Suchergebnisse

Red and western grey kangaroos were surveyed from the air in Western Australia during the winter of
1981. The area covered, 1 528 000 km2 or 61% of the State, excluded only the Kimberleys in the north
and the Gibson and Great Sandy Deserts of the interior. Hence almost all kangaroo range within the
State was surveyed, to provide an estimate of 980 000 reds and 436 000 greys. Densities were much
lower than those of the eastern States. Red kangaroos were most abundant in mulga shrubland,
chenopod shrubland and tussock grassland, and least abundant in hummock grassland. Densities were
associated strongly with land-use categories, being high in areas used for extensive sheep grazing and low
in vacant Crown Land and arable land. In contrast to reds the western grey kangaroos were confined to
the south and west of the state, their distribution being related more directly to climate than to
vegetation or land use. They live in the winter rainfall zone. We suggest that their restricted breeding
season results in peak nutritional demands associated with lactation, and hence energy requirements,
being synchronized with the spring flush of pasture following winter rains. Approximately 14% of the
red kangaroo and 8% of the western grey kangaroo populations in Western Australia were harvested
legally in 1981.

"This book shows how international trade was a key part of the classic Western policy of containment towards the Soviet Union in the Cold War in the late 1970s. Trade and containment may summarise the new relation that communist China moulded with the capitalistic West in the late 1970s. Ideology had become less important and a rapprochement between the PRC (People's Republic of China) and the Western Powers over trade, with the purpose of isolating and weakening the common Russian rival, was practically unavoidable. Within a relatively short span of time the balance of power in the Indo-Pacific area had been reversed. Simply put, Beijing's market was too big to be ignored and the Atlantic allies collaborated, sometimes even competing with each other, to allow China access to the centres of world finance. However, the Western powers had not realised that Beijing would never pursue alignment with them. On the contrary, the increased trading and financial linkage with capitalistic countries gave China room to manoeuvre, enabling it to play the Western states off against each other. This book will be of much interest to students of Cold War Studies, Chinese history, foreign policy and International Relations"--

"How does a nation come to terms with losing a war--especially an overseas war the purpose of which is fervently contested? In the ensuing years, how does such a nation construct and reconstruct its identity and values? For the French in Indochina, the stunning defeat at Dien Bien Phu ushered in the violent process of decolonization and a fraught reckoning with a colonial past. Contesting Indochina is the first in-depth study of the competing and intertwined narratives of the Indochina War. It analyzes the layers of French remembrance, focusing on state-sponsored commemoration, veterans' associations, special-interest groups, intellectuals, films, and heated public disputes. These narratives make up the ideological battleground for contesting the legacies of colonialism, decolonization, the Cold War, and France's changing global status"--Provided by publisher

Many well-intentioned people have long recognized the absence in our century of any effective international law, government and mores. They have also wasted a lot of time attempting to conjure up constitutional governments for the world, to codify, revise and extend international law, and to call forth a mostly non-existent world public opinion. In a world rent by such basic ideological and cultural splits as is ours, these efforts are foredoomed to failure.The much more relevant question for one interested in peace in this nuclear-missile' age is whether or not the United States and the Soviet Union can settle through negotiation some of the political problems of the Cold War. If they cannot agree to "live and let live" as sovereign states in a world of sovereign states, on what basis can we expect that they will engage in that much more intimate collaboration out of which mores, law and government can grow?

"Despite the Mexican government's projected image of prosperity and modernity in the years following World War II, workers who felt that Mexico's progress had come at their expense became increasingly discontented. From 1948 to 1958, unelected and often corrupt officials of STFRM, the railroad workers' union, collaborated with the ruling Institutionalized Revolutionary Party (PRI) to freeze wages for the rank and file. In response, members of STFRM staged a series of labor strikes in 1958 and 1959 that inspired a nationwide working-class movement. The Mexican army crushed the last strike on March 26, 1959, and union members discovered that in the context of the Cold War, exercising their constitutional right to organize and strike appeared radical, even subversive. Railroad Radicals in Cold War Mexico examines a pivotal moment in post-World War II Mexican history. This study of railroad labor activism argues that the railway strikes of the 1950s constituted the first and boldest challenge to PRI rule and marked the beginning of mass dissatisfaction with the ruling party. In addition, Robert F. Alegre gives the wives of the railroad workers a narrative place in this history by incorporating issues of gender identity in his analysis"--

Most feminist scholars rely on a stock narrative of the history of feminist scholarship, which purportedly defines its processes and outcomes by decades: the white liberal feminist 1970s; the women-of-color, postmodern 1980s; and the poststructuralist, difference-focused 1990s, which they assume is adequate. Identifying the deficiencies of this stock narrative, the book develops alternative accounts of feminist scholarship in its formation, contrasting the explanatory possibilities of approaches drawn from the history of ideas, the sociology of knowledge, and Foucauldian archaeology. These three accounts illuminate intricate and unexpected connections between academic feminism and geopolitical forces, such as the Cold War, increased federal funding for higher education, changing priorities within philanthropic foundations, and the emergence of development studies, area studies, and subfields, such as Women in Development and Gender and Development. By complicating the narrative history of feminist studies, the book offers a fresh interpretation of the centrality to academic feminism, particularly in postcolonial and transnational feminist scholarship, of key concepts advanced by U.S. scholars of color, above all intersectionality.

"Prepared under the auspices of the AUSA Institute of Land Warfare, February 1991"--P. [3] of cover. ; At head of title: Special report. ; Cover title. ; Mode of access: Internet.