Suchergebnisse

Introduction / by Richard McMahon -- Europeans' weak cultural identity -- Bringing the demos back in : people's views on "European identity" / by Marco Antonsich -- Enlargement in perspective : the EU's quest for identity / by Helene Sjursen -- Mistaken identity : critical perspectives on European culture -- Not quite "sui generis" enough : interrogating European values / by Thomas Diez -- Putting culture in its place : anthropological reflections on the EU / by Maryon McDonald -- Culture, ideology and a politically viable EU -- What kind of community and how much community does the European Union require? / by Dieter Fuchs -- Cleaning up after European identity : the consequences of a failed political strategy / by Bo Stråth -- European identity : lessons from 20 years of social psychological inquiry / by Xenia Chryssochoou -- Cultural alternatives to identity -- Lessons from the past? : Europe's grand shift from cultural homogenization to multiculturalism / by Daniele Conversi -- Cultural networks as vectors of European integration / by Annabelle Littoz-Monnet -- Horizontal Europeanization and identification with Europe / by Steffen Mau and Jan Mewes -- How culture and history shape Europe's differentiated integration : the cases of liberal international relations and northern Euroscepticism / by Richard McMahon -- Conclusion / by Annabelle Littoz-Monnet and Richard McMahon

THE AUTHOR EXAMINES THE INFLUENCE OF STRUCTURAL ARRANGEMENTS AND CULTURAL CONTEXT ON THE ATTITUDES AND PERCEPTIONS OF LEGISLATORS IN CANADA'S NORTHWEST TERRITORIES (NWT), WHERE THE PARLIAMENT IS MARKED BY A NOTABLE LACK OF CONGRUENCE BETWEEN ITS BRITISH CABINET-PARLIAMENTARY STRUCTURE AND THE ABORIGINAL POLITICAL CULTURE OF NWT SOCIETY. STRUCTURE AND CULTURE ARE BOTH FOUND TO BE IMPORTANT INFLUENCES BUT ON DIFFERENT ATTITUDINAL DIMENSIONS: STRUCTURE AFFECTS MEMBERS' PERCEPTIONS OF HOW POLITICAL PROCESSES WORK, WHEREAS CULTURE DETERMINES MEMBERS' NORMATIVE EVALUATIONS OF POLITICS.

Las forma diversas que adquiere la participación de los colectivos humanos en la construcción de un proyecto de sociedad son las que definen e instituyen una cultura política concebida como forma histórica y sistémica de tramar los intercambios materiales, simbólicos y prácticos entre los diversos grupos y colectividades que habitan un territorio y un tiempo común. América Latina está en la posibilidad y en la obligación de ofrecer una nueva y amplia gama de perspectivas vitales que se definen en la cultura. El artículo problematiza la participación como construcción colectiva de una polis, en el campo cultural, con el fin de contribuir a la profundización del proceso de democratización cultural en las sociedades latinoamericanas. ; The diverse forms that acquire the participation of a collectivity of individuals in the construction of a social project are what define the political culture, conceived as a historical and systemic form to exchange things and symbols between the divers groups and collective individuals that inhabitant a territory in a given time. Latin America has the chance and the obligation to offer ample forms of perspectives to define culture. The goal is to get deep in the process of cultural democratization in Latin American societies.

"A rich collection of diverse voices, Sociology of Globalization examines the processes of globalization as well as its impact on people around the world. It looks beyond the headlines, stereotypes, and hype and features a balanced selection of classic scholarship and theory, cutting-edge research, and engaging journalism. Key pieces from prominent scholars, journalists, and theorists will resonate with students, stretch the classroom into their daily lives, and give the study of globalization concrete meaning. Each of three sections--culture, economy, and politics--begins with an original introduction from the editor which familiarizes readers with essential themes and concepts and provides necessary context for the readings that follow. Useful resources for further research, including websites, films, and class exercises, are also provided to exemplify and add relevance to major topics. Accessible and expansive, this is the ideal primary reader or supplement for undergraduate courses on the sociology of globalization"--Provided by publisher

What kind of capital does a particular group possess and how does it go about reproducing that capital? How does this capital get converted into new socio-political currencies? How do the elites grapple with competing notions of social morality and their place in it? What are the performative strategies that are at work, legitimating certain types of elites but not others? Are elites interest groups, or do they mutate into identity groups in changing social environments? Do the elites reflect a new social order or create one; are they conscience keepers of a society or do they produce a particular consciousness? How do cultural elites position themselves vis-à-vis the state, class, caste and gender or the people, the masses? The following papers of this special issue, in varying degrees, address some of these questions. They bring together scholars, junior and senior, Indian and European, who have worked intensively on the Indian subcontinent and its elites.

Michael Walzer is one of the pre-eminent political theorists in the world today and also a prominent public intellectual. His conception of social justice and his work on just and unjust wars have been hugely influential in political theory and, at the same time, he has taken a public stand on many of the great issues of our time, from the civil rights movement and the Vietnam War to 9/11, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the Iraq War. He stands out among political theorists and philosophers by virtue of his attention to historical reality and his sensitivity to social and political context. Convinced that philosophical debate is only useful if it is rooted in the concrete practices and morality of societies, he develops a form of social critique that is opposed to a disembodied philosophy which does not respond to concerns of ordinary people. For Walzer, it is useless to try to write a theory of justice: the challenge is to think through issues of justice in relation to the particular contexts in which people live out their lives. The core strength of his work is his practical instinct: if individuals are contextualized, critique must be too. This book takes the form of an extended conversation between Walzer and Astrid von Busekist, ranging from Walzer's biography and political activism to his work on war, justice and Judaism. Weaving together his theoretical work and his political activism, it provides an outstanding introduction to the life and work of one of the most influential political theorists of our time.

The connections between science and civic culture in the Victorian period have been extensively, and intensively, investigated over the past several decades. Limited attention, however, has been paid to Irish urban contexts. Roman Catholic attitudes towards science in the nineteenth century have also been neglected beyond a rather restricted set of thinkers and topics. This paper is offered as a contribution to addressing these lacunae, and examines in detail the complexities involved in Catholic engagement with science in Victorian Belfast. The political and civic geographies of Catholic involvement in scientific discussions in a divided town are uncovered through an examination of five episodes in the unfolding history of Belfast's intellectual culture. The paper stresses the importance of attending to the particularities of local politics and scientific debate for understanding the complex realities of Catholic appropriations of science in a period and urban context profoundly shaped by competing political and religious factions. It also reflects more generally on how the Belfast story supplements and challenges scholarship on the historical relations between Catholicism and science.

This article examines the politics of youth in Ijebu-Remo (henceforth Remo) from the 1950s to the present. The emergence of the politics of youth in the 1950s and 1960s drew on precolonial discourse and was closely associated with the emergence of Remo's anti-federal postcolonial political identity. Since Nigeria's political and economic decline in the mid-1980s, strong feelings of exclusion – strengthened further by the political sidelining of Yoruba-speaking politicians in national politics between 1993 and 1999 – have contributed to an increase of nationalist sentiment in Remo youth politics. This is enacted through secrecy, a reinvention and utilisation of 'traditional' cultural practice, and the growing definition of local identity through ethnic discourse. Traditionally, Remo youth and elite politics have legitimised and supported each other, but the cohesion between these groups has declined since the return to democracy in 1999. Rivalry and conflict over local and national resources have led to bitter intergroup fighting, and young men's strategies to combat social exclusion remain mostly individual.

This study examines how the politics of branding conducted by the Regent of Purwakarta Dedi Mulyadi in organizing and actualizing Purwakarta as a city with Sundanese characters. This study uses a qualitative method with a case study approach, intending to map various political branding efforts undertaken by Dedi Mulyadi, both from policies in different sectors and implementation in the field. The qualitative data analysis steps such as data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion carried out simultaneously.The results of this research are Dedi Mulyadi has taken political branding strategies and has been carrying out Sundanese nuanced political activities consistently and intensively, both through policy and direct socialization to citizens practically in an interactive, consistent, active, and participatory manner. Sundanese culture in the vision and mission of the local government implemented in local government policies in various sectors; education, tourism, and spatial sector. Dedi Mulyadi internalized Sundanese culture through innovative and creative ideas by following the changing times. Dedi Mulyadi's has brought Purwakarta as a city of culture as "Purwakarta Istimewa."

Sociologists have always recognized the "double function" of religion in the legitimation of power and privilege and in protest and opposition, but theories of secularization and modernization predicted the declining significance of religion in contemporary public life. We review new approaches to religious activism and legitimation efforts in the United States and in the world-system that stress the interrelatedness of religion and politics. Then we evaluate the contributions of new theories of social movements and culture, Marxism, and feminism to new conceptualizations of the relationships among religious struggles, inequality, and political order today.

In de hoogheemraadschappen van Rijnland en Schieland trad in de vroegmoderne tijd een radicale institutionele verandering op. Die betrof de wijze waarop de grondbezitters vertegenwoordigd werden tegenover het waterschapsbestuur. In de middeleeuwen overlegden de bestuurders met een brede en flexibele groep afgevaardigden van grondbezitters uit vele dorpen. Deze groep werd verdrongen door een kleine, vaste en elitaire groep hoofdingelanden. De drijvende krachten achter de vorming van het college van hoofdingelanden waren steden. Door vertegenwoordigende structuren binnen rurale organisaties zoals waterschappen te verbinden aan steden, draagt het artikel bij aan de discussie over de vraag of intensieve politieke participatie vooral een stedelijk fenomeen is. In the Early Modern Period the representation of landowners on the regional water boards of Rijnland and Schieland changed drastically. During the Middle Ages the regional water authorities conferred with a broad and flexible group of representatives, delegated by local landowners, but these were dismissed and replaced by a small, permanent and elitist group of principal landowners. The cities were the driving forces behind the formation of Boards of Principal Landowners. By linking representative institutions in rural contexts to cities, this article contributes to the debate whether or not intensive political participation was an urban phenomenon.

Introduction: revolutionary cinema and the logic of reform -- When love entered cinema: mysticism and the emerging poetics of reform -- Screening reform: campaign movies, documentaries, and urban Tehran -- Video democracies: or, the death of the filmmaker -- Who killed the tough guy? continuity and rupture in the filmfarsi tradition -- Film archives and online videos: the search for reform in post-Khatami Iran -- Conclusion: Iran's cinema museum and political unrest

François Doumenge, Musée Océanographique de Monaco, Commission Internationale pour l'Exploration Scientifique de la Mer Méditerranée L'halieutique maldivienne, une ethno-culture millénaire
As early as the 10th century Arab navigators identified the Maldive Islands as a source of cowries as currency and coir as an indispensable material for the assembling of sewn hulls and rigs of fishing and commercial vessels. Later on, skipjack filets, once dried and smoked, provided the third specialty of these islands. The meeting of monsoon navigation networks brought the Maldive Archipelago in contact with the whole of Arab, Persian, Indian and Malay worlds. The shores of East Africa and South China could be reached from there too. The dynamics of the piscatorial ethno-culture, which flourished in a way of life entirely dominated by the sea, lay in the exclusive control of the barter system by the central power established in Male. In the cultural, political, and commercial sway of Salafi Sunnism, the Maldive Islands fully developed their potentialities, which flourished during the 15th century, and they were able to resist the Portuguese intrusions of the following century. Stranded there in the early years of the 17th century, Pyrard de Laval wrote an account of his stay and gave minute descriptions of lagoon and pelagic fishing techniques, related industries, and economic and commercial practices.
This socio-economy, unique because of its coherence based on marine life, was dismanteled in the 19 th century by the force of colonial imperialisms (demonetisation of the cowries, loss of political and commercial independence) and the constraints caused by the mutations of the industrial revolution (diversion followed by disappearance of the large sailing ships, industrialisation of the coir). The Maldive Islands had lived for one millenium by following a unique piscatorial way of life, associating a perfected art of navigation with the exhaustive exploitation of the sole resource of the islands, the coconut tree, and of the infinite variety of products of coral reef and nearby ocean.