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Life cycle is among the most widely used concepts in the social sciences. It may be invoked merely to denote temporality. It may be applied metaphorically or heuristically to initiate an analysis. Or it may comprise the core assumptions of a research program in developmental processes. Strictly defined, life cycle refers to maturational and generational processes in natural populations. Alternative conceptions of life cycle, like life span and life course, do not share the same intrinsic reference to generation or reproduction that transcends the single lifetime of the individual. Still these concepts are often used interchangeably. The history, meanings, and uses of these concepts across anthropology, psychology, economics, and sociology are reviewed. Three areas of modern sociology—individual aging, family life cycle, and organizational life cycle—are examined specifically in their treatment of life-cycle concepts. Finally, the implications of alternative usages for the study of populations as opposed to individuals and for the study of stability as opposed to change are considered.

Conflict between religion and state politics is a persistent phenomenon in human history. Hence it is not surprising that the propagation of Christianity often faces the challenge of &ldquo ; political theology&rdquo ; . When the Church of the East monk Aluoben reached China in 635 during the reign of Emperor Tang Taizong, he received the favorable invitation of the emperor to translate Christian sacred texts for the collections of Tang Imperial Library. This marks the beginning of Jingjiao (景教) mission in China. In historiographical sense, China has always been a political domineering society where the role of religion is subservient and secondary. A school of scholarship in Jingjiao studies holds that the fall of Jingjiao in China is the obvious result of its over-involvement in local politics. The flaw of such an assumption is the overlooking of the fact that in the Tang context, it is impossible for any religious establishments to avoid getting in touch with the Tang government. In the light of this notion, this article attempts to approach this issue from the perspective of &ldquo ; political theology&rdquo ; and argues that instead of over-involvement, it is rather the clashing of &ldquo ; ideologies&rdquo ; between the Jingjiao establishment and the ever-changing Tang court&rsquo ; s policies towards foreigners and religious bodies that caused the downfall of Jingjiao Christianity in China. This article will posit its argument based on the analysis of the Chinese Jingjiao canonical texts, especially the Xian Stele, and takes this as a point of departure to observe the political dynamics between Jingjiao and Tang court. The finding of this paper does show that the intellectual history of Chinese Christianity is in a sense a comprehensive history of &ldquo ; political theology&rdquo ; .

La ciencia ficción es un género consolidado en países con un alto desarrollo científico y tecnológico, como los países del Primer Mundo. En contraste, la cultura hispana padece de ciertas carencias intelectuales, como la historia militar y el desarrollo de la ciencia ficción. Ahora bien, habida cuenta de que este género aborda las consecuencias de los usos de la ciencia y la tecnología, constituye un recurso precioso para llevar a cabo análisis éticos y para poner en práctica el principio de responsabilidad dada su índole de simulador de futuros alternativos. En especial, la ciencia ficción militar refuerza el abordaje de la polemoética para fines de comprensión de la naturaleza de las guerras y los conflictos. ; Science fiction is a genre consolidated in countries with a high scientific and technological development, such as First World countries. In contrast, Hispanic culture has certain intellectual shortcomings such as military history and development of science fiction. Now, given that this genre deals with the consequences of the uses of science and technology, it is a valuable resource for ethical analysis and to implement the principle of responsibility given its nature of a simulator of alternative futures. In particular, military science fiction reinforces the approach to polemoethics for purposes of understanding the nature of wars and conflicts. ; 34-70 ; cesierra48@une.net.com ; semestral

Aristotle establishes a close relation between politics and ethics, as long as politics allows to ream knowledge of supreme goodness and the virtuous action that leads to happiness; which in the end is the final goal of ethics and of the city. Therefore, the politic community (the city), a natural group, before any other group, a civic area in which man reaches the highest development and turns, finally, into "a political animal". ; Aristóteles establece una relación muy estrecha entre la política y la ética en tanto la política se ocupa del conocimiento del bien supremo y permite asimismo la acción virtuosa, condiciones que llevan a la consecución de la felicidad, que, en definitiva, es el fin de la polis. Así la comunidad política se constituye en la comunidad humana por excelencia, comunidad natural, anterior a toda otra forma de asociación, espacio cívico en el que el hombre alcanza su pleno desarrollo y se constituye finalmente en "animal político".

This study investigates the direction and extent to which religious belonging and regular church attendance are related to distinct political preferences among U.S. Latinos. The key question is whether Latino churchgoers are more committed than infrequent attenders to liberal policy views and the Democratic Party, or whether Latino religious commitments are related to conservative policy views and Republican Party support. Findings indicate that Latino Protestants are more likely to hold conservative views, while Latino Catholics—the vast majority of religious Latinos—are more likely to hold liberal views, or show no political differences, if they attend church regularly.

Although few studies have explored the link between emotion and political talk, here I argue that political disagreement depolarizes emotional reactions via information exchanged in social networks. Analyzing data from the ANES 2008-2009 Panel Study, several conclusions are drawn. First, disagreement increases negative emotions and decreases positive emotions toward the in-party candidate, and also increases positive emotions and decreases negative emotions toward the out-party candidate. In other words, disagreement depolarizes emotions toward political candidates. Second, the affective impact of disagreement does not vary with political knowledge. Finally, positive emotions toward the out-party candidate and negative emotions toward the in-party candidate reduce political interest, candidate issue placement accuracy, and political participation. Overall, this study develops important theoretical connections between affect and political talk that have implications for the value of political disagreement. Adapted from the source document.

Examines Turkey as an example of integration of Islamic movements into a relatively democratic political system, focusing on externalization of Islamic political identity within state-society relations, and how the Welfare Party evolved from the margins to the forefront of modern Turkish politics; 1980s and 1990s, chiefly.

In the Apology, Socrates claims he is better off than others because he knows he does not know. This is commonly called "Socratic ignorance." To many, Socratic ignorance is incompatible with the possession of moral knowledge. Indeed, Socrates' behavior in the Socratic dialogues appears to support this view: he affirms his ignorance, cross-examines those who wrongly think themselves to be wise, and refutes them. It looks as if he exposes others' ignorance because he lacks knowledge and cannot teach. In the Gorgias, however, Socrates is much different. At a vital moment in the dialogue, he declares that he is the only one of his contemporaries to take up what he calls the "true political craft." But how is Socratic ignorance consistent with the practice of the political craft? Unfortunately, scholars have failed to fully appreciate the importance of Socrates' claim in the Gorgias. In this thesis, I argue that Socrates' claim to practice the true political craft is a central claim in the work, since he believes that his style of dialectic is the craft of justice, which is one of the branches of the true political craft. My stance, however, appears to conflict with Socrates' theory of punishment in the Gorgias. In many passages, Socrates identifies justice with the expertise of the judge, not the expertise of the dialectician. I argue that Socrates maintains that dialectic and judicial punishment are sub-crafts of justice: each sub-craft improves the condition of another person's soul without having to teach him or her the craft of justice. Although I argue that Socratic ignorance is consistent with Socrates' practice of the political craft, I do not intend to claim that the Gorgias is a Socratic dialogue. In my discussion of judicial punishment, I argue that Socrates commits himself to a conception of the soul that is incompatible with the "intellectualist" psychology he assumes in other Socratic dialogues. Since many believe that the Gorgias is a key text for central Socratic doctrines, my account should prompt us to reevaluate several prominent interpretations of Socratic philosophy.

First published in 1983. Amilcar Cabral was one of Africa's leading revolutionary figures. Universally recognised as the founding father at the independent state of Guiné-Bissau, he was also the first truly important political thinker to have emerged from Africa's two decades of revolution. This book was the first publication to present a critical analysis of his standing as a political theorist. Born in 1925 in the then Portuguese colony of Guiné, Cabral devoted his life to the liberation of his people from colonialism and was instrumental in founding the PAIGC, the African Party for the Independence of Guiné and Cape Verde. He was assassinated early in 1973, but the PAIGC continued his task and Guiné-Bissau gained independence in September 1973. Guiné's revolution came late, but it was a genuine revolution and, like all revolutions, was accompanied by a theory of its own. That theory is found in the writings of Cabral. In this study Jack McCulloch explains that, because of the conjunction of a number of historical factors, the revolution in Guiné assumed an importance for out of proportion to the size or economic significance of the country, and shows that consequently Cabral's theory has come to have an historical significance of its own. This account of Cabral's political theory demonstrates clearly that the effect of Cabral's career was to help bring down the last of the great colonial empires in Africa and, in the realm of theory, to dismantle the central shibboleths of African socialism.

Der Bericht über die politischen Entwicklungen in Deutschland 2014 der deutschen nationalen Kontaktstelle für das Europäische Migrationsnetzwerk (EMN) gibt einen Überblick über die wichtigsten politischen Diskussionen und Entwicklungen in den Bereichen Migration, Integration und Asyl. Zentrale migrations-, integrations- und asylpolitische Debatten des Jahres 2014 betrafen die Themen steigende Asylbewerberzahlen und die politischen Reaktionen darauf, Flüchtlingsproteste, die Erweiterung der Liste sicherer Herkunftsstaaten sowie die Optionspflicht und die Akzeptanz der doppelten Staatsangehörigkeit. Besonders befasst sich der Bericht mit Maßnahmen, welche die Bundesrepublik Deutschland zur Umsetzung des Gesamtansatzes für Migration und Mobilität, der EU-Aktion gegen Migrationsdruck, der EU-Strategie zur Bekämpfung des Menschenhandels sowie der Europäischen Agenda zur Integration von Drittstaatsangehörigen getroffen hat. Diese Maßnahmen werden durch weitere Gesetze und Initiativen der Bundesregierung in den Bereichen Migration, Integration und Asyl ergänzt. Zudem stellt der Bericht die allgemeine Struktur des politischen und rechtlichen Systems in Deutschland dar und skizziert die wichtigsten politischen und institutionellen Veränderungen im Jahr 2014 in den genannten Politikbereichen.

There is increasing recognition of the wicked nature of the intertwined climate, biodiversity and economic crises, and the need for adaptive, multi-scale approaches to understanding the complexity of both the problems and potential responses. Most science underpinning policy responses to sustainability issues, however, remains overtly apolitical and focussed on technical innovation; at odds with a critical body of literatures insisting on the recognition of systemic problem framing when supporting policy processes. This paper documents the experience of implementing a mixed method approach called quantitative story-telling (QST) to policy analysis that explicitly recognises this normative dimension, as the methodology is part of a post-normal science (PNS) toolkit. The authors reflect on what was learnt when considering how QST fared as a tool for science-policy interaction, working with European Union (EU) level policy actors interested in sustainable agriculture and sustainable development goal 2. These goals-also known as UN Agenda 2030-are the latest institutionalisation of the pursuit of sustainable development and the EU has positioned itself as taking a lead in its implementation. Thus, the paper illustrates our experience of using PNS as an approach to science policy interfaces in a strategic policy context; and illustrates how the challenges identified in the science-policy literature are amplified when working across multiple policy domains and taking a complex systems approach. Our discussion on lessons learnt may be of interest to researchers seeking to work with policy-makers on complex sustainability issues.