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Representing in a substantive sense means acting in the interest of the represented, in a manner responsive to their wishes. This can be imagined and done in several ways, but the representative should never he an independent expert or a mere commissioner. At the political level, this definition of representation has several implications. First, the representative is neither his constituency's agent nor a national leader without local link: it is the interaction between local representatives that allows the creation of a national interest. Second, political representation is not an individual characteristic, but a feature of the system, which has to allow responsiveness. Finally, the diversity of valid views about representation does not imply that any government is representative: in order to speak about a government as representative, it must institutionalize its responsiveness to the people, primarily through free elections. However, this institutionalization is not enough: one must also keep in mind the ideal of representation in order to judge and continuously reform the institutions of representation. Adapted from the source document.

International audience ; The standard opposition between political representation and participation is based on an exclusive conception of representation (excluding those represented). But a concept of representation that is inclusive can be understood, most notably through the history of representation before representative government succeeded in nineteenth-century France. Instead of preventing the direct participation of those represented, inclusive representation stimulates it. Inclusion through representation may first appear through the politicization of citizens, by their judging the action of representatives inside the institutions of representative government, or through the constructing of alternative representative devices outside these institutions. Inclusive representation may also specifically include dominated groups, inside or outside representative government institutions. Finally, inclusive representation may rest on processes of subjectivation, through which excluded social groups become political subjects.

International audience ; The standard opposition between political representation and participation is based on an exclusive conception of representation (excluding those represented). But a concept of representation that is inclusive can be understood, most notably through the history of representation before representative government succeeded in nineteenth-century France. Instead of preventing the direct participation of those represented, inclusive representation stimulates it. Inclusion through representation may first appear through the politicization of citizens, by their judging the action of representatives inside the institutions of representative government, or through the constructing of alternative representative devices outside these institutions. Inclusive representation may also specifically include dominated groups, inside or outside representative government institutions. Finally, inclusive representation may rest on processes of subjectivation, through which excluded social groups become political subjects.

Democracy can entail the representation of discourses as well as persons or groups. We explain and advocate discursive representation; explore its justifications, advantages, and problems; and show how it can be accomplished in practice. This practice can involve the selection of discursive representatives to a formal Chamber of Discourses and more informal processes grounded in the broader public sphere. Discursive representation supports many aspects of deliberative democracy and is especially applicable to settings such as the international system lacking a well-defined demos.

Intro -- Political Representation: Communities, Ideas and Institutions in Europe (c. 1200-c. 1690) -- Copyright -- Contents -- Acknowledgements -- List of Illustrations -- Contributors and Editors -- An Introduction: Political Representation: Communities, Ideas and Institutions in Europe (c. 1200-c. 1690) -- Part 1: Top-down or Bottom-up? Princes, Communities and Representation -- 1 Assemblies of Estates and Parliamentarism in Late Medieval Europe -- 2 Political Representation and the Fiscal State in Late Medieval and Early Modern Castile -- 3 Forms of Political Representation in Late Medieval Northern Italy: Merits and Shortcomings of the City-State Paradigm (14th-early 16th Century) -- 4 Representation in Later Medieval and Early Modern Ireland -- 5 Speaking in the Name of: Collective Action, Claim-making, and the Development of Pre-modern Representative Institutions -- Part 2: Prelates, Nobles and Patricians: The Composition of the Representative Institutions -- 6 "The King wishes and commands?" Reassessing Political Assembly in Scotland, c.1286-1329 -- 7 Officers of State and Representation in the Pre-modern Scottish Parliament -- 8 The Nobility in the Estates of the Late Medieval Duchy of Brabant -- 9 Representation by Numbers: How Attendance and Experience Helped Holland to Control the Dutch States General (1626-1630) -- Part 3: Controlling the State: Ideas and Discourses -- 10 The Antwerp Clerk Jan van Boendale and the Creation of a Brabantine Ideology -- 11 Rituals of Unanimity and Balance: Deliberation in 15th- to 16thcentury Hainaut: A Fool's Game? -- 12 Speech Acts and Political Communication in the Estates General of Valois and Habsburg Burgundy c. 1370-1530: Towards a Shared Political Language -- 13 Parliament, War and the "Public Sphere" in Late Medieval England: The Experience of Lancastrian Kent

Drawing on Durkheim's terms collective and individual representations, the concept of social representations (SR) was developed by Serge Moscovici in 1961 in his study of everyday understandings of psychoanalysis in France. In the last 50 years SR has become an established field within social and cultural psychology. As a whole, this research demonstrates that social representations are systems of communication and social influence that constitute the social realities of different groups in society. They serve as the principal means for establishing the shared knowledge, common practices and affiliations that bind social members together (Duveen, 2001) and thereby act to support systems of inclusion and exclusion. [excerpt from the Introduction] ; N/A