFP-Ccc1 protein localized to particular regions of the vacuolar membrane, whereas GFP-NtΔCcc1 protein was evenly distributed throughout this endogenous membrane. Interestingly, expression of NtΔCCC1 increased the accumulation of endogenous iron in cells cultivated under iron-sufficient conditions, a strategy that could be used to extract iron from media that are not rich in iron. ; This research was funded by a predoctoral contract ACIF/2018/077 (to R.S.-D.) and grant PROMETEO/2020/014 from the Regional Government of Valencia (Generalitat Valenciana), grant BIO2017-87828-C2-1-P and PID2020-116940RB-I00 from the Spanish Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities, and FEDER funds (ESF, European Social Fund). ; Peer reviewed