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The World Values Survey (WVS) is an international research program devoted to the scientific and academic study of social, political, economic, religious and cultural values of people in the world. The project's goal is to assess which impact values stability or change over time has on the social, political and economic development of countries and societies. The project grew out of the European Values Study and was started in 1981 by its Founder and first President (1981-2013) Professor Ronald Inglehart from the University of Michigan (USA) and his team, and since then has been operating in more than 120 world societies. The main research instrument of the project is a representative comparative social survey which is conducted globally every 5 years. Extensive geographical and thematic scope, free availability of survey data and project findings for broad public turned the WVS into one of the most authoritative and widely-used cross-national surveys in the social sciences. At the moment, WVS is the largest non-commercial cross-national empirical time-series investigation of human beliefs and values ever executed. ; The target population is defined as: individuals aged 18 (16/17 is acceptable in the countries with such voting age) or older (with no upper age limit), regardless of their nationality, citizenship or language, that have been residing in the [country] within private households for the past 6 months prior to the date of beginning of fieldwork (or in the date of the first visit to the household, in case of random-route selection). ; The sampling procedures differ from country to country; probability Sample: Multistage Sample Probability Sample, Simple Random Sample. Representative single stage or multi-stage sampling of the adult population of the country 18 (16) years old and older was used for the WVS 1981-1984. Sample size was set as effective sample size of 1000 respondents or more. Countries with great population size and diversity are requirred to reach an effective sample of N=1200 or larger. ; Study on values realized in the countries of Europe by EVS research network in the 1981-2008 period is not included into the current data-set and is available for both downloading and online-analysis at http://www.europeanvaluesstudy.eu. ; Face-to-face interview ; Face-to-face interview: PAPI (Paper and Pencil Interview)

The World Values Survey (WVS) is an international research program devoted to the scientific and academic study of social, political, economic, religious and cultural values of people in the world. The project's goal is to assess which impact values stability or change over time has on the social, political and economic development of countries and societies. The project grew out of the European Values Study and was started in 1981 by its Founder and first President (1981-2013) Professor Ronald Inglehart from the University of Michigan (USA) and his team, and since then has been operating in more than 120 world societies. The main research instrument of the project is a representative comparative social survey which is conducted globally every 5 years. Extensive geographical and thematic scope, free availability of survey data and project findings for broad public turned the WVS into one of the most authoritative and widely-used cross-national surveys in the social sciences. At the moment, WVS is the largest non-commercial cross-national empirical time-series investigation of human beliefs and values ever executed. ; The target population is defined as: individuals aged 18 (16/17 is acceptable in the countries with such voting age) or older (with no upper age limit), regardless of their nationality, citizenship or language, that have been residing in the [country] within private households for the past 6 months prior to the date of beginning of fieldwork (or in the date of the first visit to the household, in case of random-route selection). ; The sampling procedures differ from country to country; probability Sample: Multistage Sample Probability Sample, Simple Random Sample. Representative single stage or multi-stage sampling of the adult population of the country 18 (16) years old and older was used for the WVS 1999-2004. Sample size was set as effective sample size of 1000 respondents or more. Countries with great population size and diversity are requirred to reach an effective sample of N=1200 or larger. ; Study on values realized in the countries of Europe by EVS research network in the 1981-2008 period is not included into the current data-set and is avaliable for both downloading and online-analysis at: http://www.europeanvaluesstudy.eu. ; Face-to-face interview ; Face-to-face interview: PAPI (Paper and Pencil Interview)

The World Values Survey (WVS) is an international research program devoted to the scientific and academic study of social, political, economic, religious and cultural values of people in the world. The project's goal is to assess which impact values stability or change over time has on the social, political and economic development of countries and societies. The project grew out of the European Values Study and was started in 1981 by its Founder and first President (1981-2013) Professor Ronald Inglehart from the University of Michigan (USA) and his team, and since then has been operating in more than 120 world societies. The main research instrument of the project is a representative comparative social survey which is conducted globally every 5 years. Extensive geographical and thematic scope, free availability of survey data and project findings for broad public turned the WVS into one of the most authoritative and widely-used cross-national