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In the article theoretical bases of state borders functioning are deepened. The essence of the concept of "state border" is generalized. State border as a multifunctional phenomenon is represented. The essence of the major, minor and specific features of the border are clarified and summarized. The relationship of these functions with activities at the state border such as law enforcement, checkpoints, regulatory, fiscal, intelligence, counterintelligence, operational search and others are displayed. The role of public institutions, including border guards, customs and law enforcement in the functioning of the border is studied. In the article state border is studied as a system of political nature, component subsystems of which are functional, organizational and management structures. The influence of the state border functioning on national interests and the effects of political, economic and social character achievement is investigated. ; В статье углублены теоретические основы функционирования государственных границ. Обобщенна сущность понятия «государственная граница». Представлено государственную границу как полифункциональное явление. Выяснено и обобщенно сущность главных, второстепенных и специфических функций государственной границы. Показана взаимосвязь перечисленных функций с такими видам деятельности на государственной границе, как правоохранительная, контрольно-пропускная, регулирующая, фискальная, разведывательная, контрразведывательная, оперативно-разыскная и другими. Исследована роль государственных институтов, в частности пограничной службы, таможенной службы и правоохранительных органов в функционировании государственной границы. Представлено государственную границу как систему политического характера, подсистемами которой являются компонентная, функциональная и организационно-управленческая структура. Показано влияние функционирования государственной границы на обеспечение национальных интересов и достижения эффектов политического, экономического, общественного характера. ; У статті поглиблено теоретичні основи функціонування державних кордонів. Узагальнено суть поняття «державний кордон». Представлено державний кордон як поліфункціональне явище. З'ясовано і узагальнено суть головних, другорядних і специфічних функцій державного кордону. Показано взаємозв'язок перерахованих функцій з такими видами діяльності на державному кордоні, як правоохоронна, контрольно-пропускна, регулююча, фіскальна, розвідувальна, контррозвідувальна, оперативно-розшукова та іншими. Досліджено роль державних інститутів, зокрема прикордонної служби, митної служби і правоохоронних органів у функціонуванні державного кордону. Представлено державний кордон як систему політичного характеру, підсистемами якої є компонентна, функціональна та організаційно-управлінська структура. Показано вплив функціонування державного кордону на забезпечення національних інтересів та досягнення ефектів політичного, економічного, суспільного характеру.

The paper is based on a research project launched in 2012. The objective was to analyse, from a political science perspective, the main factors and circumstances of the process of territorial governance reform attempts before 2010, and the turning point after starting a strongly centralised model. The focus of the research was not so much on the objectives of the reforms, but rather on the context and the actors of the reform processes. It was presumed that the defeat of decentralisation could be explained by the weakness of the actors to preserve the formerly strong positions of local governments. The research hypothesised that, following the transition years, the gradually fading enthusiasm of parliamentary and party-political elites contributed to the failures of correctional reforms and to the limitation of institutional guarantees for safeguarding the interests of local governments. Municipalities were gradually being confined to a subaltern role in the power structure, and in addition to the loss of a significant share of their competencies and resources, their support on behalf of the local communities has also declined. ; Rad se temelji na rezultatima istraživačkog projekta pokrenutog 2012. godine. Cilj je projekta bio provesti politološku analizu glavnih čimbenika i uvjeta u kojima se pokušavalo reformirati lokalno upravljanje u razdoblju prije 2010. te analizirati primjenu naglašeno centraliziranog modela i zaokreta koji je potom uslijedio. Rad nije toliko usmjeren postizanje svrha i ciljeva reformi koliko na njihov kontekst i sudionike u samome procesu. Pretpostavlja se da se neuspjeh decentralizacije može objasniti time da sudionici u procesu nisu bili dovoljno snažni kako bi održali ranije čvrstu poziciju lokalne samouprave. Autori polaze od hipoteze da je nakon tranzicijskog razdoblja došlo do postupnog gubitka entuzijazma parlamentarnih i stranačkih elita, što je nadalje pridonijelo neuspjehu reformi i ograničenju institucionalnih garancija koje su štitile interese lokalnih vlasti. Lokalne su jedinice postupno podređene u strukturi moći. Osim što su izgubile značajan dio nadležnosti i sredstava, podrška zajednica lokalnog stanovništva lokalnim vlastima također se znatno istopila.

In the article theoretical bases of state borders functioning are deepened. The essence of the concept of "state border" is generalized. State border as a multifunctional phenomenon is represented. The essence of the major, minor and specific features of the border are clarified and summarized. The relationship of these functions with activities at the state border such as law enforcement, checkpoints, regulatory, fiscal, intelligence, counterintelligence, operational search and others are displayed. The role of public institutions, including border guards, customs and law enforcement in the functioning of the border is studied. In the article state border is studied as a system of political nature, component subsystems of which are functional, organizational and management structures. The influence of the state border functioning on national interests and the effects of political, economic and social character achievement is investigated. ; В статье углублены теоретические основы функционирования государственных границ. Обобщенна сущность понятия «государственная граница». Представлено государственную границу как полифункциональное явление. Выяснено и обобщенно сущность главных, второстепенных и специфических функций государственной границы. Показана взаимосвязь перечисленных функций с такими видам деятельности на государственной границе, как правоохранительная, контрольно-пропускная, регулирующая, фискальная, разведывательная, контрразведывательная, оперативно-разыскная и другими. Исследована роль государственных институтов, в частности пограничной службы, таможенной службы и правоохранительных органов в функционировании государственной границы. Представлено государственную границу как систему политического характера, подсистемами которой являются компонентная, функциональная и организационно-управленческая структура. Показано влияние функционирования государственной границы на обеспечение национальных интересов и достижения эффектов политического, экономического, общественного характера. ; У статті поглиблено теоретичні основи функціонування державних кордонів. Узагальнено суть поняття «державний кордон». Представлено державний кордон як поліфункціональне явище. З'ясовано і узагальнено суть головних, другорядних і специфічних функцій державного кордону. Показано взаємозв'язок перерахованих функцій з такими видами діяльності на державному кордоні, як правоохоронна, контрольно-пропускна, регулююча, фіскальна, розвідувальна, контррозвідувальна, оперативно-розшукова та іншими. Досліджено роль державних інститутів, зокрема прикордонної служби, митної служби і правоохоронних органів у функціонуванні державного кордону. Представлено державний кордон як систему політичного характеру, підсистемами якої є компонентна, функціональна та організаційно-управлінська структура. Показано вплив функціонування державного кордону на забезпечення національних інтересів та досягнення ефектів політичного, економічного, суспільного характеру.

After less than 120 years of fully fledged representative democracy, and with the crisis and possibly even the dead end of the existing way of production, questioning the future of democracy is back again. It is claimed that direct democracy may be the next step of the development of the political system. The present article considers a less ambitious project, presenting a possible upgrading of representative democracy in Slovenia, a country with a short history of functioning representative democracy and with the experience of an experiment in direct democracy, which collapsed together with the Socialist Republic of Yugoslavia. The article presents a model that should enable the widening of democratic participation in decision making, and discusses the possible engagement of increasingly educated civil society in political deliberation, making use of the internet and new media. The proposed Slovenian model of junctures of democracy emerged after intensive and prolonged discussion within the so-called "Free University" that emerged after public protests in 2013. As an example of good practice enabling reflection on the possible upgrading of representative democracy in Slovenia, we refer to the Finnish practice of e-democracy at the local level (in particular the Tampere case) and at the state level. ; Po manj kot 120 letih polno razvite predstavniške demokracije se ob krizi in možnem koncu obstoječega načina produkcije ponovno pojavljajo vprašanja o prihodnosti demokracije. Neposredno demokracijo mnogi vidijo kot naslednji možni korak v razvoju političnega sistema prihodnosti. Članek obravnava manj ambiciozen projekt in predstavlja možno nadgradnjo predstavniške demokracije v Sloveniji, državi s kratko zgodovino delovanja predstavniške demokracije in z izkušnjo poskusa uvedbe neposredne demokracije, ki je propadla skupaj s socialistično republiko Jugoslavijo. V prispevku je prikazan model, ki bi omogočil širjenje demokratične vključenosti v odločanje ; obravnavana je možnost sodelovanja vse bolj izobražene civilne družbe pri demokratičnem premisleku s pomočjo interneta in novih medijev. Predlagani model stičišč demokracije je nastal po daljši razpravi v okviru Svobodne univerze - razpravi, ki je vzniknila po javnih protestih leta 2013. Kot primer dobre prakse, ki omogoča refleksijo možne nadgradnje predstavniške demokracije v Sloveniji, uporabljamo finsko delovanje e-demokracije na lokalni ravni (mesto Tampere) in na državni ravni.

ABSTRACT This Thesis focuses on the professional life of Juana Mordó who was an art dealer in the Biosca Art Gallery in Madrid. She was the first woman to open an art gallery in Spain, Juana Mordó Gallery in 1964. Over time she became a key player in the Spanish Art Market. The specific focus of this thesis considers her professional activities in the gallery between 1958 and 1964. It was here where she learnt the trade of an art dealer; getting to know pivotal characters within the Spanish cultural scene, artists, critics, civil servants, writers, intellectuals, politicians, members of the nobility and museum curators. The above has allowed for a study of the Spanish artistic panorama in the post-war. Through her work we can see the programming and strategies of this specific art gallery which reflect the political circumstances and the cultural environment of the time. The Biosca Gallery provided a variety of artists to a Government whose desire was to demonstrate to the outside world, through art, political normality. On the other hand the gallery, through programming exhibitions, cultivated young artists which produced a renewal and revitalisation of the arts. Sources from the Biosca Archive which art deposited in the "Museo Nacional Centro de Arte Reina Sofía" have been studied, selecting information to structure an understanding of the gallery at that time. The gallery's annual exhibitions from 1958 until 1964 have been recreated using material which exemplifies the importance and variety of activities in those years. The quality of each exhibition has been measured, using the observations of art critics in the national press. In addition the evolution of the displays and the catalogues produced by the gallery has been analysed. ; RESUMEN La presente Tesis trata sobre la trayectoria de la marchante Juana Mordó en la Galería Biosca, Madrid. Ella fue la primera mujer que abrió en 1964, una galería de arte en España, la Galería Juana Mordó. Con el tiempo, se convirtió en una mujer decisiva en el mercado del ...

Los gobiernos españoles de las comunidades autónomas tienen aprobados sus correspondientes reglamentos de honores y distinciones civiles. El derecho premial se convierte en una herramienta de comunicación política de indudable repercusión para la sociedad, y a su vez en una técnica de fomento. La recopilación y el análisis de los diferentes reglamentos de honores y distinciones de las entidades territoriales de España lleva a concretar cuáles son las razones por las cuales los diferentes gobiernos aprueban articulado de derecho premial. Para realizar la investigación se ha recurrido a fuentes primarias, es decir, a los departamentos responsables de las relaciones institucionales de cada organismo oficial. Entre los motivos principales para la concesión de honores se encuentra comunicar a la comunidad los valores y principios dignos de mención a través del ejemplo de un ciudadano o sociedad. Este objetivo ha sido corroborado por la presente investigación junto a convertirse, de este modo, en una herramienta de comunicación política. ; The Spanish governments of the territorial entities (autonomous communities) have approved their corresponding regulations of civil honors and distinctions. There are multiple reasons for these regulations; however, there's only one purpose: to communicate with the community they govern. Premial Law becomes a tool for political communication of undoubted repercussion for the society, becoming at the same time a technique of promotion. The compilation and analysis of the different regulations of honors and distinctions of the territorial entities of Spain lead to specify what are the reasons through which the different governments approve the contents of Premial Law. Among the main reasons we can remark the communication to the community of the values and principles that are worthy of mention based on the example of a citizen or society. That is why Premial Law, as an incentive action, is a tool of political communication of great interest to the governments since they decide which are the appropriate and exemplary behaviors for the community, and why these are officially and publicly awarded. ; Ciencias de la Comunicación

International audience ; The subject of the article is sexual diversity in Colombia's peace process. Although this topic's significance is acknowledged in the debate previous to the October 2016 " peace referendum " , rejected by a narrow majority of Colombians, there are divergences on the sense of this rejection. In this article, we argue that the " gender " question was not a manipulation lead by FARC's opponents, as it is often told. Instead, we believe that this is a structural variable in the country's political and social life, and that it will have an increasingly relevant role in the public debate. The article points out how feminist organizations showed other organizations working LGBT's issues the way to Havana, where the peace negotiations took place. It also shows the place held today by Catholic and Evangelical churches and parties, as well as the role played by the sexual minorities human rights defense organizations. It also analyzes the complex issues that arise when the FARC must count on these organizations as allies, even more so if we take into account that this very guerrilla can be questioned for sexist and homophobic actions. Finally, the article showcases why the subjects of "gender" and "sexual diversity" will be subversive in the coming years political and social debate in Colombia. ; Este articulo trata sobre la diversidad sexual en el proceso de paz en Colombia. Aunque se reconoce el peso de este tema en el debate del referendo de octubre de 2016, rechazado por una estrecha mayoría, difieren las interpretaciones sobre su significado. En este artículo planteamos que el tema del " género " no fue una manipulación de los sectores opuestos a las Farc: es una variable estructural en la vida del país y tendrá importancia cada vez mayor en el debate político. El artículo muestra cómo las organizaciones feministas abrieron el camino de La Habana, sede de las negociaciones, a las organizaciones que trabajan por los derechos LGBT. Muestra también el lugar que ocupan hoy las iglesias y partidos ...

The political role that posters had in Chile as a medium of promotion and agitation underwent a deep redefinition since the period of the Popular Unity, during which a graphic utopia emerges, that after the military coup is assumed as a practice of resistance. This article seeks to delve into que question of the relationship between graphic activity and politics during the 1970s and 1980s through the experience of two collectives: the Agrupación de Plásticos Jóvenes (APJ, "Young Plastic Artists Association") and Tallersol, both based in Santiago, Chile. The mode in which they politicize the graphic practice gives way to a broadening of the political, in term of its content or slogans, opening in turn a space for the politicization of its procedures and ways of creating with others. Thus, the notion of the graphic piece understood as an instrument of propaganda is displaced toward the concept of it as a result of an interweaving of complicity and joint experimentation, an experience of production that enables the construction and expansion of a graphic trench. ; El papel político que tuvo el cartelismo en Chile como un medio de promoción y agitación sufrió una profunda redefinición desde el período de la Unidad Popular, en que se despliega una utopía gráfica que luego tras el golpe militar es asumida como práctica de resistencia. El presente artículo busca ahondar en la pregunta por la relación entre gráfica y política durante la década de los setenta y ochenta a partir de la experiencia de dos colectivos: la Agrupación de Plásticos Jóvenes (APJ) y el Centro Cultural Tallersol, ambos ubicados en Santiago de Chile. La forma en que politizan la práctica gráfica da lugar a una ampliación de lo político en tanto contenido o consigna, para dar lugar a la politización de sus procedimientos y a sus modos de hacer con otros. De este modo, se traslada la concepción de la pieza gráfica entendida como instrumento de propaganda, a la concepción de esta como resultado de un entramado de complicidad y experimentación ...

According to Juan Linz, authoritarian rulers permit limited, powerless political pluralism and organization of elections, but they make it very clear that a change in power is impossible and the opposition cannot take over. Elections in authoritarian regimes are a part of nominally democratic institutions and help rulers to legitimize the regime. They are not free or fair, and therefore do not present any opportunity for the opposition to win and change the political system afterward. The question could be asked, what kind of action the opposition should undertake in order to improve its strength. That is the main problem nowadays for non-systemic opposition in the Russian Federation. On the one hand, the opposition has a problem gaining access to elections, but on the other hand, it knows that even if it could take part, the elections would not be democratic. This article tries to shed light on the strategies of the non-systemic Russian opposition and the possibility of its impact on Russian society when the government tries to marginalize, weaken and eventually destroy the non-systemic opposition. ; Według Juana Linza, autorytarni władcy dopuszczają ograniczony i bezsilny pluralizm polityczny i organizację wyborów, ale jasno pokazują, że zmiana władzy jest niemożliwa, a opozycja nie może przejąć władzy. Wybory w reżimach autorytarnych są częścią nominalnie demokratycznych instytucji i pomagają władzom legitymizować panujący reżim. Wybory nie są wolne ani uczciwe, a zatem nie stanowią szansy dla opozycji, aby wygrać i zmienić system polityczny w ich następstwie. Można zadać pytanie, jakiego rodzaju działania powinna podjąć opozycja w celu wzmocnienia swojej pozycji. Jest to obecnie główny problem niesystemowej opozycji w Federacji Rosyjskiej. Z jednej strony ma ona problem z uzyskaniem dostępu do wyborów, ale z drugiej strony wie, że nawet gdyby mogła wziąć w nich udział, nie byłyby to wybory demokratyczne. Artykuł stara się rzucić światło na strategie niesystemowej opozycji rosyjskiej i możliwości jej wpływu na rosyjskie społeczeństwo, w warunkach gdy rząd próbuje marginalizować, osłabiać i ostatecznie niszczyć niesystemową opozycję. Artykuł przedstawia krytyczną analizę literatury i dokumentów na ten temat.

En los últimos años, Internet y, en concreto, las redes sociales se han convertido en instrumentos de comunicación política cada vez más utilizados por los partidos políticos para conectar con el electorado, sobre todo en épocas de campaña electoral. Esto permite a los políticos trazar una campaña electoral más cercana al ciudadano y más alejada de la tradicional comunicación institucional sustentada en los medios clásicos: la televisión, la radio y la prensa escrita. El objetivo de este trabajo es conocer qué temas trataron en la red social Twitter durante la campaña electoral a las elecciones europeas de 2014 el Partido Popular y Podemos. Para ello, hemos trabajado con una metodología cuantitativa basada en un análisis de contenido sobre los 2.273 tweets publicados por @PPopular y @ahorapodemos entre el 9 de mayo y el 23 del mismo mes del año 2014. Fueron estas las primeras elecciones a las que se presentó Podemos, una formación entonces en pleno proceso de nacimiento y que en la actualidad cuenta con 69 representantes en el Congreso de los Diputados. ; In recent years, the Internet and, specifically, social networks have become instruments of political communication, increasingly used by political parties to connect with voters, especially during electoral campaign. This allows politicians to create a campaign closer to its citizens and far away from the traditional institutional communication, supported by traditional instruments of communication: television, radio and newspapers. The objective of this work is to know what campaign issues were included by the Partido Popular party and Podemos party in the social network Twitter during the electoral campaign for the European elections of 2014. To achieve this objective, we have worked with a quantitative methodology based on a content analysis on 2,273 tweets published by @PPopular and @ahorapodemos between May 9 and 23 of the same month in 2014. These were the first elections in which Podemos party participated, a party in birth process and which, currently, has 69 representatives in the Congress of Deputies.

This doctoral thesis is focused on the history of the Roman Church between the end of the 18th Century and the beginning of the 19th Century. Using Francesco Luigi Fontana's biography, I will describe the ecclesiastical dynamics and the different sensibilities of the curiali (the members of the Roman Curia) who cooperated with the barnabite to find a solution for both intraecclesiali and extraecclesiali problems submitted to Rome from all over the world.Consequently I will outline the developments in policymaking, in order to represent a non-monolithic Roman Curia, in which –conversely– different solutions were examined before making a definitive political decision.Furthermore this doctoral thesis reflects upon the problems linked to the paradigm chosen and upon the opportunity to use a biography and the category of intransigenza –employed in this study to interpret the intellectual, political and ecclesiological opinions of the curiali– to determine the crucial issues and to identify the elements of continuity of ecclesiastical history. ; Cette thèse porte sur l'histoire de l'Église catholique romaine entre la fin du XVIIIe et les premières décennies du XIXe siècle. L'itinéraire du barnabite Francesco Luigi Fontana constitue un prisme pertinent pour éclairer d'un jour nouveau les dynamiques internes à la Curie romaine et les sensibilités des collaborateurs de Fontana, lesquelles permettent aussi d'expliquer les solutions apportées aux nombreuses questions intra- et extraecclésiales soumises à Rome. L'étude des prises de décisions fait apparaître une Curie non monolithique mais au sein de laquelle plusieurs solutions étaient envisagées avant l'adoption de celle définitive.Au-delà même de cette perspective, l'enjeu de la présente recherche est d'ordre méthodologique, s'agissant du type d'analyse à conduire et des catégories à adopter pour comprendre les prises de position intellectuelles, politiques et ecclésiologiques des membres de la Curie. Un autre questionnement a trait à l'exercice, qui fait l'objet de récents approfondissements historiographiques, de la biographie et en l'espèce de la figure d'un cardinal placé à la croisée de plusieurs thématiques majeures de la période considérée, interrogeant enfin certains éléments de continuité de l'histoire de la papauté et du catholicisme de la fin de l'époque moderne au début de la période contemporaine

Border people to build economic network as a social solidarity for the interests economic resources tenure for the welfare his life. Mapping to networks trade in Sebatik Island shows interlinked network between social, political, cultural, kinship and ethnic groups. They are integrated in a economic activity in the border, which is referred to as the process Malayindonesia.As a cultural system, the market keep dynamics socio-cultural community at the border. The market is not just an entity that sustains the economic sustainability by bringing together sellers and buyers, but has a responsibility and a much more complex functions. The related countries especially the local politic institutions provide more opportunity to the borderlander developing a flexible market for borderland trade regulation. This research presents a economic activities that are full with various social interaction, as an arena cultural activities and political expression.It describes in depth the economic activities Sebatik-Nunukan North Kalimantan, which is integrated with market TawauSabah region of Malaysia. Local perceptions of cultural meanings attributed to state borders in how a particular international border is used by specific groups of people. The description is centered on the market as an arena for the transaction. The market becomes the entry point to map economic life of border communities. The objective of the study was to explain the way of Border communities exploiting the livelihood assets in their Island and Maritim resources in Sebatik Island North Kalimantan.The results of the study revealed that strategies across borders is a rational choice, and that the border communities often use their ethnicity and dual citizenship to trade across the border. Holders of dual citizenship on the Indonesia-Malaysian border use the documents of the state to their personal advantage, producing their identity cards to facilitatetheir border crossings. The study recommended that, anthropological studies find there are various socio-cultural dimension in cross-border economic is not only an economic dimension alone. Actions by market participants are ambivalent in regulation on cross-border trade can not be interpreted as having no nationalism

[spa] La presente investigación ofrece aportaciones en torno a la compleja situación de cambio y reforma curricular planteada en un contexto socio-político educativo históricamente determinado y vivido en primera persona por la autora de la tesis, quien fuera convocada por el Ministerio de Educación y Cultura para formular la propuesta y diseño curricular de la provincia de Córdoba, Argentina. Una experiencia vivida, desde la voz oficial del curriculum, reclama una visualización que se preocupe por cómo intervenir en la configuración del conocimiento y el saber asumiendo una responsabilidad estratégica y compromiso político-educativo frente a los diseños curriculares. Dos grandes líneas abren la discusión, una centrada en el currículum integrado de formación artística y otra en la perspectiva pragmática del arte, a través de la figura de John Dewey. En esta contextualización se intenta presentar, desde una visión histórica, lo sucedido en el momento de plantear el diseño curricular y, desde una óptica de investigación actual, algunos referentes para debatir en torno a los movimientos que hacen lugar a un escenario de reforma curricular. ; [eng] The present research offers contributions on the complex situation of change and curricular reform raised in a socio-political context historically determined and lived in first person by the author of the thesis, who was summoned by the Ministry of Education an Culture to formulate the Proposal and Curricular Design of the province of Córdoba, Argentina. The author's personal experience, from the official voice of the curriculum, demands a visualization of the curriculum which is committed with the configuration of knowledge and know-taking assuming a strategic responsibility and political-educational commitment to curricular designs. Two broad lines open the discussion, one focused on the integrated curriculum of artistic training and another on the pragmatic perspective of art, through the figure of John Dewey. This contextualization is trying to present, from a historical perspective, what happened at the moment of preparing the curricular design and, from a current research perspective, some referents to debate around the movements that lead to a scenario of curricular reform.

Europe is making significant efforts to create a common space where not only common political institutions and values, but also common future is to be shaped. And it is young people who is selected to be the main policy object for building common European identity. To this end in recent years, the European Union has worked out the institutional mechanisms of its youth policy, has formed special agencies for its implementation, developed legal framework. The main document, which laid the conceptual basis of EU youth policy is the White Paper. The document determines the most challenging issues in youth policy that need to be resolved in the short and long term. The next major document - the European Youth Pact - has become a real legal act which came into force throughout the European Union. The most important document which determines the guidelines of the current EU youth policy is a strategy "Youth - Investing and Empowering." The strategy settles a key vector of European youth policy for all EU countries. All documents take into account the interests of the whole EU and not individual nation states that is why they influence young people at the supranational level. The European Union has developed a full-fledged system of management of youth policy on two levels: the supranational (pan-European) and national. Council of Europe and European Parliament are responsible for the implementation of youth policy at supranational level. Various national agencies are responsible for the implementation of certain EU youth programs at national level. The EU documents on the youth policy show that the youth is viewed by European politicians as one of the most politically important social groups in Europe. That is why youth policy is directed not only at youth development, but has to it a significant political component. A significant part of the youth policy is related to the involvement of young people in the democratic institutions, the involvement of young people in the EU governance.

In recent years, the Internet and, specifically, social networks have become instruments of political communication, increasingly used by political parties to connect with voters, especially during electoral campaign. This allows politicians to create a campaign closer to its citizens and far away from the traditional institutional communication, supported by traditional instruments of communication: television, radio and newspapers. The objective of this work is to know what campaign issues were included by the Partido Popular party and Podemos party in the social network Twitter during the electoral campaign for the European elections of 2014. To achieve this objective, we have worked with a quantitative methodology based on a content analysis on 2,273 tweets published by @PPopular and @ahorapodemos between May 9 and 23 of the same month in 2014. These were the first elections in which Podemos party participated, a party in birth process and which, currently, has 69 representatives in the Congress of Deputies. ; En los últimos años, Internet y, en concreto, las redes sociales se han convertido en instrumentos de comunicación política cada vez más utilizados por los partidos políticos para conectar con el electorado, sobre todo en épocas de campaña electoral. Esto permite a los políticos trazar una campaña electoral más cercana al ciudadano y más alejada de la tradicional comunicación institucional sustentada en los medios clásicos: la televisión, la radio y la prensa escrita. El objetivo de este trabajo es conocer qué temas trataron en la red social Twitter durante la campaña electoral a las elecciones europeas de 2014 el Partido Popular y Podemos. Para ello, hemos trabajado con una metodología cuantitativa basada en un análisis de contenido sobre los 2.273 tweets publicados por @PPopular y @ahorapodemos entre el 9 de mayo y el 23 del mismo mes del año 2014. Fueron estas las primeras elecciones a las que se presentó Podemos, una formación entonces en pleno proceso de nacimiento y que en la actualidad cuenta ...