surveys in the social sciences. At the moment, WVS is the largest non-commercial cross-national empirical time-series investigation of human beliefs and values ever executed. ; The target population is defined as: individuals aged 18 (16/17 is acceptable in the countries with such voting age) or older (with no upper age limit), regardless of their nationality, citizenship or language, that have been residing in the [country] within private households for the past 6 months prior to the date of beginning of fieldwork (or in the date of the first visit to the household, in case of random-route selection). ; The sampling procedures differ from country to country; probability Sample: Multistage Sample Probability Sample, Simple Random Sample. Representative single stage or multi-stage sampling of the adult population of the country 18 (16) years old and older was used for the WVS 1990-1994. Sample size was set as effective sample size of 1000 respondents or more. Countries with great population size and diversity are requirred to reach an effective sample of N=1200 or larger. ; Study on values realized in the countries of Europe by EVS research network in the 1981-2008 period is not included into the current data-set and is avaliable for both downloading and online-analysis at: http://www.europeanvaluesstudy.eu. ; Face-to-face interview ; Face-to-face interview: PAPI (Paper and Pencil Interview)

The World Values Survey (WVS) is an international research program devoted to the scientific and academic study of social, political, economic, religious and cultural values of people in the world. The project's goal is to assess which impact values stability or change over time has on the social, political and economic development of countries and societies. The project grew out of the European Values Study and was started in 1981 by its Founder and first President (1981-2013) Professor Ronald Inglehart from the University of Michigan (USA) and his team, and since then has been operating in more than 120 world societies. The main research instrument of the project is a representative comparative social survey which is conducted globally every 5 years. Extensive geographical and thematic scope, free availability of survey data and project findings for broad public turned the WVS into one of the most authoritative and widely-used cross-national surveys in the social sciences. At the moment, WVS is the largest non-commercial cross-national empirical time-series investigation of human beliefs and values ever executed. ; The target population is defined as: individuals aged 18 (16/17 is acceptable in the countries with such voting age) or older (with no upper age limit), regardless of their nationality, citizenship or language, that have been residing in the [country] within private households for the past 6 months prior to the date of beginning of fieldwork (or in the date of the first visit to the household, in case of random-route selection). ; The sampling procedures differ from country to country; probability Sample: Multistage Sample Probability Sample, Simple Random Sample. Representative single stage or multi-stage sampling of the adult population of the country 18 (16) years old and older was used for the WVS 1995-1998. Sample size was set as effective sample size of 1000 respondents or more. Countries with great population size and diversity are requirred to reach an effective sample of N=1200 or larger. ; Study on values realized in the countries of Europe by EVS research network in the 1981-2008 period is not included into the current data-set and is avaliable for both downloading and online-analysis at: http://www.europeanvaluesstudy.eu. ; Face-to-face interview ; Face-to-face interview: PAPI (Paper and Pencil Interview)

The World Values Survey (WVS) is an international research program devoted to the scientific and academic study of social, political, economic, religious and cultural values of people in the world. The project's goal is to assess which impact values stability or change over time has on the social, political and economic development of countries and societies. The project grew out of the European Values Study and was started in 1981 by its Founder and first President (1981-2013) Professor Ronald Inglehart from the University of Michigan (USA) and his team, and since then has been operating in more than 120 world societies. The main research instrument of the project is a representative comparative social survey which is conducted globally every 5 years. Extensive geographical and thematic scope, free availability of survey data and project findings for broad public turned the WVS into one of the most authoritative and widely-used cross-national surveys in the social sciences. At the moment, WVS is the largest non-commercial cross-national empirical time-series investigation of human beliefs and values ever executed. ; The target population is defined as: individuals aged 18 (16/17 is acceptable in the countries with such voting age) or older (with no upper age limit), regardless of their nationality, citizenship or language, that have been residing in the [country] within private households for the past 6 months prior to the date of beginning of fieldwork (or in the date of the first visit to the household, in case of random-route selection). ; The sampling procedures differ from country to country; probability Sample: Multistage Sample Probability Sample, Simple Random Sample. Representative single stage or multi-stage sampling of the adult population of the country 18 (16) years old and older was used for the WVS 2005-2009. Sample size was set as effective sample size of 1000 respondents or more. Countries with great population size and diversity are requirred to reach an effective sample of N=1200 or larger. ; Study on values realized in the countries of Europe by EVS research network in the 1981-2008 period is not included into the current data-set and is avaliable for both downloading and online-analysis at: http://www.europeanvaluesstudy.eu. ; Face-to-face interview ; Face-to-face interview: PAPI (Paper and Pencil Interview)

The litany of motor vehicle evils is well known. Cars account for one-fourth of greenhouse-gas emissions and half of urban air pollution; they consume more oil than the nation produces at home. Efforts to solve these problems by reducing the nation's dependence on cars have failed. Mass transit now carries a smaller proportion of travelers than ever -- only about 4 percent of total passenger-miles -- and carpooling accounts for only 13 percent of work trips, down from 20 percent in 1980. Instead, policymakers are once again turning to technological solutions creating cleaner, more efficient vehicles. Over the past five years, electric vehicle (EV) technology has emerged as the most promising alternative to the internal combustion engine. A wave of innovation has begun to build momentum for the widespread commercialization of electric-drive vehicles. These will include not only battery-powered cars, whose ultimate role may be modest, but vehicles powered by electric fuel cells or by hybridized combinations of internal combustion engines (ICEs) and electric motors. The potential profits from EV technology are substantial. Whoever pioneers large-scale production of electric-drive vehicles will find inviting markets around the world. EV transportation is particularly suited to countries in which pollution is severe and intractable, where petroleum imports are a burden or the fuel infrastructure needed for conventional cars is not in place, where excess electricity (usually hydropower) is available in off-peak hours, or where vehicle performance is secondary to reliability and low maintenance. Indeed, the Clinton administration has selected EV technology as one of 22 critical technologies for the nation's economic revitalization. It is almost inevitable that EVs will eventually supplant most, if not all, conventional cars. The challenge for public policy is to guide this transition wisely. The barriers to a wholesale change in the nation's transportation system (not only economic and technical barriers but also institutional and structural ones) remain high. Only strong government action can level the playing field to give EV technologies a chance. At the same time, public policy must be flexible enough to permit midcourse corrections and let the market, rather than the government, pick the winners.

Research question/issue: This study explores the relationship between the level of social capital in the location of a firm's headquarter and the presence of female board directors. We measure local social capital by civic norms (i.e., voter turnout and census participation) and density of social networks (i.e., community, professional, church, and sports). We hypothesize that greater levels of local social capital will increase the share of female directors on local firms' boards, including women attaining a critical mass presence as well as member and chair roles on the board's audit, compensation, and nomination committees. Research findings/insights: Using 53,671 observations from U.S. public companies from 2000 to 2018, we find that firms headquartered in counties with higher levels of social capital have higher percentages of women directors. The results are robust to the inclusion of local female labor participation rate, religiosity, and other county-level demographics as well as instrumental variable and propensity score matching models. We also find that female directors in firms located in high social capital counties are more likely to achieve a critical mass; attain membership of audit, compensation, and/or nomination committees; and serve as chair of audit and nomination committees than female directors in firms located in low social capital counties. A robustness check with an international sample reveals similar results. Theoretical/academic implications: We build on institutional theory to highlight that the informal institution of social capital, in the form of U.S. county-level civic norms and social networks, shapes gender composition of local firms' boards. We build institutional theory at two levels of the quest for "fit" to the environment: firms seeking "fit" by creating more leadership opportunities for women, and individuals pursuing "fit" by moving up in corporate careers. We outline theoretical mechanisms including underlying informal societal norms of greater trust, tolerance for gender equality, respect for civil liberties, cooperative and helpful behavior, transparency, external monitoring, and less discrimination and information asymmetry. Practitioner/policy implications: Our findings offer insights to policymakers and practitioners interested in how local social capital shapes firm and individual actions. Our policy-related findings suggest that communities with greater civic norms are characterized by greater individual commitment to and trust in communities, equality, helpful behavior, and external monitoring, and less cynicism, and this context enables women to reach corporations' highest echelons. To maximize career prospects, women can attain leadership and other skills through local societal associations and build and strengthen ties in counties with higher levels of social capital. Firms should actively support community associations and direct philanthropy towards building social fabric in local communities.

The need for a cleaner environment with less pollution is noticeable. Car brands are anticipating this development and are launching more electric vehicles on the market. This has a positive effect on the market share of electric vehicles, also in Portugal. While there are more electric vehicles visible on the streets, it is unknown if they will completely replace the diesel and gasoline driven vehicles in the future. Many people still see a lot of disadvantages towards electric vehicles. To lower the barriers of buying electric vehicles, governments and organizations are trying to invest in better charging infrastructures and policy incentives. Still, it is not known if these investments will count for a full electric future. The acceptance and awareness of these new vehicles are two factors in this matter that cannot be ignored. This research examines the level of acceptance of electric vehicles by consumers in Lisbon. In order to reach this, the consumer's awareness, perception and preferences towards electric vehicles have been studied. The charging infrastructure and policy incentives play a central role in this research. The research is supported by primary as well as secondary data but mainly depends on the primary data. This primary data collection is done by questionnaires that are answered by people living or working in Lisbon. The outcomes of these questionnaires in combination with the secondary data will provide a valuable perspective of the current situation and can potentially improve the environment of the electric vehicles and drivers in Lisbon. ; A necessidade de um ambiente mais limpo com menos poluição é notória. As marcas de automóveis estão a antecipar esse desenvolvimento e estão a lançar mais veículos elétricos no mercado. Isto tem um efeito positivo na quota de mercado dos veículos elétricos, também em Portugal. Embora existam mais veículos elétricos visíveis nas ruas, não se sabe se eles irão substituir completamente os veículos movidos a diesel e gasolina no futuro. Muitas pessoas ...

AbstractNational identity is widely used to explain anti‐immigrant attitudes and thus the appeal for right‐wing (populist) parties. Yet, consensus on how to capture national identity is lacking. This article identifies ideal‐typical patterns of national boundary making across 42 countries and more than 25 years beyond the ethnic–civic dichotomy and addresses the multidimensionality of national identity. Using latent class analysis and cluster analysis, four ideal‐typical conceptions of nationhood are identified and shown to be differently related to national attachment, national pride, and national chauvinism. Overall, the results close the methodological–empirical gap between classical approaches and recent inductive approaches to national identity and demonstrate that national identity is a cross‐cultural phenomenon with distinct types.

O artigo tem como objetivo analisar a relação entre a religiosidade e o funcionamento mental em idosos portugueses. Os instrumentos metodológicos utilizados foram: um questionário sociodemográfico, a Escala de Orientação Religiosa-R e o Mental Health Inventory (MHI-5). Os resultados da análise mostraram que, embora sem uma relação estatisticamente relevante entre religiosidade e funcionamento mental de uma forma geral, existem, no entanto, diferenças significativas entre a frequência de participação em celebrações religiosas e melhores níveis de funcionamento mental.

Tax authorities utilize a wide range of instruments to motivate honest taxpaying ranging from strict audits to fair procedures or personalized support, differing from country to country. However, little is known about how these different instruments and taxpayers' trust influence the generation of interaction climates between tax authorities and taxpayers, motivations to comply, and particularly, tax compliance. The present research examines the extended slippery slope framework (eSSF), which distinguishes tax authorities' instruments into different qualities of power of authority (coercive and legitimate) and trust in authorities (reason-based and implicit), to shed light on the effect of differences between power and trust. We test eSSF assumptions with survey data from taxpayers from three culturally different countries (N = 700) who also vary concerning their perceptions of power, trust, interaction climates, and tax motivations. Results support assumptions of the eSSF. Across all countries, the relation of coercive power and tax compliance was mediated by implicit trust. The connection from legitimate power to tax compliance is partially mediated by reason-based trust. The relationship between implicit trust and tax compliance is mediated by a confidence climate and committed cooperation. Theoretical and practical implications are discussed.

Die hier vorgestellte Untersuchung des Vermögens privater Haushalte als ein möglicher Indikator für den Wohlstand einer Gesellschaft hat für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland einen starken Anstieg der Vermögen seit 1970 aufgezeigt. Dies gilt sowohl für die makroökonomischen Resultate der Finanzierungsrechnung der Deutschen Bundesbank als auch für die mikroökonomischen Ergebnisse der Einkommens- und Verbrauchsstichproben des Statistischen Bundesamts. Allerdings werden auch wesentliche Unterschiede im Aussagegehalt der einzelnen Datensätze deutlich. Während die Finanzierungsrechnung eine Steigerung des Nettovermögens um 808 Prozent in 27 Jahren aufweist (von 1,3 Billionen DM im Jahr 1970 auf 12,1 Billionen DM im Jahr 1997) lautet der entsprechende Prozentwert auf der Berechnungsbasis der Einkommens- und Verbrauchsstichproben nur 280 Prozent in 25 Jahren bei einer wesentlich niedrigeren Gesamthöhe in späteren Untersuchungen (von 2,2 Billionen DM im Jahr 1973 auf nur 8,3 Billionen DM im Jahr 1998). Die Untersuchung der Daten der EVS hat aufgezeigt, welch große Bedeutung das Immobilienvermögen für die Vermögenssituation der privaten Haushalte hat. Allerdings ist es nicht so, dass alle Haushalte über Eigentum an Grund- und Hausbesitz verfügen. In Westdeutschland hat es zwar eine starke Steigerungen der Eigentümerquote seit 1961 gegeben. Seit 1993 ist jedoch eine Stagnation bei etwa 50 Prozent zu konstatieren. Die Analyse der Vermögensverteilung nur bezogen auf die westdeutschen Haushalte hat im Zeitraum von 1973 bis 1993 eine abnehmende Konzentration sowohl bei der Betrachtung der Anteile einzelner Haushaltsquintile am Nettogesamtvermögen als auch bei der Analyse des Gini-Koeffizienten ergeben. Allerdings hat sich dieser Trend in den Jahren bis 1998 nicht weiter fortgeführt. Für das Jahr 1998 ist in Westdeutschland feststellbar, dass die unteren 40 Prozent der Haushalte über praktisch kein Vermögen verfügen, während das oberste Quintil über 60 Prozent des Gesamtvermögens aufweisen kann. Für Ostdeutschland sind starke Anpassungstendenzen hin zu den Werten der westdeutschen Bundesländer festzustellen. Dies betrifft einerseits die absolute Höhe der Vermögenswerte, auch wenn diese bisher nur 38 Prozent des entsprechenden Wertes westdeutscher Haushalte bei einer Betrachtung der Durchschnittswerte je Haushalte im Jahr 1998 erreichen. Andererseits ist auch die Eigentümerquote an Haus- und Grundbesitz nach der Wiedervereinigung stark angestiegen. Durch dieses Immobilieneigentum auf breiterer Basis wird die Ungleichheit der Vermögensverteilung in Ostdeutschland im Zeitablauf etwas verringert, so dass der Gini-Koeffizient in den Jahren von 1993 zu 1998 leicht gesunken ist. Jedoch kann auch für die neuen Bundesländer festgestellt werden, dass die unteren 40 Prozent der Haushalte über praktisch kein Vermögen verfügen, während das oberste Quintil ostdeutscher Haushalte sogar über 70 Prozent des Gesamtvermögens aufweisen kann. Feststellbar ist weiterhin eine hohe Übereinstimmung der Vermögensverteilung in Ost- und Westdeutschland. Sowohl die Vermögensverteilung auf der Basis der Quintilswerte als auch die Resultate der Gini-Koeffizienten weisen ähnliche Ergebnisse auf, wobei eine starke Angleichungstendenz zwischen beiden Landesteilen gegeben ist. Diese Ähnlichkeit der Ergebnisse kann nur als erstaunlich bezeichnet werden, wenn man bedenkt, dass beide Landesteile für über 40 Jahre unterschiedlichen wirtschaftspolitischen Leitbildern gefolgt sind – die Bundesrepublik Deutschland der sozialen Marktwirtschaft und die Deutsche Demokratische Republik der sozialistischen Planwirtschaft. ; This investigation of the wealth of private households as a possible indicator for the prosperity of a society indicated a strong increase in wealth for the Federal Republic of Germany since 1970. This applies both to the macro-economic results of the financial accounting of the Deutsche Bundesbank and to the micro-economic results of the Income and Consumption Surveys of the Federal Statistical Office. However, substantial differences become clear in the content expressed by these two different sets of data. While the financial accounting of the Deutsche Bundesbank shows an increase of net assets of around 808 per cent over 27 years (from 1.3 trillion DM in the year 1970 to 12.1 trillion DM in 1997), calculations on the basis of the Income and Consumption Surveys yield a corresponding value of only 280 per cent in a 25-year period, with a substantially lower overall magnitude in later investigations (from 2.2 trillion DM in 1973 to only 8.3 trillion DM in 1998). Investigation of the EVS data pointed out the great importance of property for the wealth situation of private households. However, not every household has property in the form of housing and real estate. In West Germany, ownership rates have increased substantially since 1962. However, since 1993 these rates have stagnated at about 50 per cent. The analysis of the distribution of wealth for West German households yielded a decline in the concentration of wealth in the period from 1973 to 1993, both in terms of the shares of total wealth held by individual quintiles of households, and as expressed by the Gini coefficients. However, this trend did not continue in the years between 1993 and 1998. For the year 1998 it can be determined that the lowest 40 per cent of households in West Germany had practically no wealth, while the highest quintile claimed over 60 per cent of total assets. For East Germany, strong tendencies are established toward adapting to the values in the West German Länder. This concerns first the absolute level of net assets, even though in 1998 these amounted to just 38 per cent of the analogous value in West German households, in terms of the average value per household. Similarly, the ownership rates of housing and real estate also rose dramatically after reunification. The inequality of the distribution of wealth in East Germany was reduced somewhat by this broader basis of real-estate ownership over the course of time, such that the Gini coefficient decreased slightly in the period from 1993 to 1998. However, it is also true for the new Länder in the Federal Republic that the lowest 40 per cent of households have practically no wealth, while the highest quintile of East German households claim over 70 per cent of total assets, even higher than its share in West Germany. Furthermore, the distribution of wealth is remarkably congruous in East and West Germany. Both the distribution of wealth as expressed by the quintile values and the results of the Gini coefficients yield similar results, whereby the trend in both regions is toward convergence. The similarity of these results must be regarded as nothing less than amazing, considering that the two regions followed different economic models for over forty years: the social free-market economy (Soziale Marktwirtschaft) in the Federal Republic of Germany, and the socialist planned economy (Sozialistische Planwirtschaft) in the German Democratic Republic.

This investigation of the wealth of private households as a possible indicator for the prosperity of a society indicated a strong increase in wealth for the Federal Republic of Germany since 1970. This applies both to the macro-economic results of the financial accounting of the Deutsche Bundesbank and to the micro-economic results of the Income and Consumption Surveys of the Federal Statistical Office. However, substantial differences become clear in the content expressed by these two different sets of data. While the financial accounting of the Deutsche Bundesbank shows an increase of net assets of around 808 per cent over 27 years (from 1.3 trillion DM in the year 1970 to 12.1 trillion DM in 1997), calculations on the basis of the Income and Consumption Surveys yield a corresponding value of only 280 per cent in a 25-year period, with a substantially lower overall magnitude in later investigations (from 2.2 trillion DM in 1973 to only 8.3 trillion DM in 1998). Investigation of the EVS data pointed out the great importance of property for the wealth situation of private households. However, not every household has property in the form of housing and real estate. In West Germany, ownership rates have increased substantially since 1962. However, since 1993 these rates have stagnated at about 50 per cent. The analysis of the distribution of wealth for West German households yielded a decline in the concentration of wealth in the period from 1973 to 1993, both in terms of the shares of total wealth held by individual quintiles of households, and as expressed by the Gini coefficients. However, this trend did not continue in the years between 1993 and 1998. For the year 1998 it can be determined that the lowest 40 per cent of households in West Germany had practically no wealth, while the highest quintile claimed over 60 per cent of total assets. For East Germany, strong tendencies are established toward adapting to the values in the West German Länder. This concerns first the absolute level of net assets, even though in 1998 these amounted to just 38 per cent of the analogous value in West German households, in terms of the average value per household. Similarly, the ownership rates of housing and real estate also rose dramatically after reunification. The inequality of the distribution of wealth in East Germany was reduced somewhat by this broader basis of real-estate ownership over the course of time, such that the Gini coefficient decreased slightly in the period from 1993 to 1998. However, it is also true for the new Länder in the Federal Republic that the lowest 40 per cent of households have practically no wealth, while the highest quintile of East German households claim over 70 per cent of total assets, even higher than its share in West Germany. Furthermore, the distribution of wealth is remarkably congruous in East and West Germany. Both the distribution of wealth as expressed by the quintile values and the results of the Gini coefficients yield similar results, whereby the trend in both regions is toward convergence. The similarity of these results must be regarded as nothing less than amazing, considering that the two regions followed different economic models for over forty years: the social free-market economy (Soziale Marktwirtschaft) in the Federal Republic of Germany, and the socialist planned economy (Sozialistische Planwirtschaft) in the German Democratic Republic. ; Die Entwicklung des aggregierten Privatvermögens und seine Verteilung in Deutschland seit 1970 Die hier vorgestellte Untersuchung des Vermögens privater Haushalte als ein möglicher Indikator für den Wohlstand einer Gesellschaft hat für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland einen starken Anstieg der Vermögen seit 1970 aufgezeigt. Dies gilt sowohl für die makroökonomischen Resultate der Finanzierungsrechnung der Deutschen Bundesbank als auch für die mikroökonomischen Ergebnisse der Einkommens- und Verbrauchsstichproben des Statistischen Bundesamts. Allerdings werden auch wesentliche Unterschiede im Aussagegehalt der einzelnen Datensätze deutlich. Während die Finanzierungsrechnung eine Steigerung des Nettovermögens um 808 Prozent in 27 Jahren aufweist (von 1,3 Billionen DM im Jahr 1970 auf 12,1 Billionen DM im Jahr 1997) lautet der entsprechende Prozentwert auf der Berechnungsbasis der Einkommens- und Verbrauchsstichproben nur 280 Prozent in 25 Jahren bei einer wesentlich niedrigeren Gesamthöhe in späteren Untersuchungen (von 2,2 Billionen DM im Jahr 1973 auf nur 8,3 Billionen DM im Jahr 1998). Die Untersuchung der Daten der EVS hat aufgezeigt, welch große Bedeutung das Immobilienvermögen für die Vermögenssituation der privaten Haushalte hat. Allerdings ist es nicht so, dass alle Haushalte über Eigentum an Grund- und Hausbesitz verfügen. In Westdeutschland hat es zwar eine starke Steigerungen der Eigentümerquote seit 1961 gegeben. Seit 1993 ist jedoch eine Stagnation bei etwa 50 Prozent zu konstatieren. Die Analyse der Vermögensverteilung nur bezogen auf die westdeutschen Haushalte hat im Zeitraum von 1973 bis 1993 eine abnehmende Konzentration sowohl bei der Betrachtung der Anteile einzelner Haushaltsquintile am Nettogesamtvermögen als auch bei der Analyse des Gini-Koeffizienten ergeben. Allerdings hat sich dieser Trend in den Jahren bis 1998 nicht weiter fortgeführt. Für das Jahr 1998 ist in Westdeutschland feststellbar, dass die unteren 40 Prozent der Haushalte über praktisch kein Vermögen verfügen, während das oberste Quintil über 60 Prozent des Gesamtvermögens aufweisen kann. Für Ostdeutschland sind starke Anpassungstendenzen hin zu den Werten der westdeutschen Bundesländer festzustellen. Dies betrifft einerseits die absolute Höhe der Vermögenswerte, auch wenn diese bisher nur 38 Prozent des entsprechenden Wertes westdeutscher Haushalte bei einer Betrachtung der Durchschnittswerte je Haushalte im Jahr 1998 erreichen. Andererseits ist auch die Eigentümerquote an Haus- und Grundbesitz nach der Wiedervereinigung stark angestiegen. Durch dieses Immobilieneigentum auf breiterer Basis wird die Ungleichheit der Vermögensverteilung in Ostdeutschland im Zeitablauf etwas verringert, so dass der Gini-Koeffizient in den Jahren von 1993 zu 1998 leicht gesunken ist. Jedoch kann auch für die neuen Bundesländer festgestellt werden, dass die unteren 40 Prozent der Haushalte über praktisch kein Vermögen verfügen, während das oberste Quintil ostdeutscher Haushalte sogar über 70 Prozent des Gesamtvermögens aufweisen kann. Feststellbar ist weiterhin eine hohe Übereinstimmung der Vermögensverteilung in Ost- und Westdeutschland. Sowohl die Vermögensverteilung auf der Basis der Quintilswerte als auch die Resultate der Gini-Koeffizienten weisen ähnliche Ergebnisse auf, wobei eine starke Angleichungstendenz zwischen beiden Landesteilen gegeben ist. Diese Ähnlichkeit der Ergebnisse kann nur als erstaunlich bezeichnet werden, wenn man bedenkt, dass beide Landesteile für über 40 Jahre unterschiedlichen wirtschaftspolitischen Leitbildern gefolgt sind – die Bundesrepublik Deutschland der sozialen Marktwirtschaft und die Deutsche Demokratische Republik der sozialistischen Planwirtschaft